Elites (Political Science)

Коррупция оказывает негативное влияние на все основные институты государ-
ства. Системная коррупция подрывает авторитет, доверие и поддержку демократи-
ческих институтов и законов. Приводятся научные подходы о том, что коррупция
является опасным фактором, оказывающим негативное влияние на развитие любого
государства и общества, сложным социально-политическим, экономическим явле-
нием, угрожающим всем странам, и что любое проявление этой негативной ситуации
ставит общество на грань. разрушения. Проанализировано влияние коррупции на госу-
дарство в экономической, правовой, институциональной и социальной сферах, а также
то, что в результате коррупции серьезно пострадал международный авторитет
и престиж государства, и как следствие, реализация также была затруднена реализа-
ция ряда запланированных инвестиционных проектов.

"Szervezni kell, de nem kívülről utasítgatva és beledumálva, hanem az önszerveződést beindítva és belülről segítve. Gramsci nyomán: a dolgozók osztálya szerves-szervező értelmiségén keresztül szervezi meg önmagát." Éber Márk Áron válasza Csorba Dávid "A hegemónia ideje" című cikkére.

This study examines the networks that enabled the English Bridgettine nuns of Syon Abbey to flee Rouen and establish a convent in Lisbon around 1594. It analyzes the Relación written after their exile, highlighting how the community constructed a collective identity based on religion, family, and shared displacement. The article explores the political and religious context of the French Wars of Religion and the role of Catholic solidarity in sustaining the community. Particular attention is given to the transnational support networks linking England, France, Spain, and Portugal. The research demonstrates that patronage, economic assistance, and religious alliances were crucial for the survival and institutional consolidation of the Syon community in exile.

Este Diccionario de Ciencia Política tiene la vocación de ser un instrumento de trabajo para estudiantes, académicos e investigadores de diversas disciplinas del área de las Ciencias Sociales, particularmente para los que se sitúan en los objetos de estudio del campo de la ciencia política.
Desde la Universidad de Concepción considerábamos necesario, hace de esto ya varios años, coordinar la elaboración de un documento colectivo que permitiera aumentar el grado de conocimiento y de comprensión de los autores, escuelas y perspectivas que son pilares fundamentales de la ciencia política. Estábamos convencidas de la necesidad académica de disponer de un texto que facilitara el acceso al conocimiento a través de su vocabulario más recurrido, que fortaleciera la capacidad de pensar de manera compleja y abstracta, interrelacionando conceptos y realidades, que contribuyera al trabajo de investigación.

IN THIS ISSUE:
• Is Hungarian Theatre Still (A)Live During Pandemics? – Örkény Theatre's Andromache directed by Ildikó Gáspár; the Independent Theater Hungary's Kosovo mon Amour; Closer by Panna Adorjáni & Dániel Láng; Szkéné
• Theatre's It Stays Between Us; and Trafó House's e-Audience program.
Dreaming of Being on Stage and Forgetting the Lines – 33 Dreams, Viktor Bodó's new piece at the Örkény Theatre Budapest
• Theatre of Death – The Dead of Kál, András Dömötör’s new piece based on János Térey’s novel at the Katona József Theatre Budapest
• Theatre of Adults? – Two new shows by Róbert Alföldi
• Hungarian Directors as Guests in Their Homeland – Panni Néder and Árpád Schilling at the Budapest Autumn Festival
• Young Directors: Kristóf Kelemen, Zita Szenteczki, Jakab Tarnóczi and Dominik Kabdebon.
• Freeszfe from a (Half-) Insider's Perspective – a short brief of the Freeszfe
• Society's documentary short film premiere and debate at the Maxim Gorki Theatre Berlin, and their charity auction

La presente memoria recoge de manera detallada la información generada durante el desarrollo del I SEMINARIO DE DISCUSIÓN ACADÉMICA: SEDA, el día dieciocho (18) de mayo de dos mil veintidós (2022), en el Auditorio de la Auditoria General de la República y adelantado por el Observatorio de Política Pública de Control Fiscal. En este espacio se abre a la discusión académica a partir de la lectura y estudio del texto: “Lucha contra la Captura y Cooptación del Estado: Una agenda de fortalecimiento y del Análisis y la investigación Criminal en Contra del crimen organizado”; lo cual permite a los investigadores del OPPCF, participar en la discusión del texto como referente del trabajo académico.
De lo señalado se pretende fortalecer la metodología, fijar la dinámica y el comportamiento de los investigadores, con el propósito de ser capaces de foguear su conocimiento con otras comunidades académicas, científicas e investigativas partiendo de la lectura, discusión y critica del material objeto de estudio.

Este estudio examina los tipos de iniciativas introducidas por legisladores con ex- periencia previa en grupos de interés en la Cámara de Diputados de 2006 a 2018. El análisis se realiza utilizando una extensa base de datos que comprende 13,953 iniciativas. Al revisar las hojas de vida de los diputados que presentaron iniciativas encontramos que los grupos sin- dicales, empresariales y profesionales son los que introducen un mayor número de proyectos, mientras que los grupos campesinos son los que presentaron la menor cantidad. En materia de género, los hallazgos revelan que el 82 % de las iniciativas de los grupos empresariales fueron realizadas por hombres, y en los grupos civiles el mayor número de iniciativas fueron presen- tadas por mujeres (58.9 %). Además, mostramos que las carreras legislativas de los legisladores vinculados a grupos campesinos profesionales y sindicales son más largas que las de diputados asociados a grupos empresariales. Se realizó un trabajo de texto utilizando la herramienta “tidytext”, y los resultados ilustran que los antecedentes de los grupos de interés influyen sig- nificativamente en el tipo de legislación propuesta por los representantes mexicanos. Específi- camente, los grupos empresariales tienden a concentrarse en cuestiones relacionadas con los impuestos, mientras que los sindicatos enfatizan las preocupaciones relacionadas con el trabajo y el bienestar social.

(In English – bellow) Статья рассматривает государства как ведущие элементы текущего этапа макроэволюции/большой истории Земли, которая к тому же хорошо совмещается с системной теорией Н. Лумана, в которой различённые типы автопоэтических систем фактически представляют этапы развития всего активного на поверхности Земли. Анализ теории Н. Лумана в части стабильности государств показывает ее дефицит для понимания воспроизводства легитимности поддерживаемого государством социального порядка. Статья предлагает расширение теории с различением в государствах подсистемы воспроизводства доверия-когнитивной подсистемы (которая ответственна за воспроизводство культурной гегемонии по Грамши). Функционирование когнитивной подсистемы среди прочего охватывает и многие аспекты гражданской религии государства, того сакрального комплекса, который лежит в основе государственного политического единения. Получает подтверждение часто возникающее положение об аналогичности политических идеологий и путей спасения (здесь спасение понимается как расширение соответствующего понятия христианской теологии на секулярные контексты). Статья приводит к заключению, что механика воспроизводства доверия в государстве, которая во многом основана на его гражданской религии, занимает важное место в государственном автопоэзисе, который влияет на положение государства в соответствующей экосистеме Земли. ***Abstract: The article considers states as leading elements of the current stage of Earth’ Macroevolution / Big History, which also fits well with the system theory of N. Luhmann, in which the different types of autopoietic systems actually represent the stages of development  everything active on the surface of the Earth. The analysis of N. Luhmann's theory for cases of state stability shows its deficiency in terms of understanding the reproduction of the legitimacy of the social order supported by the state. The article proposes the theory development with a distinction in states of the subsystem of trust reproduction (which is associated with Gramsci’s cultural hegemony) – the cognitive subsystem. The functioning of the cognitive subsystem, among other things, covers many aspects of the civil religion of the state, the sacred complex that underlies the state political unity. The article supports a frequently occurring proposition about the analogy of political ideologies and paths to salvation (here salvation is understood as an extension of the corresponding concept of Christian theology to secular contexts). It also concludes that the mechanics of trust reproduction in the state, which largely covered by its civil religion, is important for the state autopoiesis, which affects the position of the state in the corresponding ecosystem of the Earth.

Quella del popolarismo è un’impronta al tempo stesso decisa e ondivaga nella nuova Democrazia cristiana. Evirata del suo principale ideatore e ispiratore, Luigi Sturzo confinato in un esilio più fecondo per i posteri che per i suoi stessi contemporanei, la visione popolare della politica italiana sopravvive a macchia di leopardo in figure come De Gasperi, Gronchi, Scelba e altri protagonisti dell’incerta stagione protorepubblicana, in cui occorre prendere atto della ineluttabile distanza fra le stesse generazioni dei cattolici impegnati in politica. Il contributo intende ricostruirne le diverse ispirazioni ideali e soprattutto analizzare quanto la differente percezione di quell’oggetto in movimento che è la democrazia liberalcostituzionale li conduca a scelte tattiche e verso opzioni strategiche a volte confliggenti, pur nell’unità di fondo dettata dalle circostanze e dalla condivisa preoccupazione per il bene comune.

Valhalla, konflik antara Paganisme dan Kekristenan sering tampil sebagai benturan dua sistem kepercayaan. Namun, ketika perhatian diarahkan pada Freydís, konflik itu tidak lagi sekadar soal iman, melainkan tentang tubuh dan eksistensi. Ia menjadi ruang di mana pertanyaan mendasar diajukan kembali: siapa yang berhak menentukan hidup, dan siapa yang dipaksa untuk tunduk. Freydís bukan sekadar karakter dalam cerita sejarah. Namanya hadir dalam narasi lama seperti Saga of the Greenlanders dan Eirik the Red's Saga, yang menggambarkannya sebagai perempuan dengan keberanian yang melampaui batas wajar. Dalam kisah tersebut, ia tidak menunggu diselamatkan. Ia berdiri sendiri, menjadikan tubuhnya sebagai garis pertahanan terakhir.

The planned ratification of the 2024 Regional Head Election Bill, which annulled the Constitutional Court's decision, triggered massive public resistance manifested through the "Blue Garuda Emergency Warning" symbol. This study analyzes the phenomenon using Christian Fuchs's Radical Humanism perspective and Jürgen Habermas's public sphere concept. Using a qualitative approach with a case study method, data were collected from social media platforms X and Instagram during the critical period of August 21-23, 2024. The research aims to dissect how visual symbols function as a medium of criticism amidst the stagnation of formal democratic channels. The findings show that the Blue Garuda is not merely a viral trend but an instrument of de-alienation that creates a counter-public sphere. Citizens engage in activism by transforming collective emotions into real political movements, both in the digital and physical realms. This phenomenon represents a social healing mechanism for the silencing of citizens' voices while marking a crisis of legitimacy for state institutions. The study concludes that Indonesia's digital democracy has evolved into a substantive corrective force, where nationalism is redefined as loyalty to the constitution and humanitarian values, not blind obedience to the authorities.

ÁLVAREZ H., L. y DE LA VEGA, C. (2025). La Reforma Constitucional de Jujuy. Un análisis de la construcción de la agenda y los ensayos previos (2015-2023). Crítica y Resistencias. Revista de Conflictos Sociales Latinoamericanos, N° 21, 356-386. Fundación “El llano”. Centro de Estudios Políticos y Sociales de América Latina (CEPSAL). ISSN: 2525-0841. https://www.criticayresistencias.com.ar/index.php/revista/article/view/434

The erosion of trust in liberal democracy-and the dynamic, described by Yascha Mounk, of a growing separation between democracy and liberalism-should be understood in a context of hyper-surveillance, that is, hyper-vigilance and intensified scrutiny. The massification of education and the acceleration and fragmentation of the media environment (online news and social media) have made a persistent social and experiential gap between voters and elected officials increasingly difficult to sustain politically-one that previously drew much of its legitimacy from the formal act of voting and from longer electoral cycles. In this setting, the demand for illiberal solutions emerges plausibly from disenchantment with politics, driven by three factors: (i) civic participation reduced to electoral moments; (ii) thin representative linkages that weaken proximity and blur accountability; and (iii) the perception that political parties function as closed recruitment machines, with internal circuits of elite reproduction and low permeability to merit and to extra-partisan social experience. When integrity failures and scandals compound these conditions, a narrative of moralization and "purification" intensifies and broadens populist repertoires, both in bottomup variants on the radical left and in broad-based variants on the radical right-directed upward against elites and, at times, downward against minorities and immigrants. The paper's point of departure is that citizens tolerate delegation when liberal democracy is perceived as functional and fair, particularly in the delivery of the welfare state and in the integrity of fiscal governance. Within a European framework, the paper proposes measures to increase transparency in list formation and open political recruitment (including regulated civic pathways into party lists) as a way to reduce the credibility of populist antagonism and strengthen democratic resilience.

Module 3. Vanuatu 2: une colonisation atypique Histoire comparée des colonisations Les Nouvelles-Hébrides ne furent pas une colonie au même titre que la Nouvelle-Calédonie ou que Fidji. En utilisant une approche comparée, ce module permettra d'analyser différents modèles coloniaux et de mettre ainsi en lumière les spécificités de la colonisation des NH et leurs impacts sur le développement du Vanuatu.

El patrimonialismo
es una
forma tradicional
de dominación
opuesta a las
formas legal-racionales
propias
de la modernidad,
que basa su
legitimidad en
la tradición, en
lazos consanguíneos
y en la
costumbre y se
traduce en un poder
centralizado.

Cursive Curse: The Hidden Power Behind the Written Word explores the theoretical relationship between language, writing systems, psychological conditioning, and collective consciousness within modern civilization. Building upon interdisciplinary perspectives drawn from etymology, communication theory, philosophy, psychology, media studies, symbolism, and cultural history, the manuscript examines the proposition that written language functions not merely as a method of communication, but as a structural mechanism capable of shaping thought, identity, emotion, memory, and social behavior.
The work investigates the historical and conceptual power attributed to script, handwriting, symbols, signatures, contracts, legal texts, educational systems, religious writings, and media communication. Through linguistic analogies and alternative interpretations surrounding words such as “script,” “spelling,” “manuscript,” “testimony,” “verdict,” “information,” and “media,” the manuscript argues that written communication preserves systems of authority, ideology, and behavioral programming across generations. Within this framework, cursive writing is explored as both a literal writing form and a metaphor for the hidden continuity of institutional influence embedded within language itself.
The manuscript further develops the speculative concept of humanity as an advanced synthetic or humanoid form operating within informational systems designed to condition perception and maintain social order. It examines how education, politics, law, religion, medicine, finance, entertainment, and digital technology utilize repeated narratives and symbolic structures to shape collective consciousness. Particular attention is given to the role of media saturation, surveillance systems, propaganda, fear-based messaging, and information overload in influencing psychological behavior within technologically mediated societies.
At the same time, the work emphasizes the importance of discernment, critical analysis, historical awareness, and intellectual autonomy in navigating modern information environments. Rather than advocating blind acceptance or blind rejection of institutional systems, the manuscript argues for conscious examination of language and its influence over human perception.
Ultimately, Cursive Curse presents the written word as both a mechanism of control and a potential instrument of awakening. The manuscript proposes that understanding the hidden influence of language, symbols, and communication systems is essential to preserving independent thought within an increasingly interconnected and psychologically mediated civilization.

El documento presenta la Ingeniería de los Conceptos, una metodología, enfocada en el diagnóstico estructural de la carga de coherencia en sistemas conceptuales complejos. Su objetivo es analizar cómo los marcos teóricos metabolizan la presión integrativa sin desintegrarse, evaluando la forma en que reorganizan su estructura de supervivencia. Para ello, tipifica cuatro dinámicas evolutivas: la expansión endógena que fortalece el núcleo asumiendo riesgos, la compensación exógena que delega el sostenimiento en burocracia periférica, la inmunización endógena de corte dogmático que evade el fallo, y la fatiga estructural de carácter terminal. En conjunto, el marco busca diagnosticar la trayectoria histórica actual de una arquitectura conceptual, aplicando también de forma recursiva estos mismos criterios de colapsabilidad a su propia metodología para garantizar su legitimidad.

El presente trabajo analiza la influencia de Juan Bautista Alberdi y de su obra Bases y puntos de partida para la organización política de la República Argentina en la configuración de la Constitución argentina vigente. Para ello, se examinan cinco dimensiones centrales del pensamiento alberdiano: la forma de gobierno, la organización federal del Estado, la cuestión religiosa, la educación y la inmigración. A partir de la comparación entre los postulados formulados por Alberdi y diversas disposiciones de la Constitución Nacional, se sostiene que muchas de sus ideas fueron incorporadas, reformuladas o mantenidas como principios estructurantes del orden constitucional argentino. El trabajo muestra que la división de poderes, el federalismo mixto, la tolerancia religiosa, la educación como instrumento de progreso y el fomento de la inmigración constituyen ejes fundamentales del proyecto alberdiano que aún conservan relevancia institucional. En ese sentido, la obra de Alberdi no solo contribuyó a la organización política posterior a 1853, sino que continúa ofreciendo claves interpretativas para comprender la arquitectura constitucional argentina contemporánea.

Based on the preliminary findings from an analysis of commodity flows and transport routes to the sanctuary of Kalapodi in central Greece during the Roman period, this chapter aims to offer general insights into trade, and the movement of goods within the Mediterranean during the Roman period. The project utilized a combination of network modeling and GIS network analysis, revealing several key issues in historical interpretation. Notably, it sheds light on the changing significance of the sanctuary as a destination and hub for the consumption of imported pottery wares. Additionally, it raises questions regarding the site’s access efficiency, the direction of imports, and the various transport routes. The central inquiry that emerged from this analysis revolves around reconstructing the movement of goods during the Roman period and delving into the intricate patterns and mechanisms that facilitated the transportation and exchange of commodities in this era of globalization. Our exploration extends to understanding how imported goods entered the region, providing valuable insights into the particular economic and social dynamics of the area, while illuminating broader patterns of trade and exchange during the Roman period. Drawing upon the evidence amassed during the project, our aim is to engage in a comprehensive discussion of the technical complexities, challenges, and questions that arise from the intricacies of trade and the movement of goods during the Roman period.

O Brasil tem presenciado um aumento significativo no número de candidatos provenientes de instituições de segurança, particularmente das Forças Armadas, o que ressalta a crescente participação desses atores no cenário político nacional. Este ensaio tem como objetivo analisar a autorrepresentação dos deputados federais General Eduardo Pazuello (PL-RJ) e Tenente-Coronel Luciano Zucco (PL-RS), candidatos à reeleição e com vínculos militares, em suas interações nas redes sociais digitais. A investigação busca verificar se o conteúdo compartilhado nessas plataformas se alinha com suas pautas e comportamentos legislativos na Câmara dos Deputados. O ensaio concentra-se em avaliar a congruência entre a narrativa construída pelos candidatos nas redes sociais e suas ações efetivas no parlamento, a fim de determinar se a imagem projetada online reflete com precisão suas práticas políticas ou se é predominantemente uma estratégia eleitoral para atrair eleitores. Para tanto, adota-se uma metodologia de análise qualitativa das representações discursivas, fundamentada na teoria de Pierre Bourdieu, possibilitando uma avaliação crítica das mensagens disseminadas pelos candidatos em comparação com suas posturas e decisões políticas. Esta abordagem oferece uma reflexão detalhada sobre a coerência entre a presença digital e a atuação legislativa desses representantes das Forças Armadas.

Selbstbeschreibung unserer Gesellschaft ist der beliebig gepaarte Begriff der Generation längst nicht mehr wegzudenken. Sein Potential zur Analyse komplexer gesellschaftlicher Phänomene hat dieser Terminus trotz seines inflationären Gebrauchs nicht eingebüßt. In der sozial-und mentalitätsgeschichtlichen Forschung gehört er längst zum etablierten historiografischen Analyseinstrumentarium. Auch die noch junge Generationen-Forschung zur Geschichte der DDR1 hat diesen Ansatz für sich entdeckt und neue Antworten auf die Frage gefunden, warum sich so viele Menschen von der SED-Regierung distanzierten, wie sich spätestens im Jahr 1989 offenkundig zeigte: Besonders junge Menschen packten im Sommer 1989 massenhaft ihre Koffer und verließen die DDR nach der Öffnung der österreichisch-ungarischen Grenze in Richtung Bundesrepublik. In dieser Stunde des Ausblutens des Landes meldeten sich auch die zahlenmäßig kleinen Gruppen der Bürgerbewegung zu Wort, die inmitten der Krise und der späteren Massendemonstrationen in Leipzig, Berlin und andernorts für eine Reformierung der DDR eintraten.

Esse artigo tem como objetivo analisar as relações de poder e as formas de resistência no Maranhão do século XIX. Propomos trazer, nesta pesquisa, personagens da história que por muito tempo foram silenciados na pesquisa histórica. No caso do Maranhão, sua população era majoritariamente composta por sujeitos subalternizados e muitos conflitos acabavam ocorrendo entre essa camada social e as forças públicas/policiais responsáveis nessa época por manter a segurança e o controle social onde fosse necessário. Mediante a leitura de documentos oficiais como os Relatórios de Presidente de Província, cruzados com as representações dos subalternos feitas na imprensa maranhense oitocentista, nos deparamos com uma realidade dura e cruel imposta a eles. Mostramos como o tratamento violento era naturalizado; logo, os ataques e repressões eram legalizados, uma forma de mantê-los presos ao sistema de escravidão vigente, no caso da população negra e de manter as populações indígenas submissas e afastadas de áreas privadas, sem trazer danos às propriedades.

This article analyses how the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) shaped the socioeconomic and political conditions of contemporary South Africa. It argues that CODESA was both a historic democratic achievement and an incomplete transformation settlement. The negotiations prevented a large-scale civil war and opened the road to the 1994 democratic election and supplied the constitutional grammar of a non-racial democratic state. Yet a close reading of CODESA declarations, working-group records and transition agreements also shows that the process prioritised political settlement, constitutional continuity, institutional stability and elite compromise more than immediate restructuring of land, wealth, spatial inequality and economic ownership. The article therefore rejects a simplistic claim that CODESA alone caused present crises, but it also rejects the equally weak view that CODESA was merely a neutral technical process. From a political analyst's perspective, the contemporary crises of unemployment, inequality, weak municipalities, corruption, crime, land hunger and citizen frustration must be located in three overlapping forces: apartheid's structural legacy, the compromises of the negotiated transition and the conduct of post-1994 leadership. The article traces this argument through the presidencies of Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe, Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa, showing how each administration either stabilised, managed, deepened or failed to resolve the contradictions inherited from the transition.

Este capítulo examina la histórica victoria electoral de la coalición encabezada por Morena en 2018 como un fenómeno de alternancia política que propició una circulación de élites en el régimen mexicano, analizando este cambio a través de las teorías de Pareto, Mosca y Michels. Mediante un estudio comparado de los gabinetes presidenciales de Enrique Peña Nieto y Andrés Manuel López Obrador, los autores demuestran transformaciones significativas en el perfil de la clase dirigente, destacando el paso de una élite formada mayoritariamente en instituciones privadas y con alta militancia partidista, hacia una nueva coalición con formación en la educación pública y una lealtad más vinculada al liderazgo personal que a estructuras orgánicas de partido. En definitiva, el texto concluye que, aunque existe una profesionalización académica persistente, la alternancia de 2018 representó una renovación segmentada y descompensada que permitió la irrupción de actores anteriormente periféricos en la toma de decisiones nacional.

South-East Nigeria, historically recognized for its high literacy and entrepreneurial spirit,
now faces a deepening crisis of youth unemployment and escalating insecurity. This paper
explores how decades of political and economic marginalization have fueled secessionist
agitation in the region, most notably through IPOB’ s emergence and its enforcement of the
“Monday sit-at-home” order. Together, these forces have transformed the South-East’ s youth
bulge from a potential demographic asset into a volatile driver of instability and unrest.
While prior studies (e.g., Eze et al., 2024; Eleje et al., 2024; Eze Solomon et al., 2023) have
examined the socio-economic, demographic, and localized dimensions of youth
unemployment, this paper extends the discourse by linking joblessness to rising political
instability, secessionist violence, and the erosion of state legitimacy. Drawing on political
economy theory including Relative Deprivation, State Fragility, Greed vs. Grievance, Social
Disorganization, and Youth Bulge frameworks, the study analyzes how systemic exclusion,
weak institutions, and elite manipulation have turned the region’ s youthful population into a
destabilizing force.
This paper examines the harsh realities confronting South-East youth, including the
emergence of “Agbero” (street enforcers/thugs), “unknown gunmen killings and kidnappings
and cult-linked violence especially across tertiary institutions in the region.
Using regional data and localized case studies, the paper critiques failed interventions and
proposes region-specific responses such as revitalizing industrial hubs (e.g., Aba, Nnewi),
modernizing the Igbo apprenticeship system (nwa-boy or Igba Boi), and investing in
youth-led peacebuilding. By situating unemployment within a broader political economy
crisis, the paper argues that sustainable peace will remain elusive unless youth inclusion
becomes central to governance and regional development.
Keywords: South-East Nigeria, youth unemployment, insecurity, political economy, IPOB,
sit-at-home, unknown gunmen, secessionist violence, cultism, state fragility.

O artigo apresenta o dossiê dedicado às relações entre violência, polícia e política no Brasil. Parte da interpretação de que a violência constitui elemento estruturante da história social brasileira e da produção da ordem pública. Discute transformações ocorridas a partir da redemocratização,
como a centralidade das instituições policiais na gestão da criminalidade e a crescente participação de membros das forças de segurança na política institucional. O texto também examina conexões entre corporações policiais, mercado de segurança e sistema representativo, bem como o ressurgimento da violência política. Por fim, apresenta e contextualiza os artigos e entrevistas que compõem o dossiê, destacando suas contribuições para o debate sobre democracia, violência e punição.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar um balanço da bibliografia existente nas ciências sociais sobre a participação de policiais no processo político-eleitoral brasileiro. Desde a redemocratização do país, uma série de policiais ocuparam posições de destaque em cargos eletivos dos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, ocorrendo um incremento considerável de candidatos-policiais a partir das eleições de 2018. Com esse fenômeno em evidência no debate público, diversas pesquisas foram produzidas e publicadas. Por isso, considera-se relevante questionar: Quais são as produções existentes sobre o tema nas ciências sociais, suas características e de que forma elas dialogam entre si? Para oferecer uma resposta consistente a essa problematização, foram consultados diversos repositórios de publicação (como o Google Scholar, o Scielo etc.) e outras fontes, a fim de levantar e analisar os estudos existentes sobre o tema. Nesta etapa da pesquisa, foram encontrados 42 trabalhos, publicados entre 1998 e 2025 e provenientes, sobretudo, das áreas da Ciência Política e da Sociologia e no formato de teses, dissertações e artigos em sua maioria. Ao final, argumenta-se pela distribuição dessa literatura em quatro eixos temáticos: “Elementos político-eleitorais”; “Representações sobre crime, violência e punição”; “Bancada da Bala”; e “Movimentos políticos”.

L'obiettivo del saggio è quello di analizzare il radicamento della Democrazia Cristiana in Irpinia, focalizzando l'attenzione soprattutto sui contrasti interni al partito e sull'azione politica svolta da Fiorentino Sullo, in un arco cronologico compreso tra il 1958 ed il 1969. Nel capitolo I, dopo una rapida rassegna dei principali eventi che permisero il consolidamento della DC irpina negli anni Cinquanta e la nascita del gruppo di «Cronache Irpine», la trattazione è incentrata sull'analisi delle elezioni politiche del 1958. La mancata elezione di Ciriaco De Mita, l'allievo più promettente di Sullo, si prefigurò come uno dei primi segnali di crisi interna: divenuto segretario provinciale, Ciriaco De Mita iniziò a mostrare le sue riserve nei confronti della vecchia classe dirigente già in occasione del Congresso di Montella, e poi ancora più esplicitamente dopo quello di Firenze.

for only a few years when the then Dean of the Faculty of Fine Arts took the visionary initiative to establish a scholarly journal dedicated to promoting high-quality artistic research. In 1995, the first issue was published, covering the areas of the arts taught within the Faculty. Soon that publication, Honar-Ha-ye-Ziba, became the pioneering university-published scientific art journal in Iran. Although it followed a rich tradition of earlier general art periodicals-such as Sharaf, Andishe va Honar, Honar va Mardom, Cinema, Honar va Memari, and Khorous Jangi, all of which are now discontinued-it marked a new chapter in academically grounded art scholarship. I have been involved with the journal in various capacities since its inception and have witnessed its remarkable growth-so substantial that it eventually gave rise to three specialized publications in distinct artistic fields. Among them, Honar-Ha-ye-Ziba: Honar-Ha-ye-Namayeshi va Moosighi (Journal of Fine Arts: Performing Arts and Music) was first published in 2009 under its new name. Its mission has been "to promote both theoretical and empirical research across the full spectrum of theatre, drama, cinema, radio, classical and contemporary music, traditional Persian music, new media, and the aesthetics, philosophy, and pedagogy of the performing arts". Like many academic publications, the journal has faced its share of challenges-balancing financial constraints with the pursuit of excellence, complying with national regulatory requirements, and adapting to ever-evolving international standards. Yet it has remained steadfast in its commitment to the spread of artistic discourse and research, emphasizing quality and scholarly integrity. Now, in the Spring 2026 issue-coinciding with our cultural celebration of the Iranian New Year (Nowrouz) and the promise of renewal-we are pleased to introduce a new feature: an editorial to be written by members of our editorial board or invited guest editors. As we complete the final stages of proofreading and layout, we are proud to note that the Journal of Fine Arts: Performing Arts and Music (JFAPAM) is currently the only Iranian university-published scientific journal in both music and performing arts to have achieved an A rating from the relevant national evaluation committee. Reflecting on the elements that have contributed to this accomplishment, I must first acknowledge our heritage as part of University of Tehran,Iran's first modern university. I am equally grateful to our dedicated colleagues who manage the daily administrative and editorial responsibilities with care and professionalism; to our peer reviewers, whose rigorous evaluations strengthen every published article; and, above all, to the members of our editorial board. Drawn from diverse academic institutions within Iran and abroad, these past and present members have not only lent the journal their credibility but have also guided it steadily toward ever higher standards. I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to all who have contributed to our growth. With their continued support and guidance, Honar-Ha-ye-Ziba: Honar-Ha-ye-Namayeshi va Moosighi will hopefully continue to flourish as a leading publication in the fields of music and performing arts.

La importancia adquirida por la noción de gobernabilidad en América Latina en las dos últimas décadas ha generado un amplio debate, interpelando las propuestas iniciales del enfoque neoconservador o convencional de gobernabilidad. En este sentido, no solo se analiza el tema como gestión del poder "desde arriba", sino que se han incorporado asuntos como la participación ciudadana, el protagonismo de la sociedad civil y las redes de intereses estratégicos agrupados en instituciones o en flujos organizativos que no suponen necesariamente instituciones. Gobernabilidad, democratización y conflictividad social en Chile: escenarios ...

Resumo: Este artigo analisa a contribuição teórica de Ralph Miliband para a teoria marxista do Estado, além de refletir sobre a crítica empreendida contra a corrente democrático-pluralista. Por meio da análise qualitativa dos escritos milibandianos e de revisão sistemática da literatura marxista sobre o Estado, foram analisadas as principais obras do autor, bem como de fontes teóricas complementares no âmbito do marxismo e da Ciência Política. A metodologia empregada consistiu em análise documental crítica dos textos originais de Miliband, que foram confrontados com a produção teórica pluralista e com a literatura marxista contemporânea sobre o Estado. Os resultados demonstraram que Miliband recolocou o Estado no centro da agenda de pesquisa em Ciência Política ao atualizar a teoria marxista do Estado a partir de uma perspectiva instrumentalista e empírica. A pesquisa evidenciou ainda que a crítica milibandiana se fundava na premissa de que o Estado constitui um instrumento estratégico a serviço da dominação burguesa ao se contrapor à concepção pluralista do Estado como um árbitro neutro de interesses concorrentes. Constatou-se que, embora a crítica de Miliband ao pluralismo tenha demonstrado relevância quanto às suas limitações teóricas, esta corrente apresentou certa capacidade adaptativa, incorporando parcialmente as críticas o que a manteve como integrante do mainstream da Ciência Política contemporânea. Ademais, a análise revelou que a crítica ao pluralismo-democrático está intrinsecamente vinculada ao conceito de Estado desenvolvido por Miliband.

Recibido con pedido de publicación: 25 de febrero de 2010 Aceptado para publicación: 28 de marzo de 2010 Resumen Resonancias e impactos de la invasión napoleónica en el Rio de la Plata: exaltación patriótica, disputa y revolución El presente trabajo pretende analizar la significación e impacto de la invasión napoleónica en el Río de la Plata como así, las interpretaciones que se elaboraron sobre la invasión y sobre la figura del Emperador Francés a ambos lados del Atlántico. Pero, a su vez, simultáneamente explicaremos cómo este proceso obligó a las autoridades a componer un conjunto de cursos de acción para impedir, en un contexto de una lucha abierta por la ocupación el poder, la instalación de una Junta de Gobierno. Es decir, nos proponemos demostrar como con la invasión napoleónica las autoridades coloniales debieron esforzarse por reinventar y recrear su poder político en el Virreinato frente a aquellos que pretendían otras soluciones frente a la crisis monárquica. Para ello, observaremos y analizaremos, desde una perspectiva histórico-interpretativista, el vocabulario político que se conforma en relación a la exaltación patriótica y a la declaración de la guerra contra el francés. Por último, expondremos como en el proceso de constitución de alternativas políticas, el autogobierno se articulo de manera inédita con el imaginario monárquico.

Court Preparations for Convening the Hungarian Diet and Securing Acceptance of the Habsburg Female Succession: The Position of the Secret Conference in 1720

This study examines the Habsburg court’s preparations for convening the Hungarian Diet and securing acceptance of the Habsburg female succession. Emperor Charles VI sought to ensure the inheritance of his throne for his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa, requiring domestic and international approval of the Pragmatic Sanction. The 15 July 1720 meeting of the Geheimen Konferenz (Secret Conference) convened in a narrow circle and included Prince Eugene of Savoy (presiding), Prince Johann Leopold Donat von Trautson, Count Philip Ludwig von Sinzendorf, and Count Gundaker Thomas von Starhemberg. For the sake of proper preparation, the Conference decided to postpone the Diet.
The Conference emphasized that the Rákóczi War of Independence had left a sensitive political environment, requiring a careful, compromise-based policy to secure the support of the Hungarian estates, particularly the elite. Preparatory work needed to include the continuation of committees appointed after the previous Diet to draft and advance actual reforms, addressing ongoing administrative, military, and legal issues. Additionally, six further measures were outlined to ensure a successful Diet, including securing high-ranking support, effective leadership in the lower chamber, oversight of envoys’ mandates, and careful management of religious and political sensitivities.
These preparatory steps were crucial for the 1722–1723 Diet’s success, which formally incorporated female succession into Hungarian law and enacted significant reforms, including the establishment of the Governing Council and judicial reorganization. The study also publishes the complete original 1720 imperial proposal, providing a primary source for the Habsburg court’s strategy and its interaction with the Hungarian estates.

Il saggio analizza il radicamento della DC in Irpinia, in un arco cronologico compreso tra il 1958 e il 1969, con particolare riguardo alla figura di Fiorentino Sullo e ai contrasti interni al partito.
La trattazione, che intreccia il livello nazionale e quello locale, si sviluppa attraverso i momenti salienti che contrapposero non solo la DC con le altre formazioni politiche, ma gli stessi democristiani irpini, divisi fra sulliani e demitiani, il cui scontro culminò nel 1969 con il cosiddetto «caso Sullo».
Sono posti in risalto: il contesto economico, le elezioni politiche e amministrative, le Giunte difficili, il terremoto del 1962, lo scandalo urbanistico, i congressi, i ruoli ministeriali di Sullo, l'organizzazione interna della DC, i rapporti stretti con esponenti della Chiesa, delle ACLI e del ceto notabilare, il ruolo svolto dalla CASMEZ e dai vari consorzi provinciali.
Il tono è accademico, con un accurato utilizzo di fonti bibliografiche e archivistiche, della sitografia e delle cronache giornalistiche del tempo.
Da ultimo, il saggio è corredato da un'ampia appendice ricca di istogrammi e mappe, sia geografiche che elettorali.

Nel file qui caricato è possibile visionare l'indice e l'introduzione.

A magyar irodalom nyugati fogadtatása a háború utáni időszakban igen vegyes volt, azt az állami műfordítás-politika határozta meg a Kádár-korban. A vasfüggöny és a fal leomlása után a magyar szerzők, regények és esszék különösen keresettek lettek a német ajkú országokban. Ebben az időszakban volt egy sikeres magyar díszvendégség a Frankfurti Könyvvásáron (1999), Kertész Imre Nobel-díja és Szabó Magda Az ajtó című regényének amerikai sikere. Konrád György "Antipolitika" című, külföldön széles körben olvasott és elemzett művének gondolatai egy teljesen depolitizált művészeti környezetet vázolnak fel, azonban ez a nézet ma már nem tartható sem az ellenkultúráról, sem a rendszerváltás kori irodalomról.

Así de contundente se expresaba Joaquín Lorenzo Villanueva en el prólogo de su Catecismo de Estado (1793), escrito en plena vorágine revolucionaria francesa. Con estas palabras, que marcaban su posición ideológica, tomaba partido frente a lo que consideraba disolventes ideas modernas contrarias a los principios de su dogmático ideario religioso, eclesiástico y sociopolítico. ¡Cómo iban los Santos Padres a conocer el nuevo derecho público! Podían ser santos, pero no profetas. Su escrito no apuntaba sólo a aspectos banales sino que descubría y atacaba principios fundamentales como el pacto social, los derechos del hombre, su dignidad como ser humano, la soberanía nacional, etcétera. En fin, puso tanto énfasis en la defensa de sus ideas que años más tarde, a pesar de querer demostrar que lo principal de su Catecismo seguía

y pragmático (la sesión ordinaria) que se orienta a la elaboración, discusión, procesamiento e implementación de iniciativas y reformas legales y políticas, y un tiempo ceremonial (la sesión solemne) que está orientado a la celebración y la conmemoración, a la puesta en escena ritual, al espectáculo y la teatralidad. Existe una dialéctica entre ambos tiempos, que más que oponerse, se sobreponen, y que explica la vida y las expresiones de la cultura propia de los congresos en diferentes contextos.

This article examines the dual marginalization present in the Spanish media landscape: the invisibility of nonhuman animals as agents and the systemic obstacles faced by journalists attempting to represent their interests. Through indepth, dialogic interviews with Spanish journalists engaged in antispeciesist reporting, this study investigates the persistent marginalization of antispeciesist journalism, as well as the challenges of advocating for nonhuman animal rights within written media newsrooms. The findings reveal how journalistic conventions, ideological biases and structural constraints contribute to the continued framing of nonhuman animals as passive commodities or spectacles, while their agency, rights and individuality are overlooked. Simultaneously, journalists covering animal rights issues encounter editorial resistance, with their work frequently dismissed as trivial or frivolous. These barriers manifest through ideological gatekeeping, soft censorship and the demand for "balance" that

This publication contains letters written in German in Spain by Adam Svetkovics, chamberlain of Archduke Maximilian, to his relatives. The letters offer a fascinating insight into 16th-century Spanish court culture, current events, and the daily activities and health of Archduke Maximilian (later Emperor Maximilian II). /// A publikáció Svetkovics Ádám, Miksa főherceg kamarásának spanyol földön kelt, rokonainak írt leveleit tartalmazza. A levelek érdekfeszítő betekintést nyújtanak a 16. századi spanyol udvari kultúrába, akutális hírekbe és Habsburg Miksa főherceg (a későbbi II. Miksa császár) napi tevékenységeibe, egészségi állapotába.