Diplomatic History

Fattorie romane, curtis, cappelle rurali e castelli a Isola del Cantone (GE) Introduzione Isola del Cantone è un Comune di circa 47 kmq, il più a nord della Liguria. L'attuale confine con il Piemonte coincide anche con la variazione morfologica dovuta all'inizio della Pianura Padana: l'Alta Valle Scrivia, montuosa, povera di spazio coltivabile, ricca di sentieri perenni, gravita intorno all'acrocoro dell'Antola da cui si dipartono il Trebbia, lo Scrivia, il Borbera, con valli laterali importanti come quelle del Sisola e dello Spinti. In questo contesto la continuità degli insediamenti a partire dal Mesolitico non è mai stata analizzata su basi scientifiche ma solo per analogie e confronti: singoli studi si sono succeduti a partire da metà Ottocento per la Via Postumia, la Tavola di Bronzo della Val Polcevera e, ovviamente, per Libarna 1 . Ritrovamenti sporadici di monete, tegoloni, fornaci, tombe, nonché monografie storiche, sono stati pubblicati negli anni ma non conosciamo una ricerca che si avvalga di entrambe queste fonti e di scavi archeologici. Ricordiamo che in Alta Valle Scrivia, cioè da Arquata salendo a monte, sono stati indagati i siti del castello di Donetta (Torriglia), di Borgo Fornari (Ronco Scrivia) e Montoggio, del Castello della Pietra (Vobbia), della chiesa di Caserza in Val Brevenna, che forniscono utili informazioni dal secolo XII in avanti. Ecco che Isola del Cantone diventa un test particolare avendo a disposizione i ritrovamenti occasionali che oggi sono depositati nel Museo Archeologico "Alta Valle Scrivia" 2 , i libri di Lorenzo Tacchella con la raccolta di documenti medievali provenienti dagli archivi di Genova, Milano, Ravenna, Malta etc, nonché gli scavi archeologici di Montessoro e Santo Stefano. È opportuno quindi vagliare tutte le possibili fonti per esplorare se nel territorio del Comune il popolamento e i relativi insediamenti ha un carattere di continuità nei secoli. I primordi L'archeologia di superficie ci dimostra che la parte destra dello Scrivia a Isola del Cantone era frequentata già dal Mesolitico 3 : numerose selci sono state ritrovate su un terrazzo fluviale mentre cinque elementi in pietra verde riconducibili al Neolitico -Inizio Età dei Metalli erano su un piccolo valico adiacente. La sequenza continua con le fibule di tipo Maskenfibeln 4 e la

The article focuses on the study of the ancient land of Niššāya during the Neo-Assyrian and Achaemenid periods, based on the inscriptions of the Assyrian kings Tiglath-Pileser III (745-727 BC) and Sargon II (722-705 BC), as well as on the inscription of Darius I in Bisotun (522 BC). It also considers information from ancient Greek and Roman historians and geographers, as well as archaeological evidence. Additional clues are presented for identifying the ancient land of Niššāya with the present-day Nahavand Plain, located in the southern part of the Hamadan Province. An important piece of evidence supporting this idea is an inscription of Tiglath-Pileser III, which indicates that the Niššāya region was an important and well-known center for horse breeding during the Neo-Assyrian period. This assertion is significant as there was previously no evidence supporting the importance of the Niššāya land as a center for horse breeding during the Neo-Assyrian period. Accordingly, the author suggests that Niššāya/Irnisa in the Neo-Assyrian inscriptions, Nisāya in the inscription of Darius I in Bisotun, and the adjective Nesaean mentioned by classical historians such as Herodotus and Strabo, all refer to a single place, which coincides with the current Nahavand plain in the southern part of the Hamadan province. In addition, this study also suggests the probable locations of two toponyms related to Niššāya, Ṣibur/Ṣibar and Urimzan/Urenzan. The author suggests that both territories were situated in the present-day Nahavand area.

The administrative structure of the Crimean Khanate was based on a land system with a hierarchical division between the ruling dynasty and the tribal aristocracy. This system maintained the administrative traditions established during the Mongol Empire and was refined during the Golden Horde period and later adopted by various successor khanates. Despite the Crimean Khanate's integration into Ottoman political spheres from the late 15th century on, the land system, deeply rooted in tribal aristocracy, persisted. This study explores the Khanate's land system and its lexicon within the broader context of Mongolian administrative paradigms established by Chinggis Khan and adapted by the Golden Horde. The terminological and functional aspects of the administrative structure are examined through an analysis of primary sources, including diplomatic correspondence and significant historical documents from the Crimean Khanate period. The investigation includes a philological and historical analysis of institutional terminology to trace its lexicosemantic evolution through historical transitions.

RESUMEN: Este trabajo tiene por objeto ofrecer un análisis sistemático de las distintas formas en que puede producirse la ruptura de relaciones diplomáticas entre dos estados soberanos, así como de las diversas fases en que puede descomponerse un proceso de este tipo, caracterizadas por la adopción de distintos tipos de medidas diplomáticas y la combinación de unas con otras (llamada a consultas, retirada de Embajadores, etc.) lo que constituye un lenguaje de signos decodificable en términos diplomáticos, que ha sido poco estudiado desde un punto de vista sistemático. El elemento casuístico es, necesariamente, muy importante, máxime cuando las referencias a esta cuestión dentro de las normas codificadas del Derecho Diplomático son muy limitadas, y la jurisprudencia es con frecuencia inexistente. Por otra parte, la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa, y la puesta en marcha del Servicio de Acción Exterior Europeo (SEAE) abre la posibilidad de que, en caso de crisis diplomática, acciones características de la diplomacia clásica puedan ser aplicadas también en el marco del proceso de toma de decisiones colectivas de la UE, ampliando así significativamente la panoplia de posibles medidas a adoptar. La entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa abre también nuevas opciones teóricas de gran interés

Al centro del saggio vi è una nuova fonte. Il documento è conservato a Mantova presso l’Archivio di Stato e riguarda Modica e la sua Contea.
Il fatto che si trovi a Mantova potrebbe apparire ad una prima osservazione non del tutto comprensibile, ma così non è.
Nella seconda parte del contributo s’inquadra storicamente la "Relazione del contado di Modica quale ha in sé cinque terre infrascritte e la Relazione del stato dell’illustrissimo signor Almirante di Spagna" e si contestualizza l’assetto istituzionale della Contea di Modica sul finire del Cinquecento , nella prima si chiariscono le ragioni archivistiche che favorirono la circolazione delle notizie, la realizzazione di una fitta rete diplomatica intessuta dalla corte mantovana dei Gonzaga.

This book outlines major trends in language use by early modern diplomats, mainly in the European context, through a series of case studies and overviews of regional diplomatic traditions.
During the early modern period, linguistic practices in European diplomacy changed drastically, as the decline of Latin and German as diplomatic languages paved the way for the rise of French as a pan-European medium of diplomacy. While it was no secret that French was the dominant language of European elites during the eighteenth century, surprisingly little is known about the way this cultural trend translated into a major linguistic shift in diplomacy. This volume offers a broader perspective, tracking these changes throughout the early modern period. Spanning three centuries and extending across and beyond continental Europe, the contributors map the pace, the mechanisms, the reasons and the limits for changes in the use of languages in early modern diplomacy and explore the linguistic practices of diplomats as an indicator of wider social, cultural, and political changes.
A novel study of European diplomacy and linguistic interactions, this book will be of interest to historians, in particular those working on language practices in diplomacy and the social history of languages.

The Portuguese New Christians began fleeing to the Estado da
Índia (founded in 1505) before the creation of the Inquisition
Tribunal "Cum ad nihil magis" in Portugal on 23 May 1536. This
exodus was the first in a succession of emigration waves departing
for destinations in Western Europe and the Mediterranean in the
fifteenth century, during the period following the establishment
of the Spanish Inquisition (between 1478 and 1480), and its
ascendancy. It was to progress through the creation of fifteen
tribunals (between 1484 and 1493) towards the landmark Edict of
Expulsion of the Jews, on 31 March 1492.

primo centurione, sciolse un voto". Nel terzo secolo dopo Cristo, un soldato romano scrisse questa epigrafe su una lapide trovata negli anni Venti a Farra d'Isonzo, eco del ponte sull'Isonzo che univa Occidente e Oriente. Dalla prima all'ultima pagina, questo libro segue il fluire dei secoli, sui quali ognuno potrà fondare la propria "metastoria", inseguendo le volatili anime di una città che, insieme alla sorella Aquileia, è alla base della civiltà mitteleuropea. C'è da esserne orgogliosi.

This article addresses a structural anomaly in the documentary record of the Babington Plot of 1586: the complete absence of Anthony Munday, Walsingham's most deeply embedded expert on Catholic clerical networks, from the official documentation of the operation that destroyed that conspiracy. Where conventional historiography has read this absence as evidence of non-involvement, the present study argues that it is the product of deliberate operational compartmentalization. Applying Social Network Analysis to a fifteen-node, twenty-two-edge network constructed from primary and secondary sources, the study employs betweenness centrality, Weakly Connected Components analysis, and Louvain community detection to demonstrate that Munday occupied a structurally significant position in a parallel intelligence layer, designated the Roots, that Walsingham maintained separately from the Branch network that directly managed the Babington entrapment. A Network Counterfactual Sensitivity Index procedure further demonstrates that the two layers were structurally proximate rather than naturally distant, and that their separation required active architectural enforcement. The Louvain algorithm's assignment of Munday to the Catholic-foreign community cluster, rather than to the government cluster where his institutional loyalty resided, is interpreted not as a methodological artifact but as a record of successful deep cover placement. The findings carry implications for Elizabethan intelligence historiography, for the study of Munday's career, and for the application of network methods to the analysis of covert historical networks in which deliberate absence constitutes a form of positive evidence.

gadā Klaipēdas apgabals atradās Lietuvas sastāvā, taču starptautiski tas noteikti veidoja vienu no jūtīgākajiem jautājumiem Baltijas reģionā un Versaļas-Rīgas politiskajā sistēmā kopumā. Klaipēdas apgabala teritorija viduslaikos tika pievienota Prūsijai, taču iedzīvotāji saglabāja lietuviešu valodu un kultūru, kaut arī piederēja luterticībai un pakāpeniski vāciskojās. 19. gadsimta otrajā pusē lietuviešu teritorijas Prūsijā pat kļuva par vienu no galvenajiem nacionālās atmodas centriem. Pēc Pirmā pasaules kara uzvarētājvalstis atdalīja Klaipēdas ostu un apgabalu no Vācijas, uz laiku nododot to Tautu Savienības pārziņā, un pilsētā tika izvietots Francijas armijas bataljons. Taču 1923. gada janvārī Lietuvas valdība organizēja apgabala vardarbīgu pārņemšanu, maskējot to kā iedzīvotāju sacelšanos. 1924. gadā Tautu Savienība akceptēja apgabala iekļaušanu Lietuvas Republikā ar plašām autonomijas tiesībām, ieskaitot savu parlamentu Seimeli jeb landtāgu, kurš izveidoja izpildvaru -direktoriju. Vienlaikus apgabalu pārraudzīja Lietuvas valdības gubernators ar tiesībām atcelt Seimeļa lēmumus. 20. gadsimta 30. gados starp iedzīvotājiem popularitāti guva vācu nacionālsociālisma idejas un, pastiprinoties nesaskaņām ar Lietuvas varas iestādēm, pieauga arī pretrunas Lietuvas un Vācijas attiecībās jautājumā par Klaipēdu. LATVIJAS VĒSTURES INSTITŪTA ŽURNĀLS 2 (124) 2025 valsts vadītājs Ādolfs Hitlers. Klaipēdas apgabals kļuva par Gumbinenas apriņķa sastāvdaļu Vācijā. 2 Klaipēdas un apgabala piederības statuss Latvijas valdības interesi izraisīja jau kopš neatkarības sākuma. Sevišķi aktuāls jautājums kļuva 1923. gadā, kad lietuvieši ieņēma šo apgabalu, nostādot Tautu Savienību fakta priekšā. 3 Zināmu interesi Latvijas sabiedrībā izraisīja arī kursenieku -latviešiem valodas ziņā tuvo vietējo iedzīvotāju grupas valsts piederības un kultūras saglabāšanas jautājums. 4 20. gadsimta 30. gados Latvijas puse ar bažām vēroja vienu no galvenajām Lietuvas iekšējām un ārējām problēmām, ko izraisīja Klaipēdas stāvoklis. 1934. gadā noslēgtajā Baltijas valstu līgumā par sadarbību, t. s. Baltijas Antantes līgumā, pēc Latvijas un Igaunijas pušu prasības bija iekļauts nosacījums, ka abu minēto valstu pienākums nav Lietuvas "specifisko problēmu" -Viļņas un Klaipēdas jautājumu risināšana. Latvijas historiogrāfijā līdz šim jautājums skarts vien vispārīgi. Kā zināms, padziļinātu krīzi Centrālajā Eiropā aizsāka Čehoslovākijas norises 1938. gada rudenī -1939. gada martā, tām noslēdzoties ar šīs valsts pilnīgu iznīcināšanu. Uz šī fona nedēļu vēlāk sekojošā Klaipēdas apgabala aneksija palika nedaudz ēnā, kaut arī tas bija izteikts Vācijas agresijas solis; turklāt Latvijas redzējumā šim notikumam tika pievērsta īpaši nozīme, jo pietuvinājās Vācijasviena no iespējamajiem valsts neatkarības draudiem -robeža Latvijas teritorijai. Baltijas valstu vienotības trūkumu 1939. gada rudenī -1940. gada vasarā izgaismoja Klaipēdas krīze un apgabala aneksija, kurai šādā griezumā līdz šim Latvijas 2 in published reports. Overall, one can agree with the conclusion that the reaction in Latvia and Estonia to the annexation of Klaipėda confirmed that the "Baltic Entente" existed only "on paper".

Bu çalışma, Mısır'ın 18. ve 19. hanedanlarının, Hatti Kağanlığı'nın, Mitanni Kağanlığı'nın, Çukurova-Kizzuwatna'nın ve Sümer'in birbiriyle akraba -kardeş -Türkistan-Turani hanedanlar zinciri olduğunu antik DNA verisi, yazılı belge, Türkçe etimoloji ve yaşayan dil mührüyle gösterir. Sömürgeci dilbilim ve Hint-Avrupacı tarih yazımı, bu havzanın halklarını ve yöneticilerini parça parça etiketleyerek aralarındaki kadim akrabalığı görünmez kılmıştır. "Hurri", "Hatti", "Mitanni", "Luwi", "Hint-Aryan" gibi etiketlerin altına gizlenen biyolojik ve kültürel gerçek şudur: Doğu Akdeniz havzasının tunç çağı hanedanları, Türkistan damarlı kardeş hanedanlardır. Bu çalışmada onbeş katmanlı bir delil zinciri sunulmaktadır. Bu deliller dört ayrı kategoride toplanır: • Kemik (DNA) delilleri -antik DNA çalışmaları • Yazılı belge delilleri -antlaşma metinleri, mektuplar • Yer ve kişi adı etimolojileri -Türkçe köklerden çözümleme • Yaşayan dil delilleri -bugünkü Türkçe ağızlarda korunan sesler Bu dört kategori birbirini doğrular. Tek bir kanıt değil, dört bağımsız kanıt türünün aynı sonuca varması, tezin gücünü oluşturur. Bu çalışmada Türk-Turani dünyaya ait kavramları Türkçeye sadık karşılıklarıyla kullanıyoruz: Kağan (imparator/kral yerine), Hatun (imparatoriçe/kraliçe yerine), Kağanlık (imparatorluk/krallık yerine), İye, Hatun İye, Ulu Ana (tanrıça yerine), Tengri (cinsiyetsiz, evrenin kendisi olan kavram). Batılı filologlar antik metinleri alışkanlıkları gereği cinsiyetçi biçimde çevirir; ama gerçekte antik Sümer, Hatti, Hurri, Mitanni metinlerinde "tanrıça" kavramı yoktur. Bu diller -tıpkı Türkçe gibi -cinsiyetsiz, eklemeli yapıdadır. Onların dUTU, Hepa, Hebat, Inanna, Umay, Asena dediği şey ayrı "tanrı/tanrıça" kişilikleri değil, evrenin parçalarıdır, Tengri'nin tezahürleridir. Türk inancında, akraba Turani inançlarda olduğu gibi, evren bütündür; içindekiler bu bütünün üyeleridir -ayrı kişileştirilmiş varlıklar değil.

En este trabajo se ofrece una serie de análisis y comparaciones entre documentos de archivo y argumentos de índole criptológica e histórica para fortalecer, especialmente con ayuda del criptoanálisis técnico y el razonamiento por analogía, la conclusión probabilística de que José Mariano Michelena fue autor de una carta cifrada remitida desde Inglaterra en octubre de 1824, como lo sostuvieron acertadamente los preparadores del catálogo tradicionalmente conocido como A calendar of the Juan E. Hernández y Dávalos manuscript collection (1954).

I rapporti tra Toscana e Portogallo si consolidarono in Età moderna grazie alle opportunità economiche offerte dall’espansionismo coloniale lusitano. Un grosso impulso fu dato da Cosimo III, che nel 1669 soggiornò in Portogallo, dove conobbe il reggente Pietro di Braganza e alcune tra le principali personalità della corte di Lisbona, tra cui il gesuita António Vieira. Con quest’ultimo il granduca avrebbe poi elaborato un ambizioso progetto volto a rafforzare i rapporti tra i due paesi, sia sul piano dinastico-matrimoniale sia su quello economico-commerciale. Il saggio ricostruisce queste vicende, restituendo un episodio significativo della politica estera medicea nel secondo Seicento.

በኒክላስ ሉህማን ማህበራዊ ንድፈ ሃሳብ በመታገዝ ህብረተሰቡ በሳይኪክ ሲስተሞች ላይ የግንኙነት አጠቃላይ መሆኑን ማረጋገጥ እንችላለን ፣ ወይም በኒኮላይ ሃርትማን ኦንቶሎጂካል ንድፈ ሃሳብ ቋንቋ የተገለፀው ፣ ከሳይኪክ ሕልውና ንብርብር በላይ ያለው የአዕምሯዊ-አእምሯዊ የሕልውና ንብርብር። በአርቴፊሻል ኢንተለጀንስ እና በሳይበር ስፔስ መድረኮች የአብዛኛው የሰዎች ግንኙነት ወደ ሳይበር ስፔስ መድረኮች (ፌስቡክ፣ ጎግል፣ ኤክስ፣ ቲክ-ቶክ፣ ወዘተ) ተላልፏል።  ከአካላዊ ቦታ እና ከማህበራዊ ግንኙነት, ህብረተሰቡ ሁለት የተደራጀ ሆነ. ነገር ግን፣ የሳይበር ስፔስ መድረኮች አካላዊ የጠፈር ግንኙነቶችን ብቻ አያሟሉም እና አይቀበሉም፣ ነገር ግን የግለሰቦችን ግንኙነት በጣም ቀላል በማድረግ ይህንን ያባዛሉ።  በሌላ አነጋገር ህብረተሰቡ የግንኙነት አጠቃላይ ከሆነ የግንኙነት ጥግግት ፍንዳታም ተከስቷል፣ እና እንዲያውም የበለጠ ኮንደንስ፣ ዛሬ ባሉ ማህበረሰቦች ውስጥ ከሚሊኒየም መባቻ ጀምሮ እየተከሰተ ነው። 
    እና ይህ ሁሉንም ነገር ይነካል እና እስካሁን ከሰራው ጋር ሲነፃፀር ይለውጠዋል. ማህበራዊ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ከአካላዊ ቦታ ወደ ሳይበር ስፔስ እና የሳይበር ስፔስ መድረኮች ለዓመታት ሲሸጋገሩ ቆይቻለሁ፣ ነገር ግን እስካሁን ድረስ በአካላዊ ቦታ ላይ በቀጥታ፣ ፊት ለፊት በሚደረጉ መስተጋብር የተከናወነው አሁን በአብዛኛው የሚከናወነው በሳይበር ስፔስ መድረኮች ነው ማለት ነው። በራሴ ምሳሌ ፣ ቀደም ሲል አስቸጋሪ በነበሩት የአካላዊ ቦታ ሁኔታዎች ውስጥ ፣ በአሁኑ ጊዜ የሰዓት ኢሜይሎች እና በደርዘን የሚቆጠሩ የፌስቡክ ውይይቶች ፣ ጎግል ፍለጋዎች እና ጥያቄዎችን በ Google AI ሁነታ ውስጥ የእለት ተእለት ግንኙነቴን በቀን ከመቶ በላይ ከፍ ማድረጉ ከእውነታው ጋር ሲነፃፀር የግንኙነቱን ክፍልፋይ ብቻ እንዳከናወንኩ በግልፅ አውቅ ነበር። እና ይህ በሌሎች ሰዎችም ላይ ነው, እና በዚህ አማካኝነት ከግለሰቦች በላይ በማህበራዊ ደረጃ ያለው የግንኙነት ጥግግት ከበፊቱ ጋር ሲነፃፀር ይበዛል. ይህ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ የግንኙነት ጥግግት ፍንዳታ ማህበረሰብ ተብሎ ሊጠራ ይችላል።

Paolo Aranha, "The Keichō Embassy and the Holy See: Interventions by the Nuncio in Madrid, the Roman Inquisition and Cardinal Borghese", in "Archivum Franciscanum Historicum" 118/3-4 (2025): 313-356.
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This essay analyses the interactions of the Keichō Embassy with the Holy See before, during and after the stay of the delegates of Date Masamune, daimyō of Ōshū, in Rome between the end of October 1615 and the beginning of January 1616. Particular attention is devoted to the specific requests submitted by Luis Sotelo, Hasekura Rokuemon Tsunenaga and a group of Japanese Christians to the Holy See, following an unsatisfactory prior deliberation by the Spanish court. Their petitions concerned the creation of new dioceses in Japan, the dispatch of Franciscan missionaries and the opening of commercial relations between the kingdom of Ōshū and New Spain, in addition to other matters.
The essay examines the communications between the Papal Nuncio in Madrid, Antonio Caetani, and the Cardinal Nephew, Scipione Caffarelli Borghese, relating to the first and second stays of the Keichō Embassy in Spain. Furthermore, it analyses the reasons why the petitions of the Japanese delegates were referred to the Roman Inquisition rather than to other congregations of the papal Curia. It also demonstrates that, contrary to a well established historiographical tradition, Luis Sotelo was never appointed bishop of a new Japanese diocese, highlighting the loss of credibility he experienced immediately after his stay in Rome. In conclusion, the essay shows that the Keichō Embassy ultimately proved ineffective in achieving its pastoral and diplomatic objectives, while nevertheless contributing to a greater European understanding of Japan.

Political Realism: An Evolutionary Theory of International Relations offers a bold reinterpretation of realist international relations (IR) theory that considers human evolution. It introduces five fundamental concepts (a realist core), twenty-four original laws of realism and normative visions of international relations, which are illustrated with fascinating case studies.

The new political realism, which the author calls evolutionary realism, is an original theory that connects realist thinking with the possibility of conscious human evolution and normative world transformation. By integrating the advanced human evolution into IR, the book challenges static assumptions and opens new pathways for diplomatic understanding, peaceful development, ethical engagement and progressive policy.

This working paper examines Italian policy toward Greek expansion in Asia Minor between 1919 and 1922 within the broader framework of post-First World War geopolitical competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. It argues that Italian opposition to Greek territorial claims reflected not only diplomatic disagreements among the Allied powers, but also Italy's wider strategic ambitions in the region and its effort to secure political and economic influence in the post-Ottoman order. By focusing on the Paris Peace Conference, the Greek occupation of Smyrna, and Italy's relations with the emerging Kemalist movement, the paper highlights the geopolitical dimension of Greco-Italian rivalry during the period 1919-1922.

In his renowned treatise on the benefits of printing, the pioneering Ottoman Muslim printer İbrahim Müteferrika (1674–1747) devoted special attention to the Jewish printer Yona ben Ya’akov Ashkenazi, commending him as “skilled in the craft of the required tools in (printing) and knowledgeable in the art of printing”. He further requested that Yona be granted an imperial berat, exempting him and his sons from taxation in recognition of his “privilege and honor” (imtiyâz ve iftihâr). Examples of this sort are abundant beyond the world of printing and extend to the broader Ottoman world of letters that sustained the printing activities. As exemplified by some contemporary cases, several non-Muslims and Muslims working for the Ottoman court made requests to the Ottoman administration that their skills, services and knowledge should be translated into a material or immaterial privilege. This essay pursues such efforts by Nikolaos Kritias in the case of his translation of Ioannis Kottounios’s (1577–1658) commentary on Aristotle’s Physics from Latin into Arabic, based on mostly unpublished and misinterpreted Ottoman sources. Arguing that several aspects of these sources have escaped, if not utterly misled the scholarly debates, this essay also presents all these documents in transliteration, for future reference.

Brazil at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919

Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Diplomat (retired); Senior researcher at the Instituto de Relações Internacionais, UnB.

1. Brazil at the historical juncture of the Great War
Starting with its “discovery” by Portuguese navigators in 1500 and up to the Independence in 1822, Brazil’s integration into the world economy was essentially made through the “colonial pact,” and as an exporter of commodities, especially of “dessert products” (sugar, and since from Independence, coffee and cocoa), as well as a few other products: cotton, rubber, iron ore etc. Those basic goods, together with the current addition of soya beans, meat products and orange juice, continue to be at the top of the list of Brazilian commodity supply to the world. Since the start of its nation-building, at the beginning of the third decade of the 19th century, Brazil has been chronically dependent on foreign financing, both for investments, and, especially, for financing the State, which has ever been a concern for a country without sufficient domestic savings. For the whole duration of the monarchical period (1822-1889), contrary to some of its South American neighbours, Brazil was a responsible debtor, even if resorting sometimes to funding loans. Starting with the Republic’s loose federal system, it eventually turned into a ruined debtor, and remained so throughout the Great War. After the 1929 crisis and with the Depression in the 1930s, a technical moratorium on its foreign debts became inevitable.
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