Papers by Scott Mainwaring
The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes, 2006
Latin American Research Review
The intransigent clinging to the presidential system does not grow out of lofty considerations; i... more The intransigent clinging to the presidential system does not grow out of lofty considerations; it is not the case that our politicians long for true republican practice. On the contrary, they are after irresponsibility in politics and in administration. .. If not in theory, at least in practice, presidentialism is usually an irresponsible system of government. Ruy Barbosa, Brazilian statesman One of the striking lacunae in the study of Latin American politics is the paucity of social science and historical analyses of presidentialism. Whether a regime is parliamentary or presidential has a major impact on significant aspects of political life: how executive power is formed, relationships between the legislative and the executive branches, relationships between the executive and the political parties, the nature of the political parties, what happens when the executive loses support, and arguably even prospects for stable democracy and patterns of domination. Presidents have received considerable attention in journalistic writings on Latin America, and presidentialism has been studied by jurists, but the subject has received scant attention from social scientists and historians. This neglect is somewhat surprising in view of commonplace observations on the importance of executive power in Latin America. It is partly explained, however, by the predominant trends in the field: from the early 1960s until the early 1980s, Latin American political institutions were not well studied. Renewed interest in political institutions has surfaced in this decade but has focused more on political parties than on *1 would like to thank
Latin American Research Review
This essay reviews the following works:Persuasive Peers: Social Communication and Voting in Latin... more This essay reviews the following works:Persuasive Peers: Social Communication and Voting in Latin America. By Andy Baker, Barry Ames, and Lúcio Rennó. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. xxiv + 369. $32.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780691205779.Lula and His Politics of Cunning: From Metalworker to President of Brazil. By John D. French. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2020. Pp. 520. $32.50 hardcover. ISBN: 9781469655765.Modern Brazil: A Social History. By Herbert S. Klein and Francisco Vidal Luna. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xv + 419. $36.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781108733298.State-Sponsored Activism: Bureaucrats and Social Movements in Democratic Brazil. By Jessica A. J. Rich. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. 256. $29.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781108456807.From Revolution to Power in Brazil: How Radical Leftists Embraced Capitalism and Struggled with Leadership. By Kenneth P. Serbin. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre D...
Democratization, 2018
We contribute to the extensive literature on international influences on democratization and demo... more We contribute to the extensive literature on international influences on democratization and democratic breakdowns by conceptualizing hegemonic mechanisms of regime change and assessing t hem empirically. Our findings are based on a multi-methods approach and highlight the varying importance of hegemonic influences in post-1945 Latin America. We argue that US support for democratization was consistent in the wave of t ransitions to democracy that began in Latin America in 1978 and that it was decisive in many of these transitions. While past work has attributed responsibility to t he US for the waves of democratic breakdowns from 1948 to 1956 and 1964 to 1976, an examination of the 27 breakdowns from 1945 to 2010 gives reason to doubt t his interpretation. Future research could use these conceptual and methodological tools to explore the role of ot her powers in waves of democracy and authoritarianism. KEYWORDS democracy; regime change; United States; hegemony; Latin America lntroduction This article adds to the extensive literature on international influences on political regimes by conceptualizing what we call "hegemonic mechanisms" and using qualitative and quantitative tools to look at how the US impacted democratic transitions and breakdowns in Latin America since the end of W orld War II. W e begin by taking stock of the literature on international effects on political regimes and by providing an empirical definition of our phenomenon of interest. Hegemonie mechanisms can be common in waves of regime change when the spatial reach of this regime change clusters within the hegemon's sphere of influence. Under such conditions, the hegemon can influence other countries' political regimes in many ways that range from direct military intervention to simply signalling potential support or even acquiescencing to authoritarian or democratic actors. Typically, however, hegemonic influence entails some agency on the ground through the application of economic or political tools to affect the balance of power between pro-regime groups and the opposition. Our framework suggests ways of inferring the presence of different hegemonic practices or mechanisms using a multi-method approach.
Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America. Edited by Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Soberg Shugart. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. 493p. $74.95, cloth, $29.95 paper. - Presidential Institutions and Democratic Politics: Comparing Regional and National Contexts. Edited by Kurt von ...
American Political Science Review, 2000
América Latina Hoy, 2019
We contribute to the extensive literature on international influences on democratization and demo... more We contribute to the extensive literature on international influences on democratization and democratic breakdowns by conceptualizing hegemonic mechanisms of regime change and assessing them empirically. Our findings are based on a multi-methods approach and highlight the varying importance of hegemonic influences in post-1945 Latin America. We argue that us support for democratization was consistent in the wave of transitions to democracy that began in Latin America in 1978 and that it was decisive in many of these transitions. While past work has attributed responsibility to the uS for the waves of democratic breakdowns from 1948 to 1956 and 1964 to 1976, an examination of the 27 breakdowns from 1945 to 2010 gives reason to doubt this interpretation. Future research could use these conceptual and methodological tools to explore the role of other powers in waves of democracy and authoritarianism.
Comparative Politics, 1997
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, a... more JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
American Political Science Review, 2000
This study explores households' dependency on environmental income for households that engage in ... more This study explores households' dependency on environmental income for households that engage in different livelihood strategies. This study also investigates the impact of environmental income on rural household poverty and inequality, and identifies factors that determine the choice of rural households' livelihood strategies in rural communities in Vietnam. A cluster analysis identifies five livelihood strategies: wage dependency; non-farm, non-wage dependency; mixed-income dependency; transfer dependency; and environment dependency. Households engaging in various livelihood strategies differ in their asset endowments. Households engaging in environmental dependency strategy are more likely to have abundant labour, land and physical capital. However, those following more remunerative livelihood strategies, such as mixedincome and non-farm, non-wage dependencies, are more likely to be endowed in financial and social assets. Environmental income accounts for 40.65% of total household income, of which 36.89% comes from agricultural activities and 3.77% comes from common property resources extraction. In addition, the study finds that environmentally dependent households are the most reliant on environmental resources in both relative and absolute terms. Environmental income provides 82.48% of total income to households in this strategy group, which is worth about 11.8 million VND per capita per year. This amount is significantly higher than that of the other strategy groups. The findings confirm the contribution of environmental income to income inequality and poverty reduction. In terms of income inequality, on average, the inclusion of environmental income reduces the Gini coefficient by more than 20%, from 0.598 to 0.475. With respect to rural poverty, environmental income reduces the poverty headcount index, poverty gap and poverty severity by 28.0%, 22.5% and 18.7%, respectively. This study also provides evidence that households' asset endowments and contextual factors have an important influence on the choice of household livelihood strategy. Family size, agricultural land iii owned, livestock herds, ownership of productive equipment and distance to all-weather roads all increase the likelihood that a household follows the environment dependency strategy. However, the educational level of the household head, social networks and credit loan accessibility has negative influences on the likelihood that a household is highly dependent on environmental resources. These characteristics constrain households from shifting to strategies that are more remunerative. Other variables also have mixed effects on the choice of household livelihood strategy. In terms of policy implications, the results of this study suggest that policies should focus on enhancing the productivity of agricultural land plots owned by households rather than increasing households' access to common property resources. In addition, effective pro-poor policies should be targeted towards assisting the poor to shift to higher-return activities, such as wage employment and/or non-wage, non-farm businesses by investing in diploma education in rural areas, improving the road infrastructure and relaxing credit constraints in rural areas.
Democracies and dictatorships in Latin America: Political actors, 1944-2010
Project Summary: The book for which this data collection was generated seeks to explain why democ... more Project Summary: The book for which this data collection was generated seeks to explain why democracies and authoritarian regimes have emerged and then survived or fallen in Latin America from 1945 to 2005. The more specific goal of the data collection is to assess the impact of normative orientations towards democracy and radical policy preferences on the likelihood of democratic transitions and democratic breakdowns. Most theories postulate that regimes survive or fall depending on the behavior of political actors. As the authors tested hypotheses based on competing theories, they became convinced that actors' normative preferences about democracy and dictatorship and their policy preferences were indeed crucial variables to understand why democracies and dictatorships emerge and then survive or break down. They found that normative regime preferences and radicalism, together with international conditions, are the most important predictors for democratic emergence and survival...
American Journal of Sociology, 1997
TADEUSZ MAZOWIECKI Chrześcijaństwo a prawa człowieka EUROPA DYSYDENTÓW LUDMIŁA ALEKSIEJEWA Ruch o... more TADEUSZ MAZOWIECKI Chrześcijaństwo a prawa człowieka EUROPA DYSYDENTÓW LUDMIŁA ALEKSIEJEWA Ruch obrony praw człowieka w ZSRR (II) ANDRZEJ KRAWCZYK Opozycja przeciw komunizmowi na Słowacji SYLWETKI PAWEŁ SOWIŃSKI Walczący z bezprawiem EX LIBRIS PAWEŁ MACHCEWICZ Stalinizm z lotu ptaka ANNA MACHCEWICZ Portret niedokończony ANDRZEJ KACZYŃSKI Bydgoszcz '81 TOMASZ WIŚCICKI Co wiemy o opozycji -a czego jeszcze nie MARCIN FRYBES Międzynarodowe kłopoty z Panną S ANNA MACHCEWICZ Polak o skośnych oczach NOTY O KSIĄŻKACH POLSKI ROK 1989 1. Ustrój komunistyczny załamał się w Polsce z wielu powodów. Od samego początku brakło mu demokratycznej legitymizacji. W odczuciu znacznej części społeczeństwa rządy komunistyczne zostały narzucone z zewnątrz. Polacy, z ich historyczną i kulturową tożsamością, poczuwali się do związków nie z imperium sowieckim, lecz z Zachodem. Komunistyczna ideologia położyła się cieniem na pewnym etapie polskiej historii. Jednak istniała w Polsce długa tradycja oporu przeciwko państwu postrzeganemu jako twór obcy, a kolejne ostre kryzysy systemowe (lata 1956, 1970, 1980-1981) osłabiały legitymizację komunistycznych rządów. Naprzeciw komunistycznej partii stał Kościół katolicki, od dziesięcioleci strzegący tradycyjnego systemu wartości przed niszczącym wpływem propagandy PZPR. Wybór Jana Pawła II w 1978 r. wzmocnił pozycję Kościoła, ale też siłę społeczeństwa, którego celem były demokracja i prawa człowieka. Ekipa Edwarda Gierka podjęła próbę modernizacji polskiej gospodarki, importując nowoczesne technologie i zaciągając zachodnie kredyty. Represje po protestach przeciwko zaplanowanym podwyżkom cen detalicznych dały w 1976 r. początek zrazu nielicznej, ale strategicznie ważnej opozycji, złożonej z intelektualistów i robotników, co było wydarzeniem bez precedensu w skali całego bloku wschodniego. Powstał zalążek społeczeństwa obywatelskiego dążącego do przywrócenia społeczeństwu dziedzin życia publicznego, takich jak kultura, które partia próbowała objąć monopolistyczną kontrolą.
© Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. Why do democracies survive or break down? In this paper, it... more © Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca. Why do democracies survive or break down? In this paper, it returns to this classic question with an empirical focus on Latin America from 1945 to 2005. The argument deviates from the quantitative literature and a good part of the qualitative literature on democratic survival and breakdown. It is argued that structural variables such as the level of development and inequalities have not shaped prospects for democratic survival in Latin America. Nor, contrary to findings in some of the literature, has economic performance affected the survival of competitive regimes. Instead, it is focused on the regional political environment and on actors’ normative preferences about democracy and dictatorship and their policy radicalism or moderation. It is argued that 1) a higher level of development did not increase the likelihood of democratic survival in Latin America over this long time; 2) if actors have a normative preference for democracy, it is more l...
Book Review:World Catholicism in Transition Thomas M. Gannon
The Journal of Religion, 1990
British Journal of Political Science, 2002
This paper examines social cleavages and the impact of political legacies in Chile's postauthorit... more This paper examines social cleavages and the impact of political legacies in Chile's postauthoritarian party system. In contrast to society-oriented approaches to party system formation, we argue that cleavage appearance in a party system depends on political agency, which can even (re)create social identities and social conflicts. The Chilean case illustrates this point; the structure of the party system is deeply influenced by distinctive political legacies of the authoritarian period. The cleavage between those who supported authoritarian rule and those who opposed it has powerfully shaped the party system during the new democratic period. In postauthoritarian Chile (1990-present), a societal approach does not adequately explain the formation of cleavages or the contours of the party system. A class cleavage has appeared between the governing coalition and the conservative opposition, but this cleavage is politically constructed and maintained. The Chilean case also shows that it is important to examine the ways in which political elites craft party systems from above during the transition period. Political agency from the supply side played a decisive role in emphasizing or diminishing some of the political and cultural conflicts existing after the authoritarian experience and, therefore, an essential role in party system formation in postauthoritarian Chile. This paper examines social cleavages and the impact of political legacies in Chile's postauthoritarian party system. We undertake this enterprise as a way of exploring how postauthoritarian party systems are structured. Because a party system is formed and/or reestablished when democracy is restored, new democracies provide an ideal context in which to discuss theoretically important aspects of cleavages and party system formation. According to the original formulation of the social cleavage theory of party systems, links between cleavages and party systems arose as a consequence of political mobilization and organization of sectors of society affected by four conflicts that emerged during the formation of the nation-state and the industrial revolution in Western Europe: center-periphery, religion, class, and rural-urban (Lipset and Rokkan 1967). These four conflicts do not necessarily find expression in the party system, but once a cleavage has made its political appearance, according to Lipset and Rokkan, it tends to remain stable over time even when the original conflict has subsided. This is the wellknown 'freezing hypothesis'. The theory produced by this seminal work has been a leading approach to the study of citizens' preference formation and the study of party systems in Western Europe. According to the dominant interpretation of Lipset and Rokkan, divisions rooted in society, such as class, religion, ethnicity, region, and urban/rural location, are the only driving forces behind the appearance of a cleavage
En este articulo ofrecemos una defensa de los estudios regionales en politica comparada. Se debat... more En este articulo ofrecemos una defensa de los estudios regionales en politica comparada. Se debaten dos problemas que requieren un foco detallado en regiones especificas: la heterogeneidad causal y las pautas de difusion intra-regionales. La primera seccion sostiene que las tres estrategias analiticas clasicas en politica comparada (estudios de caso, estudios comparativos y analisis cuantitativo) generalmente han fallado en conceptualizar la esfera regional de manera sistematica. En las secciones dos y tres ilustramos el problema de la heterogeneidad causal, mostrando que los efectos del ingreso per capita sobre la democracia han sido diferentes en America Latina y en otras regiones del mundo. Las secciones cuarta y quinta exploran la difusion intra-regional de los regimenes politicos. Demostramos que, al menos en America Latina, la difusion intra-regional ha sido mas fuerte que la difusion interregional. Las conclusiones enfatizan la necesidad de evitar generalizaciones simplistas ...
Teoria e institucionalização dos sistemas partidários após a terceira onda de democratização Resu... more Teoria e institucionalização dos sistemas partidários após a terceira onda de democratização Resumo Este artigo examina duas diferenças entre os sistemas partidários das democracias industriais avançadas e os de países menos desenvolvidos, particularmente em termos do nível de institucionalização. O argumento geral é que os sistemas partidários dos países menos desenvolvidos são menos institucionalizados. De modo mais específico, mostramos primeiro que a maioria das democracias e semi-democracias em países menos desenvolvidos têm uma volatilidade eleitoral muito mais alta e menos estabilidade eleitoral do que as democracias industriais avançadas. E, em segundo lugar, boa parte da literatura sobre partidos e sistemas partidários pressupõe o contexto de sistemas partidários institucionalizados com partidos fortemente enraizados na sociedade e supõe ainda que vínculos programáticos e ideológicos estão na raiz dos vínculos estáveis entre eleitores e partidos. Nos sistemas partidários da maioria das democracias e semi-democracias dos países menos desenvolvidos, os vínculos programáticos e ideológicos entre eleitores e partidos são mais fracos. Nessa mesma direção, os vínculos entre eleitores e candidatos são mais personalistas nas democracias e semidemocracias dos países menos desenvolvidos do que nas democracias industriais avançadas.
Regime Survival and Fall
Emergence, Survival, and Fall, 2013
The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes
The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes: An Overview Scott Mainwaring, Ana Maria Bej... more The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes: An Overview Scott Mainwaring, Ana Maria Bejarano, and Eduardo Pizarro Leongomez J. his book analyzes and explains the crisis of democratic representation in five Andean countries: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and ...
Government and Opposition
This essay reviews five important recent books on party system institutionalization, party collap... more This essay reviews five important recent books on party system institutionalization, party collapse and party building. The first section analyses broader lessons about party system institutionalization derived from these books. What have we learned about how party system institutionalization varies over time and space and about its causes? All five volumes underscore the difficulty of institutionalizing democratic party systems in contemporary Asia, Africa and Latin America. At the same time, they demonstrate that there have been some successful cases of party building and party system institutionalization. In all three regions, variance across countries is great. The three books on Latin America show that sharp conflict and programmatic differences are good for institutionalization, partially countering earlier arguments about the perils of polarization. Across regions, erstwhile authoritarian ruling parties have sometimes helped to forge institutionalized party systems under comp...
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Papers by Scott Mainwaring