American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 2019, 11(2): 143–175
https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20170411
Was the First Public Health Campaign Successful?†
By D. Mark Anderson, Kerwin Kofi Charles,
Claudio Las Heras Olivares, and Daniel I. Rees*
The US tuberculosis (TB) movement pioneered many of the strate-
gies of modern public health campaigns. Using newly transcribed
mortality data at the municipal level for the period 1900–1917, we
explore the effectiveness of public health measures championed by
the TB movement, including the establishment of sanatoriums and
open-air camps, prohibitions on public spitting and common cups,
and requirements that local health officials be notified about TB
cases. Our results suggest that these and other anti-TB measures can
explain, at most, only a small portion of the overall decline in pul-
monary TB mortality observed during the period under study. (JEL
H51, I12, I18, N31, N32)
I n 1900, 194 out of every 100,000 Americans died of tuberculosis (TB), making
it the second-leading cause of death, behind only pneumonia/influenza (Jones,
Podolsky, and Greene 2012). Although an effective treatment would not be intro-
duced until after World War II (Daniel 2006), the TB mortality rate fell dramatically
over the next three decades. By 1920, it had fallen to 113 per 100,000 persons; by
1930, it had fallen to 71 per 100,000 persons (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012).
How was TB vanquished, or at least controlled, in the United States and other
developed countries? Scholars have proposed several explanations, including bet-
ter living conditions, herd immunity due to natural selection, reduced virulence,
and improved nutrition (Smith 2003; Daniel 2006; Kunitz 2007, 96–197; Lönnroth
et al. 2009; and Mercer 2014, 127–29). The introduction of basic public health mea-
sures (e.g., isolating patients in sanatoriums and TB hospitals) is another potential
explanation (Wilson 1990, Fairchild and Oppenheimer 1998), but scholars have
* Anderson: Department of Agricultural Economics and Economics, Montana State University, P.O. Box
172920, Bozeman, MT 59717, IZA, and NBER (email:
[email protected]); Charles: Harris School
of Public Policy, University of Chicago, 1155 East 60th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, IZA, and NBER (email:
[email protected]); Olivares: Banco de Chile, Agustinas 975, Office 301, Santiago, Chile 8320203 (email:
[email protected]); Rees: Department of Economics, University of Colorado Denver, Campus Box 181,
Denver, CO 80217, and IZA (email:
[email protected]). Ilyana Kuziemko was coeditor for this article.
We thank Briggs Depew, Dan Kreisman, Riley Shearer, Werner Troesken, and seminar participants at Georgia
State University, Georgia Tech, Northwestern University, the University of Connecticut, the University of Montana,
and the 2016 Southern Economic Association Annual Meeting for their comments and suggestions. We also thank
Michael McKelligott for outstanding research assistance. Partial support for this research came from a Eunice
Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development research infrastructure grant, R24
HD042828, and the Center for Studies in Demography and Ecology at the University of Washington.
†
Go to https://doi.org/10.1257/app.20170411 to visit the article page for additional materials and author
disclosure statement(s) or to comment in the online discussion forum.
143
144 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
questioned whether such measures contributed meaningfully to the decline in TB
mortality (McKeown 1976, Coker 2003, and Daniel 2006).1
Drawing on newly transcribed data from a variety of primary sources, the current
study explores whether the TB movement contributed to the decline in TB mortality
in the United States. The movement began with the establishment of the Pennsylvania
Society for the Prevention of Tuberculosis in 1892 and gained momentum when the
National Association for the Study and Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT) was
founded in 1904 (Shryock 1957, 52; Teller 1988, 30). Spearheaded by voluntary
associations and supported by the sale of Christmas Seals, the US TB movement
pioneered many of the strategies of modern public health campaigns (Teller 1988,
1, 121–26; Jones and Greene 2013; and Rosen 1993, 226–31).
Between 1900 and 1917, hundreds of state and local TB associations sprung up
across the United States (NASPT 1916, Knopf 1922). These associations distributed
educational materials and provided financial support to sanatoriums and TB hospi-
tals, where patients with active TB were isolated from the general population and,
if lucky, could recover. In addition, these associations advocated, often successfully,
for the passage of legislation designed to curb the transmission of TB, including
bans on public spitting and requirements that doctors notify local public health offi-
cials about active TB cases.
Although remarkable in its scope and intensity, the effectiveness of the US
TB movement has, to date, not been studied in a systematic fashion.2 Using
municipal-level data for the period 1900–1917 from Mortality Statistics, which was
published on an annual basis by the US Census Bureau, we estimate the relationship
between pulmonary TB mortality and the introduction of public health measures
designed to curb the spread of the disease. Our estimates, which control flexibly
for common shocks and municipal-level heterogeneity, suggest that most anti-TB
measures had no discernable impact on pulmonary TB mortality. Two exceptions
stand out: there is evidence, albeit tentative, that requiring TB cases to be reported
to local health officials led to a modest reduction in pulmonary TB mortality; like-
wise, the opening of a state-run sanatorium is associated with a modest reduction in
pulmonary TB mortality. However, these two measures can explain, at most, only
a small portion of the overall decline in pulmonary TB mortality during the period
1900–1917.
1
See also Tomes (1989), Bates (1989, 1992), Vynnycky and Fine (1999), and Wilson (2005). Bates (1989,
349) writes that, “in the absence of controlled studies,” we may never know “whether or to what degree the tuber-
culosis movement contributed to the declining death rate in the United States or improved the health of tuberculosis
patients.” Tomes (1989, 477), although also skeptical, argues that “[h]istorians may fairly question the wisdom of
spending money on sanatoria instead of on housing subsidies, but they cannot conclusively prove that the tubercu-
losis movement as a whole played no role in the ‘retreat’ of the disease.”
2
While we are the first to systematically investigate the effectiveness of the US TB movement, two recent
working papers provide estimates of the effects of particular anti-TB measures implemented before an effective
treatment was available. Hollingsworth (2014) examines the relationship between sanatoriums and pulmonary TB
mortality using data from North Carolina for the period 1932–1940. He finds that an additional sanatorium bed
reduced the pulmonary TB mortality rate among whites by 0.695 per 100,000 population, but had no effect on the
TB mortality rate among blacks. Using municipal-level data from Denmark for the period 1890–1939, Hansen,
Jensen, and Madsen (2017) finds evidence to suggest that the opening of TB dispensaries reduced the TB mortality
rate. TB dispensaries and their activities in the United States are discussed below.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 145
I. Background
Today, cancer and coronary heart disease are the leading causes of death in
the United States (National Center for Health Statistics 2016), but, at the turn of
the twentieth century, most Americans did not expect to die from these so-called
“modern diseases”; influenza, pneumonia, tuberculosis, and gastrointestinal infec-
tions took a far greater toll (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012). The United States
experienced a rapid decline in mortality from infectious diseases during the early
1900s (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012). By 1930, coronary heart disease had
become the leading cause of death (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012), and by
1948, Secretary of State George Marshall could declare with confidence that the
conquest of all infectious diseases was imminent (Garrett 1994, 30).
In an oft-cited review, Cutler, Deaton, and Lleras-Muney (2006) attributes the
unprecedented decline in infectious disease mortality in the United States and other
Western countries to basic public health measures, including the building of sewage
systems, the delivery of clean water, and educational campaigns designed to promote
better hygiene. The evidence that sewers and clean water contributed to declines in
mortality from diarrhea, dysentery, enteritis, typhoid, and other waterborne diseases
is quite strong (Troesken 2001, Cutler and Miller 2005, Ferrie and Troesken 2008,
Alsan and Goldin 2015, and Beach et al. 2016).3 However, several prominent schol-
ars have suggested that public health measures did not contribute meaningfully to the
decline in TB mortality (McKeown 1976, Coker 2003, and Daniel 2006). Indeed,
there is no particularly convincing evidence that public health measures contributed
to the decline in mortality from other important airborne diseases such as influenza,
scarlet fever, and whooping cough (Condran and Crimmins-Gardner 1978, Condran
and Cheney 1982, Swedlund and Donta 2002, and Bootsma and Ferguson 2007).
Gaining a better understanding of the factors that contributed to the control of
infectious diseases in the United States could help in the design and implemen-
tation of future public health interventions in the developing world where TB
remains widespread (World Health Organization 2015, Houben and Dodds 2016).
Although most TB infections can be successfully treated with antimicrobial drugs,
the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that 3.9 percent of new TB
cases are multidrug-resistant (WHO 2016, 38). The recommended treatment for
drug-susceptible TB lasts 6 months, but treatment for multidrug-resistant TB takes
9–12 months, requires more toxic drugs, and has a much lower success rate (WHO
2016, 4).4 With multidrug-resistant TB infections on the rise (Lange et al. 2014),
some experts have suggested that it may be “time to bring back sanatoria” (Dheda
and Migliori 2012, 773). At a minimum, assessing the effectiveness of basic public
health measures, many of which were pioneered by the US TB movement, has taken
on a new urgency.
3
Relatedly, Clay, Troesken, and Haines (2014) finds that waterborne lead exposure was associated with higher
rates of infant mortality at the turn of the twentieth century.
4
Multidrug-resistant TB is caused by the bacteria adapting to isoniazid and rifampicin, the two most potent
anti-TB drugs, making them ineffective (Lange et al. 2014).
146 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
A Brief Introduction to Tuberculosis.—TB can affect bones, the central ner-
vous system, and other organ systems, but it is primarily a pulmonary disease. In
1882, Robert Koch demonstrated that TB is caused by Mycobacterium tuberculo-
sis, which can be spread through coughing, sneezing, or spitting, although many
turn-of-the-century doctors in the United States still believed that TB was inher-
ited (Teller 1988, 23).5 During the period under study, TB was often referred to as
“consumption” and its sufferers were referred to as “consumptives” (Bynum 2012),
reflecting the gradual weight loss caused by the disease.
Most Mycobacterium tuberculosis infections are asymptomatic and cannot be
spread (CDC 2013, 28). However, between 5 and 15 percent of infections develop
into active TB (WHO 2016, 125), typically within the first two years of initial
transmission (Sia and Wieland 2011, 352).6 Without treatment, 70 percent of those
with active TB eventually succumb to the disease (Tiemersma et al. 2011), passing
along their infection 10–15 times per year in the absence of effective control mea-
sures (Styblo 1985; van Leth, van der Werf, and Borgdorff 2008; and WHO 2017).7
Symptoms include a chronic cough, chest pains, fatigue, fevers, night sweats, and
weight loss (Lawn and Zumla 2011, 65).
At the turn of the twentieth century, TB was the second-leading cause of death in
the United States (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012).8 It was greatly feared, in part
because it often affected healthy men and women in the prime of life (Donald 2015,
Tomes 2000). Incident rates were highest in the rapidly growing urban areas of the
United States, where people lived and worked in close proximity to one another. In
rural areas of the United States, the TB mortality rate was roughly half that of large
cities such as Boston, New Orleans, New York, San Francisco, and Washington,
DC.9 An effective treatment would not be introduced until after World War II
(Daniel 2006), yet the TB mortality rate fell by more than 60 percent from 1900
to 1930 (Jones, Podolsky, and Greene 2012).10 Many, if not most, contemporary
observers credited the TB movement for this dramatic reduction in TB mortality
(Emerson 1922; Bates 1992, 317–18).
5
See Lawn and Zumla (2011) for more about the history and microbiology of Mycobacterium tuberculosis.
6
Approximately half of TB infections that become active do so within the first two years (Sia and Wieland
2011, 352).
7
Thompson (1943) examined 406 TB patients diagnosed between 1928 and 1938. One year after their diag-
nosis, 40 percent had died; two years after diagnosis, almost 60 percent had died. In a review of studies from the
pre-chemotherapy era, Tiemersma et al. (2011) concluded that the time from onset to either cure or death for active
TB was, on average, three years. Approximately one-fourth of active TB cases will naturally transition to latency
within five years (Grzybowski and Enarson 1978).
8
TB has a long and reasonably well-documented history. Lesions and other tubercular deformities have been
found on the mummified remains of ancient Egyptians, and classical Greek and Roman doctors recognized its
symptoms (Daniel 2000, 29; Daniel 2006, 1863; and Smith 2003, 465). In Homer’s Odyssey, the poet referenced
a “grievous consumption,” which took the soul from one’s body (Bynum 2012, 13). TB mortality rates in Europe
soared with the growth of urban centers such as London and Paris, and peaked in the first half of the nineteenth
century (Dubos and Dubos 1952; Smith 2003, 465).
9
See the US Bureau of the Census (1908, 66) for TB mortality rates in cities with a population of greater than
100,000 and in the rural areas of registration states.
10
The first vaccine, BCG, was introduced in 1921 (Lawn and Zumla 2011, 67). Although vaccination cam-
paigns were undertaken in Europe, no such campaign was launched in the United States (Cutler, Deaton, and
Lleras-Muney 2006, 103). Today, despite widespread use of the BCG vaccine, TB is still one of the leading causes
of mortality in developing nations, with 1.4 million people succumbing to it every year (WHO 2016). It is estimated
that approximately one-fourth of the world’s population has a latent TB infection (Houben and Dodd 2016).
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 147
II. The Tuberculosis Movement
The TB movement was, in many respects, the first modern public health cam-
paign. Dedicated to eradicating a specific disease, it was spearheaded by voluntary
groups, involved laypersons and medical professionals, and, beginning in 1908, was
almost entirely funded by the sale of Christmas Seals (Knopf 1922, 55–66; Shryock
1957, 55–57; and Rosen 2015, 226–31).11 By harnessing the enthusiasm of lay-
persons, and coupling this enthusiasm with the knowledge and guidance of profes-
sionals, the TB movement inspired and directly shaped subsequent public health
campaigns in the United States and around the world (Jacobs 1921; Shryock 1957,
55–56 and 179–82; and Rosen 2015, 226–31).
Between 1900 and 1917, hundreds of state and local TB associations were estab-
lished across the United States (Jacobs 1911, NASPT 1916, 1919). By 1917, the
last year for which we have data, the NASPT was raising well over a million dollars
per year through the sale of Christmas Seals, and every state had its own association
(Knopf 1922). TB associations sponsored lectures, mounted exhibits, distributed
press releases, and gave out circulars emphasizing the importance of germ aware-
ness and proper hygiene (Teller 1988, 59–61). Men were urged to shave their beards
and carry pocket spittoons, women were urged to stop wearing trailing dresses, and
children were taught to play outdoors, keep their face, hands, and fingernails clean,
and cover their coughs and sneezes.12
The goals and aspirations of TB associations went well beyond educating the
public. TB associations provided financial support to sanatoriums, TB hospitals,
open-air camps, and dispensaries. They also advocated for the passage of legislation
designed to curb the spread of TB and worked closely with local and state health
officials, who adopted and distributed their educational materials.13 Below, we
describe the history and functions of sanatoriums, TB hospitals, open-air camps, and
11
Emily P. Bissells sold the first Christmas Seals in 1907, raising $3,000 for a small sanatorium located near
Wilmington, Delaware (Knopf 1922, 55; Zunz 2011). The next year, with the help of the American Red Cross, a
total of $135,000 was raised through the sale of Christmas Seals. In addition to selling Christmas Seals, the NASPT
was supported through membership dues, donations, and the sale of supplies (Knopf 1922, 52). Even today, the
American Lung Association’s mission is largely funded by the sale of Christmas Seals (see www.christmasseals.org).
12
For a historical perspective on the hygiene practices promoted by tuberculosis associations, see Tomes (1999,
13–134) and Tomes (2000). An exhaustive list of contemporary hygiene-related admonitions is provided by Knopf
(1901). For instance, Knopf (1901, 21–22) wrote:
In factories, stores, railway cars, waiting-rooms … , menageries—in short wherever
many people congregate—there should be a sufficient number of cuspidors well kept
and regularly cleaned. They should be made of unbreakable material and have wide
openings. If such measures are carried out, there will be no excuse for any one to
expectorate on the floor and thus endanger the lives of his fellow-men.
Knopf (1901) also urged children “to always play outdoors unless the weather is too stormy” (72), and advised
them to “learn to love fresh air,” not to “kiss any one on the mouth,” and not to “put pencils in your mouth or wet
them with your lips” (71).
13
Teller (1988, 46) wrote that “cooperation between public health officials and the voluntary associations was
very common,” but noted that “some officials resented the interference of the tuberculosis associations or thought
their enthusiasm was misplaced.”
148 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
dispensaries. After describing these institutions, we briefly summarize the anti-TB
legislation passed during the period under study.14
Sanatoriums.—The first sanatoriums in the United States were established at the
end of the nineteenth century (Knopf 1922, 10). Often located in rural areas or the
mountains, they provided a place for TB patients to rest, breathe fresh air, and eat
nutritious food. Although TB patients admitted to sanatoriums had similar recovery
rates as compared to those who went untreated (Bignall 1977; Teller 1988, 89–90;
and Daniel 2006), medical professionals at the turn of the twentieth century, includ-
ing the leaders of the TB movement, were convinced that sanatoriums could cure
pulmonary TB (Wethered 1906, Knopf 1908). In addition to offering the promise
of a cure, sanatoriums isolated TB patients from the community at large and taught
them how to avoid infecting their family, friends, and coworkers.
In 1900, there were only 34 sanatoriums operating in the United States, with a
total capacity of roughly 4,500 beds (Rothman 1995, 198). After the NASPT began
selling Christmas Seals, additional funds became available and the number of san-
atoriums grew rapidly. By 1917, there were well over 200 sanatoriums in opera-
tion with a total capacity of more than 19,000 beds (NASPT 1916 and Teller 1988,
82). Some sanatoriums catered to the rich, offering excellent food and a spa-like
atmosphere (Bates 1992, 195; Rappold 2007), while conditions at publicly funded
sanatoriums could be quite primitive with patients living in tents or lean-tos on the
outskirts of urban areas. Several publicly funded sanatoriums required patients to
perform manual labor as a means of controlling costs.15
TB Hospitals.—By 1908, a number of prominent public health experts had come
to the conclusion that sanatoriums were inadequate to the task at hand (Bloede 1908,
Brown 1909, and Newsholme 1908). TB patients were observed to recover when
provided with nutritious food and an opportunity to rest, only to relapse upon dis-
charge. More resources, they argued, should be devoted toward isolating the most
infections patients—those with advanced pulmonary TB (Bloede 1908, Brown
1909, Newsholme 1908, Hutchinson 1911, and Flick 1913). Although a handful of
hospitals specialized in caring for these patients, beds were in short supply and con-
ditions were generally abysmal (Waters 1912; Teller 1988, 92; and Abel 2007, 42).
Working together, local TB associations and municipal governments opened more
facilities; by 1917, there were roughly 150 TB hospitals operating in the United
States (NASPT 1916; Knopf 1922; and Teller 1988, 92).16
Open-Air Camps.—Open-air camps (also referred to as day camps), were seen
as a low-cost alternative to sanatoriums for ambulatory TB patients (Robbins 1906,
Townsend 1909). During the day, patients received care and were taught how to
14
Knopf (1922), Shryock (1957), and Teller (1988) provide detailed histories of the TB movement.
15
See Klebs (1909), Bignall (1977), Feldberg (1995, pp. 93–94), Rothman (1995, pp. 207–210), Abel (2007,
43), and Rappold (2007) for more details on the conditions in sanatoriums. Online Appendix Figure A1 shows the
sanatoriums that contributed identifying variation to our analysis in 1905, 1910, and 1917.
16
This count includes both hospitals specializing in the care of TB patients and general hospitals with wards set
aside specifically for TB patients.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 149
avoid infecting their family, friends, and coworkers. At night, they returned home
“to practice the lessons learned” (Townsend 1909, 755). The first open-air camp
in the United States was established by the Boston Association for the Relief and
Control of Tuberculosis in 1905 (Robbins 1906). A decade later, more than 60
open-air camps were operating across the country (NASPT 1916).
Dispensaries.—TB dispensaries functioned as diagnostic units, disseminated
educational materials to the public, and served as “clearing houses,” sending patients
to physicians, sanatoriums, or TB hospitals for treatment (Knopf 1911, 112; Bynum
2012).17 Dispensaries also provided medicines such as cod liver oil or opiate-based
cough mixtures (Bynum 2012, Fraser and Clark 1912), which offered temporary
relief but could not cure TB. Using municipal-level data from Denmark, Hansen,
Jensen, and Madsen (2017) finds that the opening of a TB dispensary was associ-
ated with a 16 percent reduction in the TB mortality rate, an effect they attributed
to dispensaries “facilitating a local diffusion of (hygiene) knowledge about the dis-
ease.”18 The first TB dispensary in the United States was established in 1891 by
Philadelphia’s Rush Hospital for Consumption and Allied Diseases; by 1917, there
were hundreds of dispensaries in operation across the country (NASPT 1919).
Reporting Requirements.—Tuberculosis associations advocated forcefully, and
often successfully, for the passage of laws designed to prevent the spread of the
disease. In particular, laws requiring the reporting of active TB cases to local health
officials were a key feature of the campaign (Knopf 1922, 149; Teller 1988, 22;
amd Rothman 1995, 187). At the turn of the twentieth century, it was common for
physicians to conceal a TB diagnosis from their patients (Ambler 1903, Cabot 1909,
and Girdwood 1910). Physicians feared that their patients, upon being told that they
had an incurable disease, would seek a second opinion or remove themselves to a
sanatorium (Fox 1975). By obligating physicians to notify local health officials of
active TB cases, reporting requirements were designed to put an end to this prac-
tice and facilitate the monitoring and education of TB patients. During the period
under study, 27 states and over 100 municipalities adopted reporting requirements
(Jacobs 1911, NASPT 1916).19 Today, notification policies and practices are well
established in developed, Western countries, yet under-notification remains a prob-
lem in the developing world (Uplekar et al. 2016).20
17
Dispensary staff made home visits to educate TB patients on disposing of their sputum, using separate uten-
sils, and cleaning their home and laundry (Bynum 2012).
18
Hansen, Jensen, and Madsen (2017) also finds that the opening of a sanatorium was associated with a (statis-
tically insignificant) increase in the local TB mortality rate, but noted that, because Denmark is not a large country,
TB patients “had the liberty of choosing the sanatorium across the country that they liked the most.” By contrast,
going to an out-of-state sanatorium was too expensive for all but the wealthiest TB patients in the United States
(Rothman 1995, 207–10).
19
Online Appendix Figure A2 shows the municipal reporting ordinances that contributed identifying variation
to our analysis in 1905, 1910, and 1917.
20
The World Health Organization’s End TB Strategy specifically highlights mandatory TB case notification as
integral to ending the TB epidemic by 2030 (Uplekar et al. 2016).
150 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Disinfection Laws.—Between 1900 and 1917, 15 states and over 150 munic-
ipalities adopted disinfection requirements (NASPT 1916). When a living space
was left vacant by the death or removal of a TB patient, the attending physician
was expected to notify public health officials so that it could be disinfected. Health
officers directed the disinfection and, when deemed necessary, the renovation of the
premises.21
Spitting Bans.—Chewing tobacco was popular at the turn of the twentieth cen-
tury, and spittoons could be found in offices, hotels, and public buildings. Despite
the availability of spittoons, contemporary accounts describe sidewalks and even
the floors of street cars as covered in spittle (O’Conner 2015). The first anti-spit-
ting ordinances were adopted before the founding of the NASPT. For instance,
Chicago, Illinois, and New Haven, Connecticut, prohibited public spitting in 1901;
Youngstown, Ohio, and several other cities followed suit in 1902 (online Appendix
Table A1). Anti-spitting ordinances gained popularity during the period under study
and by 1917, over 150 municipalities across the United States had banned spitting in
public (NASPT 1916). There is anecdotal evidence, however, that these bans were
not particularly well enforced. Despite fines as high as $25 dollars per offense, few
people were actually arrested for spitting in public (Newton 1910).22
Common Drinking Cup Bans.—Common drinking cups, which were located in
schools, trains, and next to municipal water pumps, were viewed as yet another
important source of TB infection (Sedgwick 1902, Tomes 1999, and Sattar 2016).
By 1917, 17 states and more than 150 municipalities had banned the use of the
common cup (Jacobs 1911, NASPT 1916). Working with local governments, tuber-
culosis associations made drinking fountains available in schools and other public
buildings, but common cups continued to be popular, especially in small towns and
rural areas (Nydegger 1919, Boudreau 1920, Gladden 1921, and McGuire 2012).23
III. Mortality Data and Empirical Framework
Municipal-level mortality data come from Mortality Statistics, published annually
by the US Census Bureau. The inaugural issue of Mortality Statistics was published
in 1900 and contained mortality counts by cause for over 300 municipalities.24 By
1917, mortality counts for over 500 municipalities were available. We focus on the
21
Knopf (1901, 22–23) provided step-by-step instructions on the “disinfection of the sick-room.” See Vallejo,
California (1913) and Colorado (1914) for examples of disinfection laws.
22
Enforcement appears to have been stricter in New York City where, according to Newton (1910), health offi-
cers had made 2,513 arrests for violations of the anti-spitting ordinance passed in 1896. Although anti-spitting laws
are still on the books, enforcement appears to be extremely lax (York 2003, Williams 2015).
23
Along with drinking fountains, dispensable cups (e.g., the Dixie Cup) eventually replaced the common cup
entirely (Lee 2007).
24
Cause of death was obtained from the death certificate and coded using the International Classification of
Diseases. When more than one medical condition was listed on the death certificate, cause of death was based on
a standardized algorithm (Armstrong, Conn, and Pinner 1999). There is evidence that deaths from TB were, with
some frequency, attributed to bronchitis, malaria, and/or pneumonia (Cabot 1900, 27; Cabot 1912), an issue we
address below.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 151
180
100,000 population
Mortality rate per 160
140
120
1900 1905 1910 1915
Figure 1. Pulmonary TB Mortality Rates, 1900–1917
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
period 1900–1917 in an effort to avoid potential confounding from the effects of the
1918 influenza epidemic.
In Figure 1, we report the pulmonary TB mortality rate per 100,000 population
for the 548 municipalities in our sample by year.25 The pulmonary TB mortality
rate was 173 per 100,000 population in 1900.26 From 1900 to 1917, it fell by nearly
28 percent, to 125. We begin our exploration of whether the anti-TB measures
described in the previous section contributed to this dramatic reduction in the pul-
monary TB mortality rate by estimating the following baseline regression:
(1) ln(Pulmonary TB Mortalitym
t)
= β0 + Zm
tβ1 + Xm
tβ2 + vm
+ wt + Θm
· t + εm
t,
where m indexes municipalities and t indexes years. Our interest is in the variables
that compose the vector Zmt, which were constructed using information available in
NASPT (1916, 1919) and Jacobs (1911). Specifically, the vector Zmt includes sepa-
rate indicators for whether municipality m was served by a sanatorium, a TB hospi-
tal, or an open-air camp in year t.27 Sanatoriums, TB hospitals, and open-air camps
could have affected TB mortality by isolating patients from the general population
or by modifying their behavior upon discharge, both of which can be thought of as
reducing the transmission coefficient in the Standard Inflammatory Response (SIR)
model of disease diffusion.28
25
On average, each municipality contributed 13.6 observations to the analysis.
26
By comparison, the US mortality rate from all forms of TB was 222 per 100,000 population (US Bureau of
the Census 1908, 66).
27
Online Appendix Table A1 details when the first sanatorium, TB hospital, and open-air camp opened in each
of the municipalities in our sample. Note that online Appendix Table A1 lists only municipalities for which we have
TB mortality data both before and after the particular anti-TB measure was established.
28
The SIR model was developed by Kermack and McKendrick (1927, 1932, 1933). See Blower et al. (1995);
Porco and Blower (1998); Hollingsworth (2014); and Hansen, Jensen, and Madsen (2017) for examples of the
SIR model adapted to TB, where the transmission coefficient, β, is equal to the probability that an individual with
active TB will transmit his or her infection. It is also possible that sanatoriums reduced the TB mortality rate by
152 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
The vector of controls, Xmt , consists of municipality characteristics from the 1900,
1910, and 1920 censuses (and linearly imputed for intercensal years). It includes the
fraction of the population that was female, black, foreign-born, younger than 18,
and literate. In online Appendix Table A2, we explore whether these municipal-level
characteristics predicted the adoption of anti-TB measures.29
The terms vm and wtrepresent municipality and year fixed effects, respectively.
The municipality fixed effects control for municipal-level determinants of pulmo-
nary TB mortality that were constant over time. The year fixed effects control for
common shocks to pulmonary TB mortality. It is worth emphasizing that efforts to
educate the public about TB and encourage good hygiene were undertaken entirely
at the local (i.e., municipal) level until 1908, when the NASPT established a press
service that released bulletins to newspapers and wire services (Teller 1988, 59).30
Although there were no national newspapers or commercial radio broadcasts during
the period under study, magazines with wide readership such as Good Housekeeping,
Ladies Home Journal, and Popular Science Monthly ran stories promoting
antiseptic-consciousness (McClary 1980; Tomes 2000, 2002). Any effect these pub-
lications might have had on TB mortality is captured by the year fixed effects. In
addition to the municipality and year fixed effects, we include municipality-specific
linear time trends (Θm · t) to account for the possibility that pulmonary TB mortal-
ity rates evolved at different rates in municipalities that adopted anti-TB measures
versus those that did not. All regressions are weighted by municipality population
and standard errors are corrected for clustering at the state level (Bertrand, Duflo,
and Mullainathan 2004).31
After estimating the baseline regression described above, we augment the vec-
tor Zm
twith other anti-TB measures, all of which can be thought of as reducing
the transmission coefficient in the SIR model. First, we include separate indicators
for whether municipality m required the reporting of TB cases and whether it was
located in a state that required the reporting of TB cases.32 Next, we include sep-
arate indicators for whether municipality m required the disinfection of premises
vacated by TB patients, whether it was located in a state that required disinfec-
tion, whether it prohibited spitting in public, whether it prohibited common drink-
ing cups, and whether it was located in a state with a common cup ban. Finally,
p roviding patients with an opportunity to rest and eat nutritious foods, which could have increased the natural cure
rate (Hollingsworth 2014). However, as noted in the previous section, TB patients admitted to sanatoriums seem to
have had similar recovery rates to those who went untreated (Bignall 1977; Teller 1988, 89–90; Daniel 2006). See
Adda (2016) for an application of the SIR model to high-frequency data on viral diseases in France.
29
The estimates reported in the first column of online Appendix Table A2 suggest that it is difficult to predict
the adoption of at least one municipal anti-TB measure (Any Anti-TB Measure) by 1917. By contrast, population,
percent foreign-born, and percent literate are positively associated with the number of anti-TB measures adopted
by 1917.
30
Many state and local TB associations established their own press services after 1908 (Teller 1988, 59), but
before then newspapers regularly covered the parades, exhibits, and Christmas seal campaigns sponsored by these
associations (Tomes 2002). The first US commercial radio broadcast occurred on November 2, 1920 (election
night) in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Up until then, radio stations were operated by amateur hobbyists whose target
audience was other hobbyists (Sterling and Kittross 2001, 44–48 and 66).
31
Clustering standard errors at the municipal level produced similar results to those reported below.
32
By 1917, 91 municipalities in our sample had adopted ordinances requiring that active TB cases be reported
to local health officials. We observe mortality data before and after the adoption of a reporting ordinance for 71 of
these municipalities (see online Appendix Table A1).
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 153
we include s eparate indicators for whether municipality m had a TB association,
whether it was located in a state with a TB association, and whether it was served by
a TB dispensary.33 After providing estimates of the regressions described above, we
conduct a series of robustness checks, which are described in Section VI.
Descriptive statistics and definitions for all of the variables used in the analysis
are reported in Table 1.34 Information on when the municipal anti-TB measures
were adopted is available in Figure 2 and online Appendix Table A1. Information
on when the state anti-TB measures were adopted is available in online Appendix
Table A3.
IV. Baseline Results
In the first column of Table 2, we report estimates from the baseline model, which
focuses on the relationship between pulmonary TB mortality and the institutions
explicitly designed to isolate and care for TB patients. While the estimated coeffi-
cients of the sanatorium and open-air camp indicators are negative, they are small
and statistically indistinguishable from zero. The relationship between pulmonary
TB mortality and the TB hospital indicator is positive, but also insignificant.
The second column of Table 2 presents estimates from a regression model that
also includes the two reporting indicators. The estimated coefficients of these indi-
cators, although negative, are not significant at conventional levels. In the third
column of Table 2, we report estimates from a regression model that includes disin-
fection requirements, spitting bans, and common cup bans. There is little evidence
that these interventions mattered at the municipal or state levels, but the adoption
of a reporting requirement at the municipal level is now associated with a 6 percent
(e −0.060 − 1 = −0.058) decrease in the pulmonary TB mortality rate, an estimate
that is statistically significant at the 10 percent level. Finally, in the fourth column of
Table 2, we report estimates from a regression model that also includes the state and
local TB association indicators and an indicator for whether a municipal dispensary
was operating. The adoption of a reporting requirement at the municipal level is
still associated with a 6 percent decrease in the pulmonary TB mortality rate, but no
other anti-TB measure appears to have had an appreciable impact on the pulmonary
TB mortality rate.35
33
Because we know the exact dates when state TB associations began operation, the first year of the state TB
indicator is coded as a fraction. Our definition of TB dispensaries also includes clinics where special medical staffs
and separate hours were set aside for TB patients (Jacobs 1911 and NASPT 1916, 1919).
34
Although not shown in Table 1, we also include binary indicators to control for missing information on the
municipal-level anti-TB measures. For instance, if a city had a common cup ban but information on when the ban
went into place was missing, we coded Common Cup Ordinance as equal to zero and included a separate indicator
for this missing information. With one exception, each of our municipal-level anti-TB measures has non-missing
information for at least 92 percent of the sample. We observe non-missing information for the municipal disinfec-
tion ordinances for 73 percent of the sample.
35
It should be noted that, accounting for the family-wise error rate (FWER) using the step-down method pro-
posed by Holm (1979), we fail to reject the null that municipal reporting requirements had no effect on pulmonary
TB mortality. Because the p-value for this test is the minimum p-value from the estimates reported in column 4 of
Table 2, the Holm-corrected critical value is equivalent to the Bonferroni correction, which has been characterized
as overly conservative (Austin, Dialsingh, and Altman 2014). In online Appendix Table A4, we report estimates
of equation (1) without controlling for municipality-specific linear trends. Even without municipality-specific lin-
ear trends, requiring TB cases to be reported to local health officials is associated with a 5–6 percent decrease in
154 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 1—Descriptive Statistics for Pulmonary TB Mortality Analysis, 1900–1917
Mean (SD) Description
Pulmonary TB mortality 141.5 Pulmonary tuberculosis mortality per 100,000
(78.7) population
Sanatorium 0.078 = 1 if municipality had a sanatorium,
(0.268) = 0 otherwise
TB hospital 0.087 = 1 if municipality had a TB hospital,
(0.281) = 0 otherwise
Open-air camp 0.068 = 1 if municipality had an open-air camp,
(0.251) = 0 otherwise
Reporting ordinance 0.131 = 1 if municipality required reporting of TB cases,
(0.338) = 0 otherwise
State reporting law 0.510 = 1 if state required reporting of TB cases,
(0.500) = 0 otherwise
Disinfection ordinance 0.067 = 1 if municipality required disinfection of
(0.249) premises after removal of a TB patient,
= 0 otherwise
State disinfection law 0.079 = 1 if state required disinfection of premises after
(0.269) removal of a TB patient, = 0 otherwise
Spitting ordinance 0.273 = 1 if municipality had an anti-spitting ordinance,
(0.446) = 0 otherwise
Common cup ordinance 0.018 = 1 if municipality had a common cup drinking ban,
(0.134) = 0 otherwise
State common cup law 0.110 = 1 if state had a common cup drinking ban,
(0.314) = 0 otherwise
Municipal TB association 0.360 = 1 if municipality had a TB association,
(0.480) = 0 otherwise
State TB association 0.697 = 1 if state had a TB association, = 0 otherwise
(0.451)
Dispensary 0.261 = 1 if municipality had a TB dispensary,
(0.439) = 0 otherwise
Percent female 0.486 Percent of municipal population that was female
(0.105)
Percent black 0.046 Percent of municipal population that was black
(0.101)
Percent foreign 0.193 Percent of municipal population that was foreign
(0.120) born
Percent under 18 0.323 Percent of municipal population that was under 18
(0.081) years of age
Percent literate 0.732 Percent of municipal population that was literate
(0.161)
Observations 7,439
Note: Unweighted means with standard deviations are in parentheses.
p ulmonary TB mortality, but there is little evidence that any of the other anti-TB measures were effective. Because
municipal water filtration and chlorination projects could have been correlated with the adoption of TB reporting
requirements, we experimented with including the typhoid mortality rate on the right-hand side of the estimation
equation (Clay, Troesken, and Haines 2014). Estimates from these specifications were similar to those reported in
Table 2. We also estimated unweighted regressions. The adoption of a municipal reporting ordinance was associ-
ated with a 5 percent decrease in the pulmonary TB mortality rate, but this estimate was statistically insignificant
at conventional levels.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 155
Panel A Panel B
80
100
60 80
60
40
40
20
20
0 0
1900 1905 1910 1915 1900 1905 1910 1915
Sanatoriums Open-air camps Municipal reporting ordinances
TB hospitals Municipal disinfection ordinances
Municipal spitting ordinances
Municipal common cup ordinances
Panel C
300
200
100
0
1900 1905 1910 1915
Municipal TB associations
Dispensaries
Figure 2. Number of Municipal-Level Anti-TB Measures over Time
Notes: The figure is based on data from online Appendix Table A1. Only anti-TB measures that contributed identi-
fying variation to estimates based on equation (1) were used to construct the trends above.
V. Extensions and Robustness Checks
The regression estimates in Table 2 provide evidence that the measures cham-
pioned by the TB movement were generally ineffective. One potential explana-
tion for this result is multicollinearity: municipalities occasionally passed two or
more anti-TB measures at the same time or within the space of a few years (online
Appendix Table A5), making it potentially difficult to distinguish the effect of one
anti-TB measure from another.
To address this issue, we regress TB mortality on each of the 13 anti-TB measures
separately. In addition, we replace each anti-TB measure with a series of its leads
and lags, which allows us to explore whether changes in TB mortality predicted
their passage and whether their effects grew stronger over time. Because we have
no strong priors about the correct lag structure for the anti-TB interventions under
study, we flexibly estimate their effects one to five or more years after the year
156 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 2—Pulmonary TB Mortality and Anti-TB Measures, 1900–1917
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Sanatorium −0.017 −0.020 −0.015 −0.017
(0.025) (0.026) (0.024) (0.024)
TB hospital 0.022 0.024 0.021 0.023
(0.028) (0.027) (0.029) (0.028)
Open-air camp −0.022 −0.021 −0.018 −0.016
(0.021) (0.019) (0.021) (0.020)
Reporting ordinance — −0.042 −0.060 −0.061
(0.030) (0.030) (0.028)
State reporting law — −0.012 −0.007 −0.011
(0.015) (0.015) (0.016)
Disinfection ordinance — — 0.040 0.034
(0.032) (0.032)
State disinfection law — — −0.026 −0.023
(0.029) (0.030)
Spitting ordinance — — 0.019 0.015
(0.027) (0.024)
Common cup ordinance — — 0.012 0.016
(0.021) (0.021)
State common cup law — — −0.020 −0.021
(0.021) (0.022)
Municipal TB association — — — 0.004
(0.016)
State TB association — — — 0.022
(0.021)
Dispensary — — — 0.019
(0.019)
F-test: Joint significance 0.480 1.76 3.45 2.46
Mean 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.882 0.882 0.883 0.883
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects,
and municipality-specific linear trends. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, cor-
rected for clustering at the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
of implementation (i.e., year zero).36 Regression estimates for the municipal-level
anti-TB measures are reported in Table 3, panels A–C; estimates for state-level
anti-TB measures are reported in online Appendix Table A6.
The results suggest that multicollinearity is an unlikely explanation for the small
and insignificant estimated coefficients in Table 2, and show that anti-TB measures
were likely not implemented in response to increases in TB mortality. There is evi-
dence of a negative association between open-air camps and pulmonary TB mortality
36
Given that approximately half of active TB cases take more than two years to develop after the initial infec-
tion (Sia and Wieland 2011, 352), and that the average time from onset to either cure or death for active TB is three
years in the absence of treatment (Tiemersma et al. 2011), substantial lags after implementation are plausible.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 157
Table 3A—Pulmonary TB Mortality Regressed on Each Municipal Anti-TB Measure Separately
Sanatorium TB hospital Open-air camp
Municipal anti-TB measure −0.017 — 0.020 — −0.019 —
(0.026) (0.028) (0.019)
5 years prior — −0.016 — −0.008 — −0.011
(0.018) (0.028) (0.013)
4 years prior — −0.014 — −0.012 — −0.011
(0.028) (0.037) (0.013)
3 years prior — −0.044 — 0.001 — −0.031
(0.034) (0.038) (0.028)
2 years prior — −0.022 — 0.013 — −0.059
(0.039) (0.052) (0.032)
1 year prior — −0.027 — 0.010 — −0.026
(0.041) (0.056) (0.035)
Year 0 — −0.012 — 0.024 — −0.053
(0.041) (0.069) (0.044)
1 year after — −0.065 — 0.014 — −0.062
(0.057) (0.071) (0.052)
2 years after — −0.078 — 0.017 — −0.083
(0.070) (0.072) (0.052)
3 years after — −0.050 — 0.043 — −0.092
(0.062) (0.078) (0.050)
4 years after — −0.072 — 0.050 — −0.104
(0.063) (0.086) (0.060)
5+ years after — −0.070 — 0.036 — −0.106
(0.068) (0.082) (0.076)
Mean 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and
municipality-specific linear trends. The omitted category in the event-study analyses is six or more years prior to
implementation. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at
the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
after three or four years, but the decline in pulmonary TB mortality appears to have
begun before year zero, pointing to an unobserved factor driving this association.
Similarly, there is evidence that pulmonary TB mortality began to fall before doctors
were required to report active TB cases to local health officials.37
In Table 4, we consider alternative specifications. We begin by estimating the
relationship between pulmonary TB mortality and the total number of anti-TB mea-
sures implemented by municipality m as of year t. The results, which are reported in
the first column of Table 4, provide no evidence of a relationship between pulmonary
37
In online Appendix Table A7, we report event-study estimates for each municipal anti-TB measure con-
ditioning on the other eight municipal anti-TB measures and the four state-level measures. Municipal reporting
requirements are associated with statistically significant reductions in pulmonary TB mortality, but, again, there is
some evidence of a pretreatment reduction in TB mortality.
158 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 3B—Pulmonary TB Mortality Regressed on Each Municipal Anti-TB Measure Separately
Reporting Spitting
ordinance Disinfection ordinance ordinance
Municipal anti-TB measure −0.036 — 0.019 — 0.017 —
(0.035) (0.028) (0.027)
5 years prior — −0.012 — 0.033 — 0.041
(0.022) (0.029) (0.028)
4 years prior — −0.012 — 0.045 — 0.029
(0.022) (0.039) (0.032)
3 years prior — −0.002 — 0.027 — 0.025
(0.027) (0.047) (0.038)
2 years prior — −0.031 — 0.065 — 0.026
(0.029) (0.050) (0.038)
1 year prior — −0.050 — 0.048 — 0.046
(0.044) (0.068) (0.039)
Year 0 — −0.086 — 0.051 — 0.030
(0.051) (0.098) (0.041)
1 year after — −0.070 — 0.083 — 0.057
(0.062) (0.091) (0.045)
2 years after — −0.078 — 0.105 — 0.087
(0.068) (0.108) (0.055)
3 years after — −0.095 — 0.093 — 0.055
(0.083) (0.116) (0.056)
4 years after — −0.107 — 0.117 — 0.065
(0.082) (0.115) (0.060)
5+ years after — −0.135 — 0.121 — 0.058
(0.087) (0.136) (0.062)
Mean 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.882 0.883 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and
municipality-specific linear trends. The omitted category in the event-study analyses is six or more years prior to
implementation. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at
the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
TB mortality and the number of anti-TB measures in place. Likewise, regressing pul-
monary TB mortality on an indicator for having implemented any municipal-level
anti-TB measure, and regressing pulmonary TB mortality on a set of mutually
exclusive indicators for the number of municipal anti-TB measures implemented as
of year t produces little evidence that the TB movement was effective.38
38
We also construct an index equal to the sum of the state anti-TB measures listed in Table 1 and an index
equal to the total (i.e., municipal plus state) anti-TB measures listed in Table 1. Again, we find no evidence of a
relationship between pulmonary TB mortality and these alternative indices. In online Appendix Table A8, we report
the results of regressing pulmonary TB mortality on one- to five-year lags of the total number of municipal anti-TB
measures implemented in year t. These results provide additional evidence that the TB movement had little to no
effect on pulmonary TB mortality.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 159
Table 3C—Pulmonary TB Mortality Regressed on Each Municipal Anti-TB Measure Separately
Common cup Municipal TB
ordinance association Dispensary
Municipal anti-TB measure 0.008 — 0.007 — 0.022 —
(0.024) (0.018) (0.020)
5 years prior — 0.016 — −0.013 — 0.011
(0.028) (0.015) (0.012)
4 years prior — 0.012 — −0.019 — 0.012
(0.033) (0.020) (0.020)
3 years prior — 0.024 — 0.003 — −0.002
(0.051) (0.020) (0.030)
2 years prior — −0.002 — −0.019 — 0.003
(0.055) (0.029) (0.033)
1 year prior — −0.010 — −0.026 — 0.018
(0.061) (0.032) (0.037)
Year 0 — −0.009 — −0.018 — 0.009
(0.073) (0.036) (0.041)
1 year after — 0.022 — −0.011 — 0.028
(0.091) (0.040) (0.043)
2 years after — 0.029 — −0.007 — 0.075
(0.096) (0.054) (0.054)
3 years after — −0.008 — −0.030 — 0.039
(0.127) (0.048) (0.055)
4 years after — −0.030 — −0.024 — 0.041
(0.143) (0.053) (0.056)
5+ years after — −0.036 — −0.019 — 0.03
(0.137) (0.058) (0.068)
Mean 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.883
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and
municipality-specific linear trends. The omitted category in the event-study analyses is six or more years prior to
implementation. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at
the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
Finally, we evaluate the effectiveness of combinations (or bundles) of anti-TB
measures. Sixty-one municipalities had both a TB association and dispensary in
1917, making this the most common bundle by the end of the period under study
(online Appendix Table A5). Twelve municipalities had a TB association, dispensary,
and sanatorium in 1917, making this the second-most common bundle. Twelve other
municipalities had a TB association, dispensary, and spitting ordinance; nine had a
TB association and sanatorium; and eight had a TB association, dispensary, spitting
ordinance, and reporting ordinance.
To test the effectiveness of these various combinations of anti-TB measures, we
define five mutually exclusive count variables: Bundle 1, Bundle 2, … , Bundle 5.
160 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 4—Using Alternative Measures of Anti-TB Interventions
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
Total Municipal 0.003 — — — — — —
Anti-TB Measures (0.008)
Any Municipal — −0.025 — — — — —
Anti-TB Measure (0.020)
1 Municipal — — 0.012 — — — — —
Anti-TB Measure (0.024)
2 Municipal — — −0.034 — — — — —
Anti-TB Measures (0.031)
3+ Municipal — — −0.007 — — — — —
Anti-TB Measures (0.022)
Bundle 1 — — — −0.004 −0.004 −0.004 — —
(0.032) (0.032) (0.032)
Bundle 2 — — — — −0.069 −0.069 — —
(0.044) (0.044)
Bundle 3 — — — — 0.007 0.007 — —
(0.044) (0.044)
Bundle 4 — — — — — 0.114 — —
(0.087)
Bundle 5 — — — — — −0.025 — —
(0.021)
Reporting Ordinance — — — — — — −0.008 —
× Sanatorium (0.035)
Reporting Ordinance — — — — — — — −0.031
× TB Hospital (0.031)
Mean 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5 141.5
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
2
R 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882 0.882
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to the
natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t. In
column 1, Total Municipal Anti-TB Measures is equal to the sum of the anti-TB measures implemented by munici-
pality m as of year t. In column 2, Any Municipal Anti-TB Measure is equal to 1 if municipality m had implemented
at least one anti-TB measure as of year t, and is equal to 0 otherwise. In column 3, each indicator is equal to 1 if
municipality m had implemented the specified number of anti-TB measures as of year t, and is equal to 0 other-
wise. See online Appendix Table A5 for a description of the variables Bundle 1–Bundle 5. In column 7, Reporting
Ordinance × Sanatorium is equal to 1 if municipality m required that TB cases be reported to local health officials
and had a sanatorium in year t, and is equal to 0 otherwise. In column 8, Reporting Ordinance × TB Hospital is
equal to 1 if municipality m required that TB cases be reported to local health officials and had a TB hospital in
year t, and is equal to 0 otherwise. All models control for the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, the state
anti-TB measures listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and municipality-specific linear
trends. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at the state
level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
For the 61 municipalities that had a dispensary and municipal TB association in
1917 (i.e., the most common combination), Bundle 1 is defined as follows:
⎧0 if neither Dispensary nor Municipal TB Association in year t
Bundle 1 = ⎨
⎪
if one of Dispensary or Municipal TB Association in year t .39
1
⎩2 if both Dispensary and Municipal TB Association in year t
⎪
39
See Table 1 for the definitions of the dichotomous variables Dispensary and Municipal TB Association.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 161
If municipality m did not have a dispensary and municipal TB association in 1917,
Bundle 1 is equal to 0 in every year. For the 12 municipalities that had a dispensary,
TB association, and sanatorium in 1917 (i.e., the second-most common combina-
tion), Bundle 2 is defined as follows:
⎧0 if neither Dispensary, Municipal TB Association, nor Sanatorium in year t
⎪1
Bundle 2 = ⎨
if one of Dispensary, Municipal TB Association, or Sanatorium in year t
.40
⎪2 if two of Dispensary, Municipal TB Association, or Sanatorium in year t
⎩3 if Dispensary, Municipal TB Association, and Sanatorium in year t
If municipality m did not have a dispensary, municipal TB association, and sana-
torium in 1917, Bundle 2 is equal to 0 in every year. The three remaining bundle
variables (Bundle 3, Bundle 4, and Bundle 5) are defined analogously.
The final columns of Table 4 show the estimated effects of these bundles. We also
explore whether reporting requirements were more effective in municipalities that
were served by a sanatorium or TB hospital. The estimated coefficient of Bundle 1,
although negative, is small and statistically insignificant. Although there is some
evidence that the second-most common combination of anti-TB measures reduced
TB mortality (its estimated coefficient is −0.069), the overall impression is that
these various combinations were not particularly effective. Including the count of
municipal-level anti-TB measures belonging to the fourth- and fifth-most common
bundles (Bundle 4 and Bundle 5) does not change this basic result, nor is there evi-
dence that reporting requirements were more effective when coupled with sanatori-
ums or TB hospitals.
VI. Spillovers between Municipalities
In this section, we assess whether there were spillovers across neighboring munic-
ipalities. We hypothesize that such spillovers could have occurred in both direc-
tions. On one hand, an outbreak could have affected whether anti-TB measures were
adopted by neighboring municipalities. Alternatively, patients might have moved
in an effort to receive better treatment when a sanatorium or TB hospital opened
nearby.
We begin by investigating whether pulmonary TB mortality rates in neighboring
municipalities affected the probability that municipality m adopted an anti-TB mea-
sure by 1917. Specifically, we estimate the following equation:
(2) Any Anti-TB Measurem
= α0 + α1TB Mortality(<25 miles)m + Xm
β + vs + εm
,
40
See Table 1 for the definitions of the dichotomous variables Dispensary and Municipal TB Association,
and Sanatorium. If municipality m had not implemented the second-most common anti-TB bundle by 1917
(i.e., Dispensary, Municipal TB Association, and Sanatorium), Bundle 2 is equal to 0 in every year.
162 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 5—Do TB Rates in Neighboring Municipalities Predict Anti-TB Measures in 1917?
Any Number Any Number Any Number Any Number
anti-TB of anti-TB anti-TB of anti-TB anti-TB of anti-TB anti-TB of anti-TB
measure measures measure measures measure measures measure measures
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
TB mortality in 1900 −0.001 −0.003 … … … … … …
(<25 miles) (0.0004) (0.002)
TB mortality in 1900 … … −0.00003 −0.002 … … … …
(<50 miles) (0.001) (0.003)
Δ TB mortality from 1900 … … … … 0.001 0.008 … …
to 1910 (<25 miles) (0.001) (0.005)
Δ TB mortality from 1900 … … … … … … −0.001 −0.0003
to 1910 (<50 miles) (0.001) (0.005)
Observations 279 279 289 289 271 271 281 281
R2 0.335 0.393 0.309 0.406 0.264 0.378 0.246 0.388
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. In odd-numbered columns, the depen-
dent variable is equal to 1 if the municipality had adopted any anti-TB measure by 1917. In even-numbered col-
umns, the dependent variable is equal to the number of anti-TB measures adopted by the municipality by 1917.
Controls include the pulmonary TB mortality rate in 1900, municipal population in 1900, municipal demographic
characteristics listed in Table 1 from 1900, and state fixed effects. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at the
state level, are in parentheses.
where Any Anti-TB Measurem is equal to 1 if municipality m had adopted at
least one anti-TB measure by 1917, and is equal to 0 otherwise. The variable
TB Mortality(<25 miles)m is equal to the pulmonary TB mortality rate in 1900 for
municipalities within 25 miles of municipality m, and the vector of controls, X m,
includes the pulmonary TB mortality rate in 1900, municipal population in 1900,
and demographic characteristics from 1900. Lastly, vs are state fixed effects.
Estimates of equation (2), which are reported in the first column of Table 5, provide
no evidence that municipalities adopted anti-TB measures in response to outbreaks
in neighboring municipalities. In fact, the estimate of α 1is negative and significant
at the 0.05 level. Likewise, the estimated effect of TB mortality among neighboring
municipalities on the count of anti-TB measures is negative and significant.41
In Table 6, we investigate whether the opening of sanatoriums and TB hospitals
in neighboring municipalities affected pulmonary TB mortality in municipality m.
The empirical setup is similar to equation (1), but the vector Zmt is now augmented
with indicators for whether neighboring municipalities were served by a sanatorium
and/or TB hospital in year t. The results provide little evidence to suggest that
patients moved to neighboring municipalities in an effort to receive better treatment
when a sanatorium or TB hospital opened nearby.
41
In the remaining columns of Table 5, we experiment with expanding the definition of a “neighbor” to include
municipalities within a 50-mile radius and replacing the neighboring pulmonary TB mortality rate in 1900 with the
change in the rate from 1900 to 1910. With the exception of one positive and weakly significant estimate, there is
little evidence of spillovers. Sample sizes in Table 5 differ slightly across specifications and are smaller than the N
= 306 shown in Online Appendix Table A2 because not all neighboring cities have mortality data available starting
in 1900.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 163
Table 6—Are Neighboring Sanatoriums and TB Hospitals Related to the TB Mortality Rate?
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Sanatorium (<25 miles) 0.029 … … …
(0.017)
TB hospital (<25 miles) 0.028 … … …
(0.026)
Sanatorium (<50 miles) … −0.031 … …
(0.020)
TB hospital (<50 miles) … 0.023 … …
(0.012)
Sanatorium or TB hospital (<25 miles) … … 0.035 …
(0.022)
Sanatorium or TB hospital (<50 miles) … … … 0.002
(0.026)
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.883 0.883 0.883 0.883
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, the municipal and state anti-TB measures listed
in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and municipality-specific linear trends. Regressions are
weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
VII. A Closer Look at Sanatoriums
The analysis thus far has attempted to capture the effect of sanatoriums using
simple indicators for their presence in municipality m or in neighboring munic-
ipalities. However, the most populous cities in the United States were typically
served by multiple sanatoriums by the end of the period under study. Moreover,
private sanatoriums were often located in rural areas where air pollution, which was
intense in industrial cities such as Chicago, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis (Stradling and
Thorsheim 1999), would not interfere with recovery.42
In the first column of Table 7, we replace the sanatorium indicator with the num-
ber of sanatoriums in municipality m and year t.43 In 1900, only three municipalities
in our sample were served by a sanatorium; by 1910, 37 of the municipalities in our
sample were served by at least one sanatorium, 8 had at least two, and 4 had three
or more; by 1917, 80 municipalities were served by at least one sanatorium, 13 had
42
Private sanatoriums catered to the affluent, but could be as large as publicly funded sanatoriums. For
instance, the Agnes Memorial Sanatorium in Denver, Colorado, accommodated over 150 patients in 1916, while
the Sanatorium of the New Bedford Anti-Tuberculosis Association in New Bedford, Massachusetts, accommodated
over 100 patients (NASPT 1916).
43
We have also experimented with using the number of sanatoriums per 100,000 population of municipality m
in year t, but there is no evidence that this measure was related to the pulmonary TB mortality rate. Online Appendix
Table A9 provides descriptive statistics for the alternative measures of sanatoriums considered in Table 7.
164 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
Table 7—A Closer Look at Sanatoriums
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Sanatorium … … −0.018 −0.014 −0.019
(0.024) (0.023) (0.023)
Number of sanatoriums in municipality 0.018 … … … …
(0.020)
Number of sanatorium beds in municipality … −0.002 … … …
(100s of beds) (0.003)
Any sanatorium in state … … 0.002 … …
(0.015)
Number of sanatoriums in state … … … −0.004 …
(0.005)
State-run sanatorium … … … … −0.040
(0.015)
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439 7,439
R2 0.883 0.883 0.883 0.883 0.883
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. The dependent variable is equal to
the natural log of the pulmonary tuberculosis mortality rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t.
Controls include the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, the municipal and state anti-TB measures listed
in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and municipality-specific linear trends. Regressions are
weighted by municipality population. Standard errors, corrected for clustering at the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
at least two, and 6 had three or more.44 The estimated coefficient of the continuous
sanatorium variable is positive, but not significant at conventional levels.
In column 2, we replace the sanatorium indicator with the number of sanatorium
beds in municipality m and year t.45 In our sample, the average sanatorium had a
capacity of nearly 100 beds. However, the number of beds varied widely, with some
sanatoriums serving fewer than 10 patients and others accommodating over 1,000.
While the estimated coefficient on our measure of sanatorium capacity is negative in
sign, it is small in magnitude and statistically indistinguishable from zero.46
In columns 3 and 4, we explore whether the opening of sanatoriums at the state—
as opposed to the municipal—level had an effect on pulmonary TB mortality.
Specifically, in column 3, we show the results of augmenting the baseline equation
with an indicator for whether municipality m was located in a state with a sanato-
rium during year t, and in column 4, we include the total number of sanatoriums
operating in a state during year t. The results suggest that the opening of sanatoriums
at the state level did little to curb the spread of pulmonary TB.
44
We have pulmonary TB mortality data before and after the opening of a sanatorium for 70 of these cities (see
online Appendix Table A1).
45
We also experimented with using the number of beds per 100,000 population, but there is no evidence of a
negative relationship between this measure and the pulmonary TB mortality rate.
46
It should be noted that our sanatorium-bed measure is, because of data limitations, somewhat crude. We
only observe sanatorium capacity at the three points in time corresponding to the publications of the NASPT’s
Tuberculosis Directory (1916, 1919) and Jacobs (1911). For the intervening years, we assume that capacity
remained constant.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 165
Finally, in column 5 of Table 7, we investigate the role of state-run sanatoriums.
In 1900, there were no state-run sanatoriums in the country, but by the end of the
period under study there were 29 in operation and they represented a substantial por-
tion of total capacity (NASPT 1919).47 State-run sanatoriums were typically located
in rural areas and were considered more desirable than county-run or municipal
sanatoriums. Unlike other publicly funded sanatoriums, state-run sanatoriums often
charged weekly fees to “keep out the riffraff” and prioritized admitting incipient TB
cases over chronic or advanced cases (Rothman 1995, 207–08).48
The estimated effect of state-run sanatoriums is negative and significant, although
relatively small in terms of magnitude. Specifically, the opening of a state-run san-
atorium is associated with a 4 percent (e −0.040 − 1 = −0.039) reduction in the
pulmonary TB mortality rate.49 In online Appendix Table A10, the state-run sanato-
rium indicator is replaced by a series of its leads and lags. Consistent with the paral-
lel trends assumption, there is little evidence that pulmonary TB mortality increased
in the years leading up to the opening of the first state-run sanatorium. By contrast,
we find that 3 or more years after the opening of a state-run sanatorium, pulmonary
TB mortality fell by as much as 5 percent, although it should be noted that these
estimates are not consistently statistically significant.
VIII. Was Mortality from Other Airborne Diseases Affected?
In Figure 3, we show trends in mortality for influenza/pneumonia and other
airborne illnesses, a broad grouping that includes mortality from measles, scar-
let fever, whooping cough (i.e., pertussis), and diphtheria/croup. Like pulmonary
TB, these diseases are typically transmitted by aerosolized respiratory secretions
(e.g., from coughing or sneezing).50 During the period 1900–1917, mortality from
influenza/pneumonia remained relatively stable, while the mortality rate from other
airborne illnesses fell from 105.8 to 45.6.
47
According to Teller (1988, 82), there were 94 public sanatoriums operating in the United States by 1916. A
total of 7,501 beds were available in state-run sanatoriums, 1,279 beds were available in federal sanatoriums, and
4,736 beds were available in municipal sanatoriums. By comparison, there were 87 private sanatoriums operating
in the United States in 1916, with a total of 3,447 beds, and 42 philanthropic sanatoriums with a total of 2,711 beds
(Teller 1988, 82). See online Appendix Table A3 for the year in which each state-run sanatorium opened. Online
Appendix Figure A1 shows the state-run sanatoriums that contributed identifying variation to our analysis in 1905,
1910, and 1917. We observe mortality data for 277 municipalities before and after the opening of 25 state-run
sanatoriums.
48
Dr. Herbert Clapp, a supervising physician at the Massachusetts state-run sanatorium, described cases that
should be refused admission: “No bedridden patients should be accepted, nor even those who are confined to their
rooms. If an applicant is not strong enough to ride some distance to the examining office, it is cause enough for his
rejection … No case of acute tuberculosis should be admitted, nor any case with high fever, nor even with a tem-
perature which, after rest in bed with open windows for one or two weeks, does not come down to perhaps 100°”
(Clapp 1906, 342–43).
49
Because municipal water filtration and chlorination projects could have been correlated with the construction
of state-run sanatoriums, we experimented with including the typhoid mortality rate on the right-hand side of the
estimation equation (Clay, Troesken, and Haines 2014). Controlling for the typhoid mortality rate as a proxy for
water quality reduces the magnitude of the estimated relationship between state-run sanatoriums and pulmonary
TB mortality, but only slightly.
50
During the period under study, there were no effective vaccines or cures for influenza, measles, scarlet fever,
or whooping cough (Quinn 1989; Roush, Murphy, and the Vaccine-Preventable Disease Table Working Group
2007; Cowling et al. 2013; and Cherry 2015). However, diphtheria could be treated using a horse-derived antitoxin
(Wagner et al. 2009).
166 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
200
100,000 population
Mortality rate per
150
100
50
1900 1905 1910 1915
Influenza and pneumonia mortality rate
Other airborne illness mortality rate
Figure 3. Influenza, Pneumonia, and Other Airborne Illnesses Mortality Rates, 1900–1917
Note: Other airborne illnesses include measles, scarlet fever, whooping cough, and diphtheria/croup.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
Did the measures championed by the TB movement affect mortality from influ-
enza/pneumonia and/or other airborne illnesses? Several anti-TB measures could
have, in theory, reduced mortality from other diseases transmitted through respira-
tory secretions. Indeed, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention still recom-
mends frequent hand washing and the covering of coughs to prevent the spread of
germs, and would presumably frown upon public spitting and the use of common
cups. Although the threat of TB has receded and anti-spitting laws are no longer
enforced in the United States (York 2003, Williams 2015), authorities in Beijing,
London, and Mumbai have justified recent efforts to discourage spitting on public
health grounds (Yardley 2007, Pettitt 2015, and Mahamulkar and Iyer 2015).
In the first column of Table 8, we report the results of regressing mortality due to
influenza and pneumonia on the spitting ordinance, common cup, and TB associa-
tion indicators. This exercise produces no support for the notion that these efforts to
combat TB had an impact on influenza/pneumonia mortality. When controlled for
the other anti-TB measures (e.g., the sanatorium and TB hospital indicators), the
results are similar. However, we do find some evidence that municipal spitting laws
may have led to small reductions in the influenza/pneumonia mortality rate.
Next, we examine the effects of anti-TB measures on mortality from other air-
borne illnesses (i.e., measles, scarlet fever, whooping cough, and diphtheria/croup).
The estimates provide little evidence that the adoption of anti-TB measures contrib-
uted to the dramatic reduction in mortality due to these illnesses shown in Figure 3.51
51
Because the influenza/pneumonia mortality rate and the mortality rate due to other airborne illnesses was
equal to zero for 2 and 177 municipality-year combinations, respectively, we experimented with taking the quartic
root of the dependent variable rather than the natural log. This method of dealing with zeros has been used by
Thomas et al. (2006), Tarozzi et al. (2014), and Ashraf et al. (2015), among others. These results were similar to
those reported in Table 8. Because deaths from TB were, with some frequency, attributed to bronchitis, malaria,
and/or pneumonia (Cabot 1900, 27; Cabot 1912), we also considered definitions of Other Airborne Illnesses
Mortality that included these diseases. Again, the results were similar to those reported in Table 8.
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 167
Table 8—Did Anti-spitting Ordinances, Common Cup Bans, or TB Associations
Have Spillover Effects on Other Airborne Illnesses?
Other Other
Flu and Flu and airborne airborne
pneumonia pneumonia illnesses illnesses
mortality mortality mortality mortality
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Spitting ordinance −0.051 −0.055 −0.025 −0.021
(0.033) (0.028) (0.061) (0.064)
Common cup ordinance 0.017 0.042 −0.046 −0.013
(0.106) (0.074) (0.043) (0.043)
State common cup law 0.068 0.074 −0.048 −0.053
(0.048) (0.045) (0.069) (0.073)
Municipal TB association −0.021 −0.029 0.018 0.029
(0.027) (0.030) (0.033) (0.035)
State TB association 0.002 0.010 0.077 0.063
(0.044) (0.041) (0.037) (0.040)
Mean of mortality rate 148.1 148.1 53.2 53.2
Number of municipalities 548 548 548 548
Observations 7,437 7,437 7,262 7,262
R2 0.727 0.730 0.605 0.606
Other anti-TB measures? No Yes No Yes
Notes: Each column represents the results from a separate OLS regression. Columns 1–2: the
dependent variable is equal to the natural log of the influenza and pneumonia mortality rate per
100,000 population in municipality m and year t. Columns 3–4: the dependent variable is equal
to the natural log of the measles, scarlet fever, whooping cough, and diphtheria/croup mortal-
ity rate per 100,000 population in municipality m and year t. Controls include the demographic
characteristics listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects, year fixed effects, and munici-
pality-specific linear trends. Regressions are weighted by municipality population. Standard
errors, corrected for clustering at the state level, are in parentheses.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published
by the US Census Bureau
IX. Gauging the Overall Impact of the TB Movement
We begin this section with an examination of municipal reporting requirements
and their contribution to the overall decline in pulmonary TB mortality. As noted
above, 91 municipalities in our sample had adopted ordinances requiring that active
TB cases be reported to local health officials by 1917; the adoption of such an ordi-
nance was associated with an approximately 6 percent decline in the pulmonary TB
mortality rate (Table 2), although there is some evidence that the reduction in TB
mortality preceded adoption (Table 3).
To gauge the impact of reporting ordinances, we calculated what the pulmonary
TB mortality rate would have been had none of the municipalities in our sample
required reporting of active TB cases. Figure 4 shows the predicted pulmonary TB
rate for every year t (and its 90 percent confidence interval) under this scenario.
Predicted pulmonary TB mortality rates are based on estimates from our preferred
specification that controls for the demographic characteristics listed in Table 1, the
municipal and state anti-TB measures listed in Table 1, municipality fixed effects,
year fixed effects, and municipality-specific linear trends. The actual pulmonary TB
mortality rate among the municipalities in our sample is shown for reference.
168 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
180
Pulmonary TB mortality rate
100,000 population
Mortality rate per Predicted pulmonary TB mortality rate
160
140
120
1900 1905 1910 1915
Figure 4. Actual versus Predicted Pulmonary Tuberculosis Mortality Rates: The Effect of City
Reporting Ordinances
Notes: Predicted pulmonary TB mortality rates are calculated under the assumption that city reporting ordinances
were not implemented. Shaded area represents 90 percent confidence region around predicted pulmonary TB mor-
tality rates.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
The actual and predicted pulmonary TB mortality rates are not far apart through-
out the period under study, suggesting that reporting ordinances did not contribute
substantially to the observed overall decline in pulmonary TB mortality. By 1917,
the actual pulmonary TB mortality rate among municipalities in our sample was
125 per 100,000 population. Had no municipality adopted a reporting ordinance, we
predict that it would have been 136 per 100,000 population. Even using the upper
bound of the 90 percent confidence interval, we predict the pulmonary TB mortality
rate would have fallen from 173 to 140 per 100,000 population had no reporting
ordinances been adopted.
Finally, we use a similar strategy to gauge the combined contribution of all the
anti-TB measures adopted during the period under study (Figure 5). From 1900
to 1917, the pulmonary TB mortality rate among the municipalities in our sample
fell by nearly 28 percent, from 173 to 125 per 100,000 population. Had no anti-TB
measures been adopted, we predict that the pulmonary TB mortality rate would
have been 130 per 100,000 population in 1917. Using the upper bound of the 90
percent confidence interval, we predict that the pulmonary TB mortality rate would
have still fallen to 144 per 100,000 population had no anti-TB measures been imple-
mented at either the municipal or state levels.
X. Conclusion
One out of every four people alive today has a latent tuberculosis (TB) infec-
tion (Houben and Dodds 2016). Most TB infections, if they become active, can
be successfully treated with chemotherapy, but the WHO (2016, 38) estimates
that 3.9 percent of new TB cases are multidrug-resistant. With experts warning
that multidrug-resistant strains of TB represent a “looming public health crisis”
(Frieden 2015), it is perhaps more important than ever that we accurately assess
VOL. 11 NO. 2 ANDERSON ET AL.: WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC HEALTH CAMPAIGN SUCCESSFUL? 169
180
100,000 population
160
Mortality rate per
140
120
Pulmonary TB mortality rate
Predicted pulmonary TB mortality rate
100
1900 1905 1910 1915
Figure 5. Predicted Pulmonary TB Mortality Rates Had Anti-TB Measures Not Been Implemented
Notes: Predicted pulmonary TB mortality rates are calculated under the assumption that none of the anti-TB mea-
sures listed in Table 1 were implemented. Shaded area represents 90 percent confidence region around predicted
pulmonary TB mortality rates.
Source: Based on annual data from Mortality Statistics for the period 1900–1917, published by the US Census
Bureau
the effectiveness of basic, “low-tech” public health measures, many of which were
pioneered by the TB movement.
The US TB movement can be traced to the establishment of the Pennsylvania
Society for the Prevention of Tuberculosis in 1892 (Shryock 1957, 52); it gained
momentum with the founding of the National Association for the Study and
Prevention of Tuberculosis (NASPT) in 1904. Between 1904 and 1917, hundreds of
state and local TB associations were established across the country with the goal of
educating the public and giving support to sanatoriums, TB hospitals, and open-air
camps. TB associations also advocated for the passage of legislation aimed at curb-
ing the spread of TB. Such legislation included public spitting bans and require-
ments that active TB cases be reported to health officials. Reporting requirements
prevented physicians from concealing TB diagnoses and allowed public health offi-
cials to monitor TB patients (Teller 1988, 22).
Although previous studies have focused on specific anti-TB measures undertaken
in the pre-chemotherapeutic era (Hollingsworth 2014; Hansen, Jensen, and Madsen
2017), the effect of the TB movement on TB mortality has not been studied in a sys-
tematic fashion. In fact, many historians believe that gauging the overall impact of
the TB movement is impossible. For instance, Bates (1989, 349) writes that, “in the
absence of controlled studies,” we may never know “whether or to what degree the
tuberculosis movement contributed to the declining death rate in the United States
or improved the health of tuberculosis patients.” Experts from other disciplines
have also expressed skepticism regarding the effectiveness of the TB movement
(McKeown 1976, Coker 2003, and Daniel 2006).
Using newly transcribed mortality data at the municipal-year level, we explore
the effect of the TB movement on pulmonary TB mortality. We find evidence, albeit
tentative, that requiring TB cases to be reported to local health officials led to a
modest reduction in pulmonary TB mortality. We also find that the establishment
170 AMERICAN ECONOMIC JOURNAL: APPLIED ECONOMICS APRIL 2019
of a state-run sanatorium led to an almost 4 percent reduction in the pulmonary TB
mortality rate. By contrast, there is no evidence that other anti-TB measures (for
instance, requiring the premises of deceased TB patients to be disinfected or the
prohibition of common drinking cups) were effective.
Finally, to gauge the overall effect of the TB movement, we calculated what the
pulmonary TB mortality rate would have been had no anti-TB measures been imple-
mented. During the period under study, the pulmonary TB mortality rate among the
municipalities in our sample fell by nearly 28 percent, from 173 to 125 per 100,000
population. Had no anti-TB measures been adopted, we predict that the pulmonary
TB mortality rate would have still fallen by 25 percent, to 130 per 100,000 popu-
lation in 1917. Based on these estimates, we conclude that the anti-TB measures
introduced at the turn of the twentieth century did not contribute substantially to the
marked decline in the TB mortality rate in the United States. Rather, other factors
such as better living conditions and improved nutrition must have been responsible.
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