Cut mark analysis

This thesis examines the use of iron by the Thule people, a Neoeskimo culture that lived in the North American Arctic between approximately 1000 AD and 1400 ̶ 1500 AD. The study takes a pan-Arctic perspective to bring together research that has usually been done on a more-limited geographical scale. This viewpoint shows the Thule culture from a view that corresponds to their world. The study focuses on: (1) revisions in the accepted chronology of the Thule and how these have affected the explanations for the Thule Migration from Alaska to Greenland; (2) new understandings about the iron that was available to the Thule; (3) new insights into the quantity of iron that would have been available to the Thule; and (4) new evidence for how trade was conducted and how iron was traded by the Thule. The methodology includes extensive references to published literature, an experiment using cut mark analysis to find a new proxy for iron, and spatial analysis using GIS based on data from government-maintained archaeological databases. The literature review includes research since McCartney's last work on iron in 1991. The methodology for the cut mark analysis enabled stone and metal manufacturing marks to v be distinguished but it faced unanticipated problems in application to analyzing museum artifacts: many had no incised lines to examine while others had been conserved using material that obscured the lines. The GIS visualizations were more useful in raising new research questions than in definitively answering old ones; nonetheless, the visualizations were an effective way to grasp overall patterns in the data. The conclusions of the study are: (1) the Thule Migration was not sparked by knowledge of, or rumors of, iron or commercial opportunities to the east (as Robert McGhee proposed); the Thule would not have known about the Greenlandic iron prior to their arrival in the Central or even Eastern Arctic; (2) the Cape York meteorite fall zone was the site of extensive iron working by both the Late Dorset and the Thule; (3) copper and rodent teeth were often available alternatives to iron for cutting antler and ivory, and are frequently present in Thule assemblages; (4) the Thule trade network enabled and was maintained by an extensive communication network, evidence for which can be seen in widespread stylistic similarities of tools shown in illustrations in the thesis itself and in Appendix 2. According to the Inuit Circumpolar Council Charter "Inuit means indigenous members of the Inuit homeland recognized by Inuit as being members of their people and shall include the Iñupiat, Yupik (Alaska), Inuit, Inuvialuit (Canada), Kalaallit (Greenland), and Yupik (Russia)" (www.inuitcircumpolar.com/icc-charter.html; updated 2016). The UAF Native Language Center approached the question of Eskimo with the assessment that although "Eskimo" is commonly used in Alaska to refer to "all Inuit and Yupik people of the world," the name is considered derogatory in many other places because it was given by non-Inuit people and was said to mean "eater of raw meat." It

Barranc de la Boella is made up of several open-air late Early Pleistocene archaeological sites (Pit 1, La Mina and El Forn) the formation of which is related to a deltaic sedimentary environment. Its age makes it a key site for studying the behavior of the early hominin groups of the Iberian Peninsula and western Europe and the ecological context in which they developed. At La Mina locality, three archaeostratigraphic levels have been identified, with level 2 being the richest in terms of the archaeological remains recovered. It exhibits high taxonomic diversity, with the most common taxa belonging to open and partially open habitats, although aquatic and riparian taxa have also been identified. Carnivore remains are present, although scarce. Coprolites from a hyaenid have also been found. Both hominin and carnivore activity has been documented at the site. Evidence of carnivore activity suggests at least one bone-cracking carnivore had access to the assemblage. The anatomical ratios employed suggest that La Mina was formed at a time of high competition (intra and/or inter-specific), with a high number of predators in this ecological context. Anthropic activity in a highly competitive context might suggest that these hominin groups had a high degree of control over the environment and over local resources, as has been shown at other Early Pleistocene sites.

A commonly identified problem in open-air sites is the poor preservation of bone surfaces because of the multiple agents and processes that act on them. In these assemblages, surface modifications of anthropic origin can be scarce or null, and its activity is mainly inferred through the stone tools and evidence of anthropogenic breakage. Carnivore activity is also frequent. La Mina and El Forn (Barranc de la Boella), Isernia La Pineta, and Torralba are open-air assemblages from the Early and Middle Pleistocene that have contributed to our knowledge of the activities that Lower Paleolithic hominins developed in open spaces. These sites show poorly preserved bone surfaces, evidence of carnivore activity, and few indications of human use on the faunal remains, although stone tools recovered are unequivocal sign of a hominin presence at those sites. Here, we present a synthesis of the taphonomic conducted at these sites with the aim of describing how this kind of work can be conducted at Paleolithic open-air sites using several different proxies, considering the limitations commonly identified in assemblages with poorly preserved bone surfaces. The absence or scarcity of cut marks could be related to the poor preservation of the faunal remains. However, it is impossible to affirm that any such marks were originally present, as hominins may have performed activities not linked to animal carcasses. Anatomical profiles have been presented as a useful tool for reconstructing the paleoecological environments and for allowing inferences to be made about the levels of competition among large predators. The assemblages reflect similarities in the deposition type of the remains and the use of these open spaces by hominins at different times during the Lower Paleolithic.

A trophy or a medal is something that embodies the occasion of achievement for ever; it symbolizes the moment so that we can relive it as it freshens the memories of the occasion. Therefore, it is very precious for the receiver of holder, because more often than not it associates hard work and sacrifice.

Pleistocene fossil concentrations excavated in open-air contexts are usually the result of the participation of one or various processes or agents (either physical or biological) involved in the transport and accumulation of several remains in a specific place, until forming archaeological deposits. In some open-air sites, however, we do not find a main actor in the accumulation of the remains and the formation of the deposits. These palimpsests could be the result of the successive accumulation of multiple independent events, which contribute to the deposition of different materials in a greater or less amount of time.
The late Early Pleistocene site of Barranc de la Boella (Tarragona) and the late Middle Pleistocene site of Torralba (Soria) are two Iberian archaeological sites which formation seems to be the result of this type of accumulation processes. These archaeological sites have different taphonomic histories, although they share palaeoecological and taphonomic features, such as its formation in fluvio-deltaic contexts, the evidences of carnivore activity or the identification of the presence of hominin populations through the abundant lithic stone tools recovered, although the evidences of anthropization of faunal remains is scarce or practically null.
Taphonomic analyses suggest that we are in front of discrete occupations in these sites, in which hominins would not have played a main role in the formation of osteological accumulations. We propose that these deposits do not correspond to places of activity of the Lower Paleolithic hominin populations, but could correspond to places of transit where they would have transited. These areas would be part of the wide territory of domination, control and use that these hominins populations would have exploited within their foraging strategies and different activities of acquisition of resources. These evidences would highlight the importance of patterns of mobility (both at a regional and macro-regional scale) and use of the landscape that these hominins would have during their foraging activities since Lower Pleistocene chronologies.

Abstract:

L’argomento di questa tesi nasce dall'esperienza congiunta di rievocazione storica ed archeologia sperimentale che ho maturato con gli anni. Appassionato di rievocazione dal 2007,
ho praticato (e continuo tuttora a praticare) la scherma ed il reenactment relativi a svariati periodi della storia della Sardegna: il periodo medioevale (giudicale), quello romano-imperiale e da ultimo quello nuragico. La necessità di avere maggiori informazioni, non disponibili tramite le fonti scritte, iconografiche e archeologiche legate sopratutto a quest’ultimo periodo, mi ha portato con gli anni a pormi ulteriori quesiti sull’argomento. Quella dei nuragici era una società pacifica? In caso contrario come combattevano i suoi guerrieri? Che tipo di struttura gerarchico-militare avevano? Le risposte a queste domande diventavano sempre più impellenti man mano che mi confrontavo con il pubblico (e spesso con i pregiudizi legati a questo lontano periodo). Desideroso di avere delle risposte, coadiuvato dall’esperienza di artigiano-archeotecnico del bronzo che porto avanti nei ritagli di tempo, ispirato da studi sulla cosiddetta “archeologia del combattimento” e dalle tecniche forensi applicate nell'archeologia, sono giunto a conclusione che solo studiando i resti umani di quegli
uomini vissuti 3000 e più anni fa, avrei potuto ricavare maggiori risposte alle mie domande.
Nel presente lavoro ho esaminato i casi più noti in letteratura di reperti scheletrici con visibili segni traumatici, ponendo particolare attenzione ai periodi preistorici. Come paragone
per lo studio dei reperti nuragici è stato utilizzato lo scheletro di un presunto soldato medioevale, il quale presentava diversi traumi da combattimento. I resti ossei nuragici consistono in tre crani appartenenti a tre diverse sepolture collettive localizzate in aree della Sardegna tra loro molto distanti. Per questi tre casi si è provveduto a determinare il tipo di trauma osservato, che tipo di arma ha provocato la ferita e lo scenario ipotetico dell’aggressione che ha interessato ciascun individuo. Lo studio di questi casi ha permesso una ricostruzione delle modalità di combattimento più verosimili per tale periodo; queste hanno
permesso di dedurre quali ferite e in quali aree del corpo si potrebbero riscontrare più frequentemente i traumi. La riproduzione dei traumi mediante prove d’archeologia sperimentale (test di taglio) hanno permesso di capire quali lesioni potrebbero essere prodotte da alcune specifiche armi dell’età del Bronzo. Come ultima analisi sono stati elencati i principali casi di trapanazioni craniche per poter determinare se tali pratiche siano da mettere in relazione a traumi conseguenti ad episodi violenti o a pratiche etnoiatriche.

The subject of this thesis was born from a joint of historical reenactment and experimental archeology that I have gained over the years. Fond of living history since 2007, I practiced (and still continuing to practice) the fencing and the reenactment related to various periods of the history of Sardinia: the medieval period (Judicial), the Roman Empire and finally the nuragic one (Age of Bronze). The need to have more information, not available through the written sources, iconographic and archaeological related especially in the latter period, led me through the years to ask me more questions on the subject.
Nuragics was that of a peaceful society? Otherwise how his warriors fought? What kind of hierarchical-military had? The answers to these questions became more compelling as I compared them with the public (and often with the prejudices related to this distant period). Eager to get answers, aided by the experience of bronze artisan-archaeotecnic that I carry in my spare time, inspired by studies on the so-called "archeology of combat" and forensic techniques applied in archaeology, I have come to the conclusion that only by studying the human remains of those men lived 3000 years and more ago, I could get more answers to my questions.
In this paper I have examined the best known cases in the literature of skeletal remains with visible signs of trauma, paying particular attention to prehistoric times. As a comparison for the study of the nuragic finds, was used the skeleton of a supposed medieval soldier, who presented several combat trauma. The skeletal nuragic remains consist of three skulls belonging to three different collective burials located in areas of Sardinia each other very distant. For these three cases, it was decided to determine the type of trauma observed, what kind of weapon caused the wound and the hypothetical scenario of the attack that affected each individual. The study of these cases has allowed a reconstruction of how to combat the most plausible for that period; These have enabled us to deduce which wounds and in which areas of the body could be encountered more frequently trauma. Reproduction of trauma by tests of experimental archeology (test cutting) has allowed us to understand what injuries could be produced by a number of specific Bronze Age weapons. As the final analysis were listed the main cases of cranial drilling to determine whether such practices are to be related to trauma resulting from violent incidents or etnoiatric practices.

Coprolites are commonly identified in the Pleistocene archaeo-palaeontological record. They have often been described as indirect evidence for the presence of carnivores (usually hyenids) during the formation of a depositional sequence. However, coprolites are a much larger source of information that can provide data relating to factors affecting an archaeological assemblage, including its taphonomic history and palaeoecology. In this paper, two fossil coprolite accumulations dating to the late Early Pleistocene are described: Level TD6.1 of Gran Dolina (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos) and Unit II of La Mina (Barranc de la Boella, Tarragona). The results highlight the morphological homogeneity of these hyena coprolites, despite a considerable variation in size. The presence of microspherulites is clearly identified in all of the analysed hyena coprolites. Their composition is rich in elements characteristic of bone-origin, such as calcium (Ca) and phosphorus (P). A major difference, however, differentiating the remains from these sites was a higher frequency of bone fragments in the La Mina coprolites, regarding to TD6.1. Pollen, spores, and palynomorphs are scarce in the samples from both sites, which in fact share similar ecological characteristics such as the presence of pine, wild grasses, and coprophilous fungi. Hyena coprolites are relatively easy to differentiate from those of other taxa; however, they show intra-specific similarities in their micro- and macro-morphology and composition, despite their wide size range. The species of hyenids responsible for the coprolites is not possible to identify based exclusively on the size range, and the importance of a multidisciplinary study of the latrines and the coprolites is discussed as a source of palaeoecological and taphonomic information. In this study, coprolites are analysed, compared, and attributed to a hyenid, identified as Crocuta crocuta in the case of TD6.1, but without specific attribution in the case of La Mina.

The late Early Pleistocene site Barranc de la Boella provides an unparalleled opportunity to assess the context of
the activities of the hominin populations that inhabited the Iberian Peninsula at 1 Ma. Recently, strong evidence
for access to mammoth meat has been described at the Pit 1 locality. At the la Mina and el Forn excavation areas,
little evidence exists for the anthropogenic processing of macromammals. However, the presence of humans is
recorded, and the available evidence suggests these populations had access to several interesting resources. By
analysing and comparing five separate assemblages at Barranc de la Boella, we assess the fluctuating presence
of hominins and carnivores and the levels of competition among predators in each assemblage. Our analysis reveals
different levels of competition intensity during the formation of assemblages when hominin groups were
present, as evidenced by the abundance and diversity of stone artefacts. The analyses of skeletal component ratios
indicate several competitive contexts, and the greatest presence of hominin groups is associated with the most
competitive scenarios. The palaeoenvironment at Barranc de la Boella was rich in resources that hominins
could exploit. The presence of hominin and carnivore groups appears to have been higher in levelswith more inferred
competition. This scenario supports prior research that concludes that carnivore abundance and highly
competitive contexts were two constants in the lives of these hominin groups. Thus, the criteria determining
whether hominins could inhabit a given landscape were most likely related to the presence or absence of
resources, such as animal resources, water and raw materials, rather than the dynamics of the carnivore populations,
to which the hominins were able to become habituated.

The zooarchaeological evidence from the Athenian Agora presents a rich record of ancient activity relating to animals, their carcasses, and their extant remains. Previous analyses of the material from the Athenian Agora have focused on questions of animal husbandry and sacrificial ritual. However, 1,000+ zooarchaeologi-cal remains contain cut marks, which provide evidence for diachronic changes in the craft of butchery. Conclusions are drawn from a detailed analysis of cut marks: spatial analysis (precise anatomical location of cut marks, recorded in GIS), tool-type analysis (small knife, heavy knife, saw, or cleaver), and cut mark types (skinning , dismembering, filleting, marrow extraction, or bone working). Butchered animal remains provide evidence for increasing standardization in urban Athe-nian butchery techniques beginning in the Late Archaic period, which produced standard cuts of meat for both festival and commercial contexts. It is possible to identify a switch from smaller knives to larger cleavers in Athe-nian butchery activities, with the exception of animal skinning and bone working. The use of cleavers led to an increasing efficiency in butchery practice. An analysis of the chaîne-opératoire of animal butchery, evident from cut mark location and directionality of chops, indicates that most carcasses were suspended during butchery activities. After skinning and removal of the head, the carcass was subsequently split longitudinally, after which the limbs were dismembered and processed into smaller portions. A detailed anatomical plot of cleaver butchery marks suggests a standard operation for all steps within. Redundant chop marks indicate redundant actions were used to dismember the fore and hind legs from a hanging carcass or to remove the kneecap from a hanging joint. Oftentimes, these cleaver marks are redundant regardless of context (evident in both consumption refuse and bone-working waste) or species (standard chop marks are evident on cattle and dogs). The growing standardization in Athenian cleaver butchery, in contrast to earlier Late Bronze Age and Geometric-period remains, suggests a transition from ad hoc domestic butchery activity to professional butchery, likely associated with both public feasts and commercial meat distribution. This change in butchery practice signifies important changes in the distribution of urban foodstuffs and changes in cuts of meat. New cuts of meat would have had an important effect on both Athenian food preparation and diet in public and private meals. These changes also relate to other contemporary social changes: the increasing scale of Athenian public feasts in the Agora, the growth of the commercial Agora, and changing foodways affecting the diet and lifestyle of the urban population.

Book Chapter .  In Mediterranean basins. North of the Ebro river. ). In: Sala, R.
(Ed.), Pleistocene and Holocene Hunter-gatherers in Iberia and the Gibraltar
Strait: the Current Archaeological Record. Universidad de Burgos, Burgos,
pp. 287e295.

Since 2007, excavations at Barranc de la Boella (Tarragona, Catalonia, Spain) have revealed three localities
with rich archaeo-paleontological assemblages: La Mina, El Forn and Pit 1. Palaeontology, palaeomagnetism
and cosmogenic analyses have dated these localities to close to 1 Ma. The presence of
Mammuthus meridionalis, Hippopotamus antiquus, Stephanorhinus cf. hundsheimensis, Mimomys savini and
Victoriamys chalinei stand out in the sample of macro and micro-mammals.
The lithic assemblages from the three sites are made up of percussion cobbles, choppers, choppercores,
cores, simple flakes, and some retouched flakes: mainly denticulates and notches. In the case of
the El Forn and Pit 1 localities, two large cutting tools have been recovered: a cleaver-like tool and a pick
made of hard-wearing schist. The lithic assemblage of Pit 1, which includes several refitting lithic sets, is
closely associated with the remains of a young-adult Mammuthus meridionalis, in a clear butchering site
context.
This evidence suggests that Barranc de la Boella is the oldest European Early Acheulean site, and one of
the oldest butchering site on the subcontinent during the late Early Pleistocene. The study of the variability
among these three localities in similar environmental conditions, together with information from
other sites, are discussed in order to gain further knowledge about the appearance of the Acheulean in
Europe, and its continuity or discontinuity in relation to pre-existing technologies.

This study employs a White Light Confocal Profiler to analyze both experimental and archaeological cutmarks. All analyses used SolarMap® software and a Sensofar Plμ profiler. Surfaces were scanned in multiple profile mode at 10X with cuts oriented so that they were vertical on the screen. Two dimensional data acquisition followed procedures developed previously (Schnellenberger and Schmidt 2014). For 3D study, analysis took place using the ‘volume of hole/peak’ option, which rendered kerf surface, volume, maximum, and mean depths data. The sample included cut marks from archeological samples (Middle and Late Archaic people from the eastern US), as well as experimental cuts made with ground stone celts, chert bifaces, and modern trowels. Experimental cuts were made by placing tools in a clamp and dropping them down a steel post from a standard height to impact  a cow’s rib. The results indicate ancient cuts were very wide relative to their depths. In 3D, they have large volumes and large mean depths. Cut marks from celts were most similar to the ancient cuts. Some bifaces made large cuts, but on average their cuts were smaller. The steel trowel cuts (which were made by hand) were very narrow by comparison. It appears the ancient cutmarks were made with large stone tools, like ground stone tools, and were not made with fine bladed implements. It is also clear that the cuts were not the result of excavation.

The current study employs a white light confocal profiler (WLCP) to analyze cut marks on a prehistoric bone to determine if they were made with stone (i.e., ancient) or steel (i.e., modern) tools. The unknown in this case is a 5,300-year-old, 5 cm cranial fragment with cuts consistent with scalping but which came from a site, 12Sp7, damaged by a modern auger (Fig. 1). The cranial fragment cuts were compared to experimental cuts made on cow ribs with a ground-stone celt, bifacial chert knife, unworked chert flake, a bifacial steel knife, a serrated steak knife, and an unifacial trowel. Experimental cuts were made perpendicular to the long axis of the bone, holding the implement vertically; for this study, force was deliberately not standardized. Data collection commenced at 10X magnification; we generated three profiles for each cut using SolarMap® software. Steel tools created deep, narrow cuts ranging from ~10 to 100 microns in width and had starkly flat kerf floors. The exception was the trowel, which made wide scratches around 200 microns across; their floors were flat to uneven. The stone tools created shallow, wide cuts that measured to around 600 microns wide with rounded kerf floors. The cranial fragment cuts were wide and shallow, ~400-900 microns wide, and had distinctly rounded floors. Thus, they appear to be ancient. Although preliminary because quantification and standardization need to be developed, it is clear that a WLCP can ably assist with cut mark study.
Authors: Jack Schnellenberger, Christopher Schmidt

One of the key concerns in human evolution studies is tracing the development of stone tool use by early hominins to acquire meat. It has been suggested that the earliest tools used for this purpose might have been unmodified, naturally sharp rocks. However, it has proven challenging to distinguish marks on bones made by hominins using humanly unmodified rocks (HURs) for butchery, from marks made by natural processes. Here we present the results of a study aimed at comparing marks made by HURs during butchery, versus marks made by the same HURs through simulated natural processes, specifically, the fluvial tumbling of bones with naturally sharp rocks (replicated here using a rock tumbler). The results of this study, in which the lithological effector is held constant while the actor is varied, confirm earlier studies suggesting that many existing categorical attributes do not effectively distinguish between marks made by HURs versus those made by other tools or trampling. However, we also present a novel way of measuring mark depths which shows that marks made by the human actor are much deeper and longer than those made by natural processes. The size of marks, therefore, matters. This knowledge may help us assess the likelihood that marks on bone surfaces may have been produced by natural forces, as opposed to by humans using unmodified rocks for butchery.

Diagnostic criteria to distinguish cut-marks and trampling-marks have been established in several studies. These studies have led us to know with relative precision the characteristics that identify and differentiate both types of modifications. However, several fossildiagenetic factors can produce modifications in the bones surfaces, including characteristic surface striae. Chemical alteration produced, generally, by the washing of the soluble sediments of the soil, is documented in a relatively high number of archaeological sites. Our aim is to establish diagnostic criteria that led us to distinguish trampling and cut-marks, once chemically altered. The results have been applied to the unidentified striae located on some faunal skeletal remains of the la Mina site (Barranc de la Boella, Tarragona, Spain), whose bones surfaces are very altered by the acidity of the sediments and the different marks are indistinguishable. Catalunya. We are grateful to Oriol Cortes and the Boella staff in order to facilitate field assistance on the Boella locality.

Pleistocene transition whose formation is related to a deltaic sedimentary environment. The gorge has been a recognized archaeological and paleontological site since the first third of the twentieth century (Bataller, 1935). However, it was not until the seventies that Salvador Vilaseca discovered the archaeological potential of the site (Vilaseca, 1973). Scheduled excavation began in the gorge in 2007 at three different archaeological sites  Centre de Convencions, El Forn and La Mina  although work at the La Mina site started in 2008. Lithostratigraphic unit II is the richest in remains, with over 800 faunal, coprolite and stone tool remains recovered.

Several studies have attempted to identify diagnostic criteria for distinguishing between evidence of trampling and cut marks, two common modifications at archaeological sites. These studies have brought to light, with relative precision, the features that identify and differentiate the two types of modifications. However, few studies differentiate these modifications after they have been affected by other factors. Chemical alteration, related to lixiviated sediments, is documented in a relatively high number of archaeological sites. Following the criteria established by Domínguez-Rodrigo et al. (2009), the aim of this paper is to know if diagnostic criteria that would allow modifications resulting from trampling to be differentiated from cut mark modifications are preserved, after undergoing chemical alterations. The results have been applied to unidentified marks located on faunal skeletal remains from the La Mina site, at the Barranc de la Boella (Tarragona, Spain), the surfaces of which have been heavily modified by the lixiviation of the sediments. The data suggest that chemically altered marks lose the diagnostic criteria necessary for correct identification. The unidentified marks discovered on remains from la Boella could not be verified as cut or trampling marks and therefore cannot be considered in future zooarchaeological and taphonomical studies.

Due to the obvious constraints involved with working on human osseous material many advances in experimental aspects of biological anthropology have made use of research from the zooarchaeological analysis of faunal remains. Cut marks represent unequivocal evidence for human activity on animal bones, making the analysis of butchered remains an important part of zooarchaeological research. However, understanding the technical aspects of dismemberment is crucial to interpreting activity from assemblages where cannibalism has occurred. As faunal butchery has played an important part in developing an understanding of how humans may have used implements on other humans, it is equally important for those involved in human osteoarchaeology to also have an appreciation of how orientation, implement use and fundamental carcass dismemberment principles may affect how and why a particular process was carried out. This paper will highlight aspects of butchery and carcass dismemberment that may assist with interpretation and appraisal of cut marks on human remains, for example in distinguishing dismemberment for nutrition as opposed to cut marks made during ritual/sacrificial practices.

It has been suggested, from observations of faunal remains, that Romano-British butchers employed crude and unskilled practices for carcass dismemberment. By adopting a multidisciplinary approach to the analysis of butchery marks from archaeological material, it has been shown that the cut marks are in fact representing specific techniques that were highly specialised and efficient for carcass dismemberment.

The research presented in this paper used modern butchery practices to replicate a number of the more distinctive marks to clarify what actions may have caused them, what implement may have been used and what actual function was evident. In addition, information from archaeometallurgic reports, and iconographic and literary sources were used to gain the clearest interpretation from an amalgamation of resources.

The results suggest that, far from a lack of skill, urban Romano-British butchery seems to point more to a need for speed. Furthermore, specific implements were in production and use, and unlike the modern British cleaver, the Romano-British cleaver was in fact a dual-purpose implement designed with the intention of facilitating and improving carcass dismemberment.

This paper demonstrates the value of taking on board a multidisciplinary approach to combine information from various strands of archaeology in order to make better use of archaeological material. With further research, butchery analysis should elucidate a range of information relating to diet, cuisine, trade, use of space, acculturation, meat production and implement specialisation.