Papers by zibani maundeni
Political Violence and State Culture in Nigeria
The African Review, Jul 22, 2022
The paper explores the link between pre-colonial state culture and political violence in Nigeria.... more The paper explores the link between pre-colonial state culture and political violence in Nigeria. Relying on secondary sources, the paper demonstrates that pre-colonial Nigerian groups instituted state cultures that were not only divergent, but also hostile and violent to each other. Accordingly, the paper argues that the roots of political violence in Nigeria stems from the violent pre-colonial and colonial state cultures that have endured up to the present period. It also argues that the tendency by post-colonial state elite to promote the continuity of pre-colonial and colonial state cultures that promoted division and violence is an important factor behind Nigeria’s present predicament. Consequently, the paper concludes that curtailing and preventing political violence would require a cultural re-orientation that promotes peaceful co-existence and the implementation of political arrangements that guarantee fairness and inclusivity to all groups in the country.
Elite conflict in Botswana: a history
Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, 2008
Explaining Tswana democracy in Botswana
Pula: Botswana Journal of African Studies, 2004
This research report is the culmination of a study undertaken by EISA focusing on the state of de... more This research report is the culmination of a study undertaken by EISA focusing on the state of democratic governance in the Southern African region. The programme, implemented under the generic theme 'Consolidating Democratic Governance in the SADC Region', has evolved over a four-year period spanning 2003-2006. The research aims to investigate the state of democracy and governance in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, posing a key question as to whether or not the region has undergone democratic transition and, if so, posing a related question as to whether or not the region is firmly set on the road to democratic consolidation. The four key variables for the assessment of the state of democratic governance in this study are: representation and accountability; citizen participation; local governance; and economic management and corporate governance. Thanks also go to EISA executive director Denis Kadima for his guidance throughout the programme implementation, as well as to Robyn Smith (field offices and programme support manager) for her splendid work in coordinating some of the programme activities, especially the mid-term review. In addition, I am most grateful for the work undertaken by my colleagues in the EISA Research Department who contributed enormously to the success of this programme: Patrick Masemola (research intern), Nkgakong Mokonyane (programme assistant), Sydney Letsholo (research assistant), Tebogo Sambo (library clerk), Beth Strachan (librarian), Dr Jackie Kalley (senior librarian), Victor Shale (researcher), Grant Masterson (researcher) and Bertha Chiroro (researcher). I would also like to thank Tim Hughes for the mutually beneficial collaboration between EISA and the South African Institute of International Affairs during programme implementation. This series of research reports is dedicated to three colleagues who passed away during the course of the programme, namely Dr Joshua Mzizi of the University of Swaziland, Professor Alfred Chanda of the University of Zambia and Nixon Khembo of the University of Malawi. These researchers played an important role in the evolution of this programme at various stages of its implementation -may their souls rest in peace.
This paper explores the idea that poor governance explains the rise of separatist nationalism in ... more This paper explores the idea that poor governance explains the rise of separatist nationalism in situations such as Zambia, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia (in Africa) that had previously been independently governed during the colonial times, but later joined other states at independence to enjoy normal politics, but later degenerated into violent separatist nationalism. Our argument is that centralisation of power in an environment in which cultural groups are calling for regional autonomy, for even development, and for the international community to intervene on the side of peace, create grounds that explain the rise of violent separatist movements. The Barotseland Protectorate negotiated for autonomous development and, after securing constitutional guarantees in its favour, voluntarily joined Zambia in what was expected to be a one nation, two states system. After four decades of resisting constitutional amendments in favour of the centralisation of power, the Barotse of Zambia abando...
The Open Political Science Journal, 2013
This article seeks to explain the pivotal role that Botswana played in the light of the Zimbabwe ... more This article seeks to explain the pivotal role that Botswana played in the light of the Zimbabwe political crisis after the 2008 election. It argues that Botswana was able to apply pivotal deterrence in Zimbabwe between the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) that claimed to have won the March 2008 presidential election and the Zim- babwe African National Union (ZANU PF) that claimed to have won the June 2008 presidential re-run election in which Robert Mugabe stood alone. This article deploys the theory of 'pivotal deterrence' to investigate the influence that Bot- swana had over the MDC and ZANU PF.
Botswana suffers from high inequalities and a high proportion of its population have incomes that... more Botswana suffers from high inequalities and a high proportion of its population have incomes that are inadequate to meet basic needs. The poverty datum line is calculated from government surveys on household income and expenditure. The challenge of this essay is to provide a political explanation to Botswana's socioeconomic inequalities. After reviewing the sociological approaches, the essay goes on to provide a political approach that places the ruling party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) mostly responsible for socio-economic inequalities in Botswana.
Botswana Still at Crossroads
Africa quarterly, 1996
State culture and development in Botswana and Zimbabwe
The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2002
This article makes two major claims. The first is that independent Botswana was able to generate ... more This article makes two major claims. The first is that independent Botswana was able to generate and sustain a type of developmental state because of the presence of an indigenous initiator state culture that was preserved by the Protectorate state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The second is that the non-emergence of the developmental state in post-colonial Zimbabwe is explained by the presence of a non-initiator indigenous state culture which was preserved by the Rhodesian colonial state and was inherited by the post-colonial state elites. The article briefly reviews the literature, analyses the Tswana and Shona pre-colonial state cultures, and shows that these were preserved by the colonial states and inherited by the nationalist politicians.
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 2017
This paper is on election observation and its political impact in the Southern African Developmen... more This paper is on election observation and its political impact in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. It seeks to make a connection between election observation, the importance of political reforms and the declining levels of electoral violence. It argues that extensive election observation and the elaborate reportage that it produces has the potential in the short term, to lead to extensive electoral reforms and in the long run to lower electoral violence in countries that experience it. It also argues that electoral violence is most likely when a long time ruling party faces electoral defeat and that during such times, it is most difficult for parties to agree on and implement electoral reforms and hence extensive election observation is most needed. Key words: Election observation, political impact, election observation, electoral reforms, electoral violence.
This paper is on the management of political parties. It uses Botswana as a case study to demonst... more This paper is on the management of political parties. It uses Botswana as a case study to demonstrate the utility of formal and informal arrangements. Its argument is that informal mechanisms work well when they supplement rather than replace or compete with formal arrangements. In this regard, the paper’s first argument is that the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has relied on both formal and informal mechanisms of conflict resolution, and has as a result enjoyed better organizational stability. It also argues that as for the opposition Botswana Peoples Party (BPP) and Botswana National Front (BNF) one has both weak formal and informal mechanisms, and the other has allowed formal and informal mechanisms to work against each other. In both opposition parties, informal mechanisms were not relied upon to resolve internal conflicts, exposing them to political instability.
State/civil society interaction in Botswana displays patterns characterised by mutual criticism i... more State/civil society interaction in Botswana displays patterns characterised by mutual criticism in each other's presence, the willingness of state officials to meet and exchange views with non-state leaders, and the media's role of reminding the contestants to meet and exchange views. The Botswana political culture compels/ constrains contestants to meet and exchange views rather than to disengage and resort to the trading of unpleasant remarks in the media and to industrial action on the street. The theoretical implication is that political culture vitally shapes state/civil society interaction and should not be ignored by researchers who seek to define/characterise strong/weak civil societies.
Journal of Social Science Studies, 2017
A people thought to be passive, weak and docile surprised many when they revolted against encroac... more A people thought to be passive, weak and docile surprised many when they revolted against encroaching authoritarianism in their country - Botswana. What started under Ian Khama as the most feared and potentially productive regime turned out to be the most opposed and most beleaguered. How did this reverse happen? Many authors (including Good, Taylor and others) mistakenly assumed that Botswana’s civil society was too weak and fearful, and that it would not stand up to any dictatorship. In contrast, Botswana towards the end of 2011 had reached a point at which civil society constantly challenged and clashed with government, resisting growing authoritarian tendencies. The political scenario of mid 2011 characterised by a long drawn public service strike was the clearest signal that the president was no longer feared. This paper focuses on Khama’s political reforms and the political resistance that accompanied them. It argues that Ian Khama introduced several reforms that met lots of r...
The Open Area Studies Journal, 2010
Did Southern African states have the developmental focus to make their countries rich? My hypothe... more Did Southern African states have the developmental focus to make their countries rich? My hypothesis is that a clear focus on making the country rich (with networked infrastructure, effective and functioning technology, functioning health and educational systems, high national income, diversified economy) would dictate that the priorities of the state be ordered in a certain way. My argument is that most Southern African states were historically not properly focused on making their countries rich. My other argument is that most of them are slowly shifting their focus towards making their countries rich.
The Botswana government proposed to the national Parliament the setting up of an enlarged intelli... more The Botswana government proposed to the national Parliament the setting up of an enlarged intelligence agency known as the Directorate of Intelligence and Security. It drafted and published in the Government Gazette, an Intelligence and Security Service Bill which was placed before Parliament which deferred and later approved it. However, its passing brought to the surface deep seated mistrust between Cabinet and the back bench. On the other hand and in line with the country's Vision 2016 roadmap, civil society organised debates in which academics, media practitioners and parliamentary backbenchers questioned the necessity of the reforms, the structure of the proposed agency and the timing of the bill. Taking Vision 2016 as a benchmark, this article critiques the Intelligence and Security Bill and provides insight that could help future reforms. Its main argument is that the proposed Intelligence and Security Services Bill and Law contradict Vision 2016 in many fundamental ways....
African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 2010
This article considers Lesotho’s political history and culture, a political history characterised... more This article considers Lesotho’s political history and culture, a political history characterised by rebellious chiefs who had rejected Christianity and who were heavily armed and fought numerous wars against their black and white neighbours. Its argument is that the state’s dysfunctionality in small Lesotho is a result of a political culture and history of armed resistance, producing rebellious political elites who feuded between themselves, against the colonial establishment and against the postcolonial government. It was also a political culture that rejected Christianity, accepted old leaders to die in office and encouraged factionalism. The political parties that emerged from such a political culture were traditionally oriented, radical, dominated by old leaders and were factionalised. Such a society was not easily open to renewal through fresh leaders and borrowed ideas. The article suggests that Lesotho need to come to terms with its political history and to come up with a cu...
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Papers by zibani maundeni