Carceral Studies

This paper interrogates the epistemological, structural, and political foundations of contemporary criminology, tracing its evolution from positivist etiologies to critical, socio-structural, and abolitionist paradigms. Through an integrated analysis spanning classical theory, the political economy of punishment, carceral geography, and transformative justice frameworks, the work demonstrates how crime, deviance, and punishment are not neutral categories but socially constructed, historically contingent, and deeply implicated in broader power relations. It argues that late-modern penality is increasingly characterized by actuarial rationalities, risk governance, and spatialized modalities of control that extend the reach of carceral power far beyond prison walls. Drawing on interdisciplinary insights from sociology, critical race theory, political economy, and geography, the paper contends that punitive institutions function as technologies of population management structured by racial capitalism, neoliberal restructuring, and state responsibilization regimes. The conclusion advances a reflexive, post-punitive criminological imaginary grounded in transformative justice and abolitionist epistemologies, calling for a reconceptualization of harm, responsibility, and social order that surpasses the limitations of traditional criminal justice systems.

Incarceration in the United States is often defined not only by physical confinement, but by a deeper, more insidious form of isolation-emotional, intellectual, and spiritual abandonment. Millions of incarcerated individuals live in a daily reality where access to mental health services, consistent education, or even basic human connection is limited or non-existent. For those in solitary confinement or high-security environments, this isolation is compounded, leading to severe psychological distress, cognitive decline, and an increased risk of suicide. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, over 14% of incarcerated individuals have spent time in restrictive housing, and studies have found that those subjected to solitary confinement are significantly more likely to experience symptoms of PTSD, depression, and psychosis (Haney, 2003; Grassian, 2006). Yet within these same cells lie human beings-many of them young, undereducated, traumatized, and full of untapped potential. This paper proposes a new model for cognitive rehabilitation, emotional support, and educational empowerment through the integration of AI-powered chatbots into carceral spaces. These companions, trained in trauma-informed interaction, cognitive behavioral techniques, and educational content, would serve as 24/7 tutors, journal guides, and emotional supports. Designed ethically and accessibly, such AI systems could be a low-cost, scalable solution to begin addressing some of the deepest wounds created by mass incarceration. AI in prison settings is not a fantasy-it is a frontier. And like all frontiers, it demands moral clarity, rigorous oversight, and bold vision.

This research was conducted in Mekelle in the years leading up to the 2020 Tigray War. It explores the interconnected nature of the prison system and broader social dynamics, with a focus on the mechanisms of consensus reproduction and acquiescence to power on a continuum between prison life and extramural society. This continuum is deeply rooted in the manipulation of international development ideologies, particularly through the rhetoric of "attitude to work", ostensibly presented as a tool for national prosperity but ultimately used to consolidate the symbolic capital of the ruling elite. Internal power dynamics at Mekelle Regional Prison are highlighted, including the roles of key figures among the inmates in maintaining order, resolving conflicts and communicating with the authorities. The research reveals a structured system of inmate representation and task distribution focused on "rehabilitation" through mutual surveillance and internal mediation. The article also analyzes the rebellion that took place in Mekelle Prison in 2018 following the government's political amnesty measures, which led to violent clashes and unrest in several detention facilities in Ethiopia. The rebellion underscores tensions between national reforms, the handling of prisoners' demands, and the role of prison in political discourse. The research aims to shed light on how historical, political, and institutional factors intersect to shape the dynamics of prisons and incarceration, highlighting the multifaceted nature of the prison system and its relationship to broader social contexts in the intricate political landscape of contemporary Ethiopia and Tigray.

This dissertation traces the rise of digitally-driven policing technologies in order to make sense of how prevailing logics of governance are transformed by ubiquitous computing technology. Beginning in the early 1990s, police departments and theorists began to rely on increasingly detailed sets of metrics to evaluate performance. The adoption of digital technology to streamline quantitative evaluation coincided with a steep decline in measured crime that served as a proofof-concept for the effectivity of digital police surveillance and analytics systems. During the turbulent first two decades of the 21 st century, such digital technologies were increasingly associated with reform projects designed to improve the transparency and accountability of police departments. This dissertation challenges that assertion, and argues that digitization functions to make "numerical" and "mathematical" racial and sexual violence that is internal to policing neoliberal political economy. Rather than transparency and accountability, this dissertation posits that the effect of digitally-driven police technology is the accelerative disentangling of the "human" from "life" and "life" from government. The consequence has been the ossification of a racialized carceral state under the aegis of putatively anti-racist technocratic governance. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation doesn't have a single author. It is the work of so many people, most of whom I'm afraid I will forget to thank. Thanks, first and "beyond measure" to my chair and mentor Patricia Ticineto Clough, about whom I cannot ever say enough. Enormous thanks to my committee, Victoria Pitts-Taylor, Michael Jacobson, and Jasbir Puar, and also to Ruth Wilson Gilmore (it still counts). There is no better group of people to learn from not only about how to be an academic, but just how to be. I am incredibly fortunate. Thank you to my Graduate Center family and friends. Erin, Ben, and Karen all know what they've done and that I won't forget it. The 2010 sociology cohort is such a wellspring of support and inspiration, and I am so lucky to have gone through grad school with such a crew of brilliant troublemakers. So many students across so many years made the Graduate Center a place that sometimes almost felt like a home, and I so cherish all of the wonderful friendships I've made there. Thanks to Rati, who is the only reason I actually manage to finish anything. I did much of the research and preliminary drafting while a dissertation writing fellow at the

The first biography of Ericka Huggins, a queer Black woman who brought spiritual self-care practices to the Black Panther Party.

In this groundbreaking biography, Mary Frances Phillips immerses readers in the life and legacy of Ericka Huggins, a revered Black Panther Party member, as well as a mother, widow, educator, poet, and former political prisoner. In 1969, the police arrested Ericka Huggins along with Bobby Seale and fellow Black Panther Party members, who were accused of murdering Alex Rackley. This marked the beginning of her ordeal, as she became the subject of political persecution and a well-planned FBI COINTELPRO plot.

Drawing on never-before-seen archival sources, including prison records, unpublished letters, photographs, FBI records, and oral histories, Phillips foregrounds the paramount role of self-care and community care in Huggins’s political journey, shedding light on Ericka’s use of spiritual wellness practices she developed during her incarceration. In prison, Huggins was able to survive the repression and terror she faced while navigating motherhood through her unwavering commitment to spiritual practices. In showcasing this history, Phillips reveals the significance of spiritual wellness in the Black Panther Party and Black Power movement.
Transcending the traditional male-centric study of the Black Panther Party, Black Panther Woman offers an innovative analysis of Black political life at the intersections of gender, motherhood, and mass incarceration. This book serves as an invaluable toolkit for contemporary activists, underscoring the power of radical acts of care as well as vital strategies to thrive in the world.

This article focuses on the criminal work performed by African American women in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century New York City. I examine Black women’s illegal work in the larger context of dominant society’s racist-sexist ideologies and white male police officers’, judges’, and journalists’ responses to crime. I argue that, for most con- victed Black women, crime was a type of work. Black women’s criminal work, most frequently in the form of theft, was a tactical and moral response to poverty generated by racist-sexist discrimination. White men’s legalistic and journalistic interpretations of women’s criminal work were race, class, and gender specific. Popular racial fictions about female criminality, widely represented in the white press, motivated and justified the discriminatory law enforcement that produced Black women’s disproportionate incarceration rate.

死刑囚にたいする制約とその行為能力（フランス、20世紀) [Contraintes et agency des condamnés à mort (France, 20ème siècle)], traduit en japonais par Maki Fukuda, 神戸法學雜誌 [Kobe Law Journal], December 2023, vol 73, n°3, p. 141-188.  Cet article d’histoire pénitentiaire expose le cadre législatif et réglementaire encadrant la détention des condamnés à mort, et leurs capacités à faire valoir leurs droits et à jouer de rapports de force avec les surveillants.

First, this dissertation would not be possible without the incredible courage and generosity of my research participants. These individuals, most of whom had never heard of me, welcomed me into their lives for a few hours, sharing some of their most painful experiences. Their extraordinary trust, vulnerability, and hope is the beating heart of this work. I will never be able to thank them enough. I am also indebted to the directors of higher education in prison programs who contacted their alumni on my behalf. I was so fortunate to find a home in the Education Justice Project universe. Rebecca Ginsburg's mentorship has made me a better scholar, teacher, administrator, organizer, and allaround human being. My conversations with EJP members, especially Rohn Koester, sharpened my thinking regarding incarceration and social justice. But nothing has impacted me more, professionally or personally, than the hospitality of the EJP students and alumni.

This article proposes that a brutal empiricism, constituted in abolitionism’s originary iterations, authorizes contemporary abolitionist politics, interrogating how the focalization of the prison over slavery reveals political-libidinal investments in the reproduction of antiblackness. It argues that asserting the prison as the object of abolition both presumes and reifies an antiblack historiography, repeating the ruse of Emancipation (therefore imagining racial slavery to be a historical condition) while simultaneously deploying slavery’s idiom to animate a contemporary postracial politics. To arrive at this critique, the essay offers an analysis of the epistemic brutality subtending abolitionist politics during the long nineteenth century to put pressure on its circulation within ostensibly radical political imaginaries today. In other words, it argues that just as the originary abolitionists distorted the political demands of the enslaved to consolidate liberal humanism, so, too, do contemporary deployments of abolition similarly sediment enslavement as a regime of power.

Throughout the 20th century, the prison radio and the prison PA system differed in the auditory experiences they brought to imprisoned listeners, but each technology was scrutinized by penal staffs for its potential to meet institutional goals. One common assertion–often recirculated within popular media depicting the prison–was that sound leisure could offer prisoners a temporary reprieve from their incarceration. This commentary sifts through the repressive and regulatory uses of sound technologies in the prison to search for this promise of a freedom that is more than metaphorical.

First, this dissertation would not be possible without the incredible courage and generosity of my research participants. These individuals, most of whom had never heard of me, welcomed me into their lives for a few hours, sharing some of their most painful experiences. Their extraordinary trust, vulnerability, and hope is the beating heart of this work. I will never be able to thank them enough. I am also indebted to the directors of higher education in prison programs who contacted their alumni on my behalf. I was so fortunate to find a home in the Education Justice Project universe. Rebecca Ginsburg's mentorship has made me a better scholar, teacher, administrator, organizer, and allaround human being. My conversations with EJP members, especially Rohn Koester, sharpened my thinking regarding incarceration and social justice. But nothing has impacted me more, professionally or personally, than the hospitality of the EJP students and alumni.

Summary

Carceral literature emerges from, records, or imaginatively engages the experience of incarceration irrespective of reason. Prison writers range from classical Greek authors; to a surprising number of Nobel Prize winners; to a mass of unknown, anonymous, socially invisible prisoners. Carceral literature questions our ideas of freedom and presents a challenge to literary criticism.

This doctoral seminar employs a selection of global carceral texts to trace prison literature as an integral feature of literary and rhetorical history; as a vehicle for civil resistance and rebellion; as exposition of socially concealed worlds; as a site of gender and sexual consciousness; as resistant political autobiography and demand for expressive autonomy; as a challenge to conscience and state power in opposition to capital punishment; as a witness literature written by those who have not been incarcerated.

We will cover such diverse periods and locales as ancient Athens, Puritan New England, Edwardian England, Egypt, and contemporary Guantanamo Bay and Xinjiang province in China.

When most people about the history of forced prison labor in the United States they think of the South's infamous convict lease system and chain gangs. In fact, as this chapter argues, the practice by which private interests purchased the right to put prisoners to hard, forced labor upon threat of violent correction was a nationwide phenomenon after the Civil War. Although the South's convict lease system was demonstrably more violent, racist, and exploitative than its northern equivalent, it was nevertheless on a continuum of violently-enforced, large-scale, private profit-making, prison labor that had originated in the pre-Civil War North and to which many tens of thousands of poor and working-class men had been subject, in the name of legal punishment. In every region of the country, private contractors enjoyed either explicit or de facto control over the states' imprisoned populations, and the profit motive inflected almost every aspect of the prisoner's daily life. Variations of contractual penal servitude served the needs of an industrializing capitalism in the North and Midwest, and the racializing, under-developing capitalism of the post-slavery South.

Argues 1), that the 13th Amendment's exemption clause registered and constitutionalized the long-established,  system of penal servitude, forced prison labor, and convict rightslessness that the northern, not the southern, states had institutionalized well before the Civil War; 2), that the practice of selling the labor power and/or hiring out the bodies of prisoners to private companies was scaled up in the antebellum North, decades before the "Redeemer" states of the post-Civil War South adopted the brutal convict lease system; 3) that the North's carceral labor system was one part of a novel complex of forced servitude in which prisoners were gradually stripped of almost all their rights and subjected to a range of corporal punishments that had been neither customary nor legal in the Early Republic; and 4), that prisoners, organized labor, and other opponents of contractual penal servitude resisted one or more aspects of contractual penal servitude and changed it in some important ways.

Argues 1), that the 13th Amendment's exemption clause registered and constitutionalized the long-established,  system of penal servitude, forced prison labor, and convict rightslessness that the northern, not the southern, states had institutionalized well before the Civil War; 2), that the practice of selling the labor power and/or hiring out the bodies of prisoners to private companies was scaled up in the antebellum North, decades before the "Redeemer" states of the post-Civil War South adopted the brutal convict lease system; 3) that the North's carceral labor system was one part of a novel complex of forced servitude in which prisoners were gradually stripped of almost all their rights and subjected to a range of corporal punishments that had been neither customary nor legal in the Early Republic; and 4), that prisoners, organized labor, and other opponents of contractual penal servitude resisted one or more aspects of contractual penal servitude and changed it in some important ways.

During a discussion of her novel, Sing, Unburied, Sing, on National Public Radio (NPR), Jesmyn Ward recalls her experience of Hurricane Katrina: “I sat on the porch, barefoot and shaking. The sky turned orange and the wind sounded like fighter jets. So that’s what my mother meant: I understood then how that hurricane, that Camille, had unmade the world, tree by water by house by person.” The “weight of history in the South of slavery and Jim Crow makes it hard to bear up,” she continues. The future is full of worry, “about climate change and more devastating storms like Katrina and Harvey.” In Ward’s depiction of the wind as fighter jets, she imbues the violent elements of the hurricane with a martial quality that demonstrates how weather and, in particular, storms, hold the capacity to unmake the world. Her words reveal the fungible nature of oikos, or home, and a methodological process of undoing—waters that uproot trees that uproot houses that displace persons. And the details of the aftermath left unsaid—the racism laid bare by the storm, those attempts at unmaking, human by human.

Yet it is the history of the US South, of slavery and Jim Crow, that Ward uses as the preface to her concern about a future full of storms wrought by climate change. In doing so, she foregrounds the racial dimensions of the Anthropocene by placing the carceral in conversation with the environment. Sing, Unburied, Sing also explores this much over-looked connection. By examining Sing, Unburied, Sing’s spectral twinning of racial and ecological violence, this essay traces what I call carceral ecology. Crafted from Ward’s imagining of a martial meteorology, carceral ecology transforms climatic phenomena like heat, rain, and storms into tools of western power. The novel thus unearths a southern history in which environmental design and manipulation have been used to maintain a carceral state of control. Looking to Sing, Unburied, Sing, allows us to sift through the different evolutions of carceral ecology—from its toxic presence in the communities of the US South, to its early stages on the plantation, and ending, finally, with the worldly arena of the Anthropocene.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.

RÉSUMÉ
La guerre d’indépendance algérienne s’est déroulée non seulement sur un front militaire, avec l’envoi du contingent et le recours aux appelés, mais aussi sur un front judiciaire. Résultat, en Algérie comme en France, des milliers d’individus, Algériens, Français, hommes, femmes, militaires, civils, ont été envoyés en prison. Au lieu d’examiner la situation dans les établissements pénitentiaires, cet article opte pour une démarche au plus près des trajectoires carcérales. Grâce aux archives de la direc- tion pénitentiaire et notamment du bureau de l’application des peines, des dossiers de détenus et des registres d’écrou, comme à de nombreux entretiens oraux, à la collecte d’archives privées et à la lecture d’autobiographies d’anciens prisonniers, on constate que la prison, parce qu’elle est une peine, est mobile. L’itinérance carcérale conduit en effet les détenus à migrer d’un site à l’autre non seulement en France et en Algérie, mais aussi entre la France et l’Algérie (dans les deux sens). Cette itiné- rance, qui définit un espace transméditerranéen de répression et de migration forcée, s’explique à la fois par une stratégie de répression coloniale et étatique, dont les racines remontent à la conquête de l’Algérie, mais aussi par des stratégies de résis-
tances et de subversions individuelles. Car, si chaque détenu dessine une cartogra- phie carcérale singulière, le trajet donne la possibilité d’alerter l’opinion sur la situation, la traversée des prisons facilite la comparaison (donc la lutte) pour une uniformisation vers le haut des conditions de détention et, finalement, le transfert permet de piéger l’État à son propre jeu répressif.

ABSTRACT
Carceral Itineraries during the Algerian War. Between State Repression and Indivi- dual Strategies of Resistance
The Algerian war of independence did not unfold solely on a military front, with the drafting and dispatching of troops, but also on a judicial front. As a result, in Algeria as well as in France, thousands of people – Algerian and French, men and women, soldiers and civilians – were sent to prison. Rather than examining the situa- tion in penal institutions, this article focuses on carceral trajectories. Drawing on prison administration archives, prisoner files and prison records, numerous inter- views, personal archives, and former prisoners’ biographical accounts, the article shows that incarceration can become a mobile punishment. Prisoners are transferred from one carceral site to another, not just in France or in Algeria, but also between France and Algeria, and in both directions. This continuous movement, which demar- cates a trans-Mediterranean space of repression and forced migration, is explained by a state strategy of repression whose roots go back to the conquest of Algeria, but also by individual prisoners’ strategies of resistance and subversion. If each prisoner traces out a distinct carceral map, their common journey makes public awareness of the situation possible, their passage through various prisons facilitates comparison, encouraging the fight for better detention conditions, and the practice of the prison transfer itself ultimately allows prisoners to beat the state at its own repressive game.

The prison experience is widely shared in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It endurably marks personal and collective stories. Since the Occupation of the Palestinian Territories in 1967, mass incarceration has spun a prison web, a kind of suspended detention. Approximately 40 per cent of the male population has been to prison. This book deals with the contemporary history of the imprisonment of Palestinians in Israeli prisons since 1967, and, since the 2000s, in Palestinian facilities. It demonstrates how the judicial and prison practices applied to Palestinian residents of the OPT are major fractal devices of control contributing to the management of Israeli borders, and shape a specific bordering system based on a mobility regime: such borders are mobile, networked and endless. This history of confinement is that of the prison web, and of the in-between political, social, and personal spaces people weave between Inside and Outside prison. Based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork, oral and written sources, archives, and extensive institutional documentation, this political anthropology book deals with carceral citizenships and subjectivities. Over time, imprisonment has had profound effects on personal experiences: on masculinities, femininities, gender relations, parentality, and intimacy. Woven like a web, this story is built around places, moments, people and their testimonies.

The prison experience is widely shared in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It endurably marks personal and collective stories. Since the Occupation of the Palestinian Territories in 1967, mass incarceration has spun a prison web, a kind of suspended detention. Approximately 40 per cent of the male population has been to prison. This book deals with the contemporary history of the imprisonment of Palestinians in Israeli prisons since 1967, and, since the 2000s, in Palestinian facilities. It demonstrates how the judicial and prison practices applied to Palestinian residents of the OPT are major fractal devices of control contributing to the management of Israeli borders, and shape a specific bordering system based on a mobility regime: such borders are mobile, networked and endless. This history of confinement is that of the prison web, and of the in-between political, social, and personal spaces people weave between Inside and Outside prison. Based on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork, oral and written sources, archives, and extensive institutional documentation, this political anthropology book deals with carceral citizenships and subjectivities. Over time, imprisonment has had profound effects on personal experiences: on masculinities, femininities, gender relations, parentality, and intimacy. Woven like a web, this story is built around places, moments, people and their testimonies.

In her 2012 pornographic role-play scene, Skin Diamond, a black queer femme, performs as the rebellious naughty schoolgirl who is punished by getting fucked hard by her white male teacher in detention. She teaches him a lesson by returning this hardcore fuck. In a viral 2015 case, Shakara, a black femme-presenting teenager, refuses to be sent out of a South Carolina public high school classroom and is punished by getting socially and symbolically fucked, hard; Shakara is brutally arrested by a white male police officer, taken into custody, and subjected to legal charges. “Race, Power, and the Pornographic” uses theatrical performances from interracial pornography to read real-life state encounters and vice versa. Specifically, drawing on Black Feminisms, Black Sexuality, Genocide, and Afterlife of Slavery (BBGA) scholarships, I close read Skin’s schoolgirl performance and Shakara’s school policing encounter. I aim to denude the unconscious racialized pornographic BDSM (Bondage and Discipline/Domination and Submission/Sadism and Masochism/Sadomasochism) structured into interracial relations across porn, public schools, and beyond. Visual, discursive, and textual analysis exposes how U.S. civil society depends on coercive modes of this BDSM practice to (re)produce the State itself and dominion over black communities, particularly black femmes.

More precisely, I assert that genocidal antiblack policing and captivity are racializing, sexualizing, gendering, and erotic acts. These concomitant features set the ground work for these types of violences to unavoidably serve a pornographic purpose, and in fact, function as a type of pornography for state forces on, and most problematically, off the pornographic screen. To sustain this sexually electrifying and titillating process, I argue that the antiblack State and its forces continually construct and project racialized pornographic tropes onto black femmes for sexual amusement as well as self and State coherence. Particularly, I focus on The Naughty Black Femme Schoolgirl trope and the material consequences of this fantasy and fetish of these femmes in schoolgirl porn and public schools. This looks like their subjection to parodied or deadly racial-sexual punishment, respectively. Furthermore, I contend that black femmes employ, what I call, erotic mastery to reject, toy with, or transform elements of racialized BDSM to flip-the-script in these interracial encounters. For example, Skin offers us this via virtuosic sexual actions like sultry sex positions, ecstatic moans, and rebellious humor that toy with domination, submission, and its sexy in-betweens. For Shakara, this emerges in her brave refusal to school staff disciplinary orders and self-defense against lethal police violence. In doing so, Skin, Shakara, and other similar black femmes’ employment of erotic mastery rattles trope formation, on and off-screen interracial pornography, and the broader racialized pornographic economy of antiblack genocide that produces and is produced by this collective process. An alarming process fraught with pain, pleasure and power. This vexed and knotty relation may present black communities with an opportunity to imagine other pornographic and social worlds in black autonomous spaces.

À ma chère Mère ; la pauvre, la dernière de mes deux parents qui trépasse un lundi 04 juillet 2011, dort en paix. Transmets mes chaleureuses salutations à ton époux, mon très cher père, l'autodidacte qui a pris la retraite anticipée après deux ans d'emprisonnement à la prison civile de Guéckédou. Il a été accusé de détournement alors qu'il n'y était pour rien. Ce travail lui est dédié. À mes chers frères et soeurs, je vous remercie également pour l'amour que nous continuons à partager après la mort de nos parents. Merci, chère Maman Mariame Sandouno, pour votre soutien pendant mes années au collège et au lycée ; tu es sans doute, comme je te l'ai toujours répété, ma deuxième mère. Merci à l'ambassade de France en Guinée, notamment le service de coopération et d'action culturelle (SCAC), pour cette bourse qui me permet d'accomplir ce travail. Professeur Frédéric Le Marcis, vous en êtes sans doute, le chef-d'oeuvre de ce travail. Permettez-moi, sans vouloir en abuser, de vous dire, Merci ! Tout a débuté par un simple courriel électronique, vous vous rappelez encore, peut-être. Plus tard, mes pas ont suivi les vôtres sur le terrain à Mamou, c'était en quelque sorte une histoire du mythe de la caverne. Merci cher Gilles Chantraine, vous qui avez accepté, sans me voir, ni me connaître, mais par échange de courriels électroniques, de co-diriger ce travail avec Frédéric Le Marcis, soyezen remercié. Merci également pour votre accueil, pour les cafés que vous m'avez offert, et aussi pour vos différents conseils sur la rédaction. Merci Madame Cécile Vignal, directrice du M2 VNQS, pour vos différentes lettres fournies pour l'obtention de la bourse à l'Ambassade de France en Guinée et pour votre accompagnement à l'arrivée ; je vous en suis reconnaissant. Professeur Mohamed Moustapha Diop, je vous remercie pour vos différents accompagnements et votre patience malgré mes imperfections. Vous êtes une porte d'entrée. Mes sincères remerciements vont également à l'endroit de la direction du Cerfig, Professeur Abdoulaye Touré et Docteur Alpha Kabinet Keita, actuellement recteur à l'université Gamal Abdel Nasser de Conakry. Chère Fanny Attas, je te remercie pour tes orientations. Ton arrivée au Cerfig a été très bénéfique pour moi. Je remercie également tous les collègues du projet ARIACOV-SHS et l'ensemble du personnel au Cerfig. Permettez-moi de remercier très spécialement toutes les personnes interviewées, notamment les enfants et jeunes emprisonnés à la Maison Centrale de Conakry. Merci à vous les enfants qui êtes déjà en liberté, vous qui êtes dans les Centres d'accueil. Merci à vous qui êtes retournés dans la rue sans le vouloir par l'inaction des autorités de notre pays. Je vous remercie d'avoir partagé avec moi, vos différentes expériences et parcours de vie. Mes pensées vont également à l'endroit des enfants à travers le monde, qui, par « le désordre du monde », comme l'écrit Didier Fassin, vivez dans la rue, en prison ou dans les situations difficiles. Je n'oublie pas Monsieur Charles Victor Macka, le directeur national de l'administration pénitentiaire qui autorise, après une année de négociation, mon entrée en prison pour réaliser mes enquêtes. Je vous remercie au même titre que Fougué Camara, le médecin chef de la Maison centrale qui a permis que cela soit fait. Enfin, je remercie l'ensemble des enseignants et intervenants durant l'année universitaire (2021-2022) à ULille, M2 VNQS. À toutes et à tous, de manière directe ou indirecte, qui avez contribué à la réussite de ce travail, je vous remercie. 8. De la violence carcérale : la loi du plus fort est toujours la meilleure _______________ 8.1 De la double irritabilité de la violence ______________________________________________ 8.2 Extraire par la force, exprimer sa colère _____________________________________________ Conclusion du chapitre II _______________________________________________________ Chapitre III. Analyse des dispositifs de la gestion de la délinquance juvénile à Conakry 9. Dispositifs, temporalité et fonctionnement _____________________________________ 9.1 La Guinée française et la gestion de la délinquance juvénile : questionner l'histoire pour comprendre le présent __________________________________________________________________ 9.2 Après la Guinée française, la gestion de la délinquance juvénile aujourd'hui _______________ 10. De la judiciarisation des MCL ____________________________________________ 10.1 Délit, garde à vue, prison ________________________________________________________ 10.2 Avant la médiation pénale________________________________________________________ 10.3 Le temps de la médiation ________________________________________________________ 10.4 Après la médiation _____________________________________________________________

La maison centrale de Fontevraud ne fut pas toujours une prison. Fondée en 1101 par Robert d’Arbrissel, l’abbaye de Fontevraud le restera jusqu’au 25 septembre 1792. En 1804, l’abbaye de Fontevraud est réhabilitée en maison centrale de détention, par décret, sous ordre de Napoléon. À partir de cette date, l’abbaye connaîtra ses plus grandes transformations architecturales jusqu’à la fermeture de la prison en 1963.
Ma recherche est consacrée à l’étude architecturale de la maison centrale de Fontevraud de 1804, date à laquelle l’abbaye devient maison centrale, jusqu’en 1963, fermeture de la prison. Mon travail prend en compte les bâtiments réhabilités, construits ou détruits, afin d’apporter de nouvelles connaissances sur les bâtiments carcéraux, en lien avec l’histoire pénitentiaire. Mais aussi pour apporter un nouveau regard et de nouvelles approches sur l’architecture carcérale. Cependant, il ne comprend pas les restaurations des dallages, peintures, toitures et autres réparations en lien avec l’usure du temps.

This article focuses on some of the contributions and possibilities of ethnography in relation to the study of the governance of il/legality: that is, the ways in which societies understand and act on crime, punishment, security, and law. It represents neither a comprehensive treatise on ethnography nor a methodological how-to guide. 1 Rather, this article attempts an analytic and methodological reflection on ethnography vis-à-vis legal and penal governance. It asks, for instance: What contributions have ethnographic inquires made in these arenas? What possibilities might this methodological approach open? How can ethnography contribute to expanding and deepening the study of law, punishment, and governance? In what follows, we put forward a case for the value of ethnography for studying il/legality in our current moment that, we hope, will be of interest to individuals new to or considering ethnography as well as to those already utilizing it. We conceive of ethnography as more than a methodological toolkit or set of procedures that researchers simply adopt and apply (see Coutin Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies, among others.).