Ethics of War

This study investigates discourse issues and strategies in Martin Luther's "A Mighty Fortress Is Our God" and John Monsell's "Fight the Good Fight", examining how language constructs ideological meaning within Christian hymnody. Although hymns are central to religious and cultural practice, scholarly attention within discourse studies has largely overlooked them, particularly from a linguistic perspective that foregrounds ideology and strategy. This study addresses this gap by treating the hymns as purposeful discourses that encode belief through patterned language use. Adopting a qualitative Critical Discourse Analysis informed by van Dijk's socio-cognitive approach, the study explores how shared belief systems are reproduced through lexical choice, metaphor, pronoun usage, and evaluative structures. The analysis reveals two dominant discourse issues: Christian warfare and spiritual pilgrimage. In Luther's hymn, Christian warfare is linguistically realized through militaristic lexical items such as "fortress," "bulwark," "foe," "arms," and "fight," which frame faith as collective resistance against evil. Monsell's hymn, by contrast, foregrounds pilgrimage and moral endurance through journeyoriented lexis such as "fight," "race," "run," "crown," and "life," constructing faith as an individual ethical journey. These discourse issues are sustained through discursive strategies including assertion (e.g., declaratives such as "A mighty fortress is our God"), invigoration (imperatives such as "Fight," "Run," "Lift up"), polarization (believers versus sin or evil), and positive self-presentation (lexicalization of believers as strong, faithful, and victorious). The study concludes that these hymns function as ideologically loaded linguistic texts and demonstrates the relevance of Critical Discourse Analysis to literary and religious discourse within English studies.

This article analyzes the musar (virtue/character-focused) teachings of Rabbi Amy Eilberg, the first woman ordained as a rabbi within Conservative Judaism, in relation to the historic nineteenth century Musar movement and broader literature on how virtues may be cultivated. It focuses on how Eilberg’s work has developed in response to extreme violence and suffering in Israel/Palestine since October 7, 2023. Though her approach is more theologically unorthodox, morally universalistic, and politically engaged than the historic Musar movement, Eilberg builds on many practices advocated by that movement as she argues that cultivating virtues of love, kindness, compassion, and generosity for all people, including Palestinians, is necessary for responding to the present-day humanitarian crisis in Israel/Palestine.

Objective: To assess how threat imminence shapes public judgments of deadly force used by police and by civilians, and whether the public believes the imminence requirement currently applies to police.

Methods: We fielded a nationally representative US survey experiment (N = 1,183) that manipulated whether a suspect posed an imminent or non-imminent threat and whether a civilian or police officer faced the decision to use deadly force. Respondents evaluated support for shooting and reported beliefs about relevant legal rules.

Results: Imminence significantly affected support for deadly force. Although respondents were more supportive of police than civilians using deadly force across conditions, they generally disapproved of shooting a non-imminent threat. Nearly 95% of respondents incorrectly believed that Supreme Court precedent restricts police deadly force to imminent threats.

Conclusions: The public supports the imminence requirement for police and largely believes it already exists in law. This "imminence divide" between public expectations and legal standards may undermine police legitimacy when officers act lawfully but contrary to public judgment.

تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى تحليل الانتقادات القرآنية المو ّجّهة لبني إسرائيل، وذلك من خلال الدراسة المقارنة بين تفسيرين هامين لم يكونا إلا مدرسة تُُعد أجيال مؤمنة قوية لديها فقها بواقعها وهما: تفسيري محمد عزة دروزة، وسيد قطب. وتنطلق الدراسة من الإشكالية القائلة بأن قصص بني إسرائيل عبارة عن مجرد أحداث تاريخية نقرأها ونستمتع، بينما تحتوي هذه القصص على سنن كونية ثابتة صالحة لكل مجتمع وزمان، ما إذا ادركنها استطعنا تجاوز حال الضعف والذل الذي تعيشه
الأمة الإسلامية. وتعتمد الدراسة على المنهج المقارن في تحليل الآيات ( 40-50) من سورة البقرة وذلك لتعلقها المباشر بتمرد بني إسرائيل ونقضهم للعهود، في محاولة للكشف عن كيفية تناول المفسرين لهذا الموضوع. حيث أبرز كل من دروزة وقطب الجانب التاريخي والسياسي وربطوا القصص بسياق الاعتبار بسنن الأمم السالفة، لأخذ العبرة منها واثباتها كونها سنة الله في خلقه. كما يتفق المفسران على أن ما حل لبني اسرائيل من لعنات وهلاك يمكن أن تتكرر في أي مجتمع ينحرف عن منهج الله وأوامره. فتُُظهر نتائج الدراسة أن ذكر قصص بني اسرائيل لا تهدف فقط لتسجيل الماضي الغبر، بل تؤسس لسنن كونية تمثل تحذي ًرًا من أن يتكرر الانحطاط الأخلاقي وتجاهل أوامر الله. وتوصي الدراسة بضرورة قراءة القصص القرآني قراءة مزدوجة: أي قراءة تاريخية تولي الأهمية للسياق الزماني للقصة، ونظرة واعية تسلط
الضوء على قضايا المجتمع والإنسان المعاصر. وبهذا يعود النص القرآني الى حقيقته التي من أجلها أُُنزل من كونه نور هذه الأمة ومرشدها، كما يفتح هذا المنهج أف ًقًا لفهم أعمق للارتباط بين ماضي وتاريخ بني إسرائيل الممتلئ بالتجاوزات والكفر والعصيان بأوج صوره، وما يخلفه اليوم في العالم أجمع وفي غزة وأرضنا المقدسة تحديدا من ظلم وعدوان الناجم عن امتداد تلك الممارسات الإسرائيلية الشاذة التي فعلها أسلفهم في الماضي.

.الكلمات المفتاحية: التفسير، القصص القرآني، بني إسرائيل، السنن الكونية ( ُسُنن الله،) محمد عزة دروزة، سيد قطب

The abysmal representation of women in some African literature is not unconnected with the patriarchal nature of Africa as a traditional society where women were considered as not being fit to take up heroic roles and therefore had to live with several degrees of injustice, such as oppression, marginalization, and other traumatic experiences. It is gratifying to note that some contemporary writers have shown understanding in rebranding women. This paper uses womanist theory that identifies and critically analyzes sexism and is also committed to the well-being and wholeness of women as its theoretical framework examines two Yorùbá written plays, Ayédáadé (1998) and Oníyangí (2008), that are replete with the issue of rebranded women, with a view to establishing that women in the contemporary African society live above the challenge of cultural and patriarchal subjugations. Findings reveal that the rebranded women now represent a developed and mature womanist who are educated, resolute, and career-oriented. For instance, Morádéke̩ in Ayédáadé uses her newfound education to resist her husband's demand for a male child, while Wúrào̩ lá in Oníyangí economically sustains her family after marital abandonment. The study, therefore demonstrates how a womanist reading reveals the strategic deployment of education, economic independence, and collective female action as tools of resistance.

The so-called “war on terror” has renewed the interest in torture in practice as well as in theory. The philosophical debate about possible justifications for torture has to a large extent revolved about the ticking time-bomb scenario: would it be justified to torture a terrorist in order to prevent a catastrophe? I criticize arguments based on ticking bomb scenarios in two steps. First, I show that exceptional resort to torture will not be possible in the situations where it is most needed. Second, I state several pragmatic as well as principled objections against a state sanctioned or tolerated practice of torture. Finally, I offer an explanation of what it means to regard the prohibition of torture as absolute.

Certain methods and weapons are traditionally considered to be 'mala in se', i.e. evil in themselves. Examples are mass rape campaigns and land mines. This article examines different interpretations of the principle that belligerents ought not to use such means. Some interpretations are reductionist in the sense that they see the principle as an instance of other principles regulating conduct in war (jus in bello), namely the principles of discrimination and proportionality. I suggest a horizontal and a vertical dimension of the latter. Resort to violence can then be unjustified if (1) the persons are not liable to be attacked because they bear no (or not enough) responsibility for the relevant threat, (2) the amount of harm is disproportionate compared to what can be achieved by the resort to violent force, or (3) the kind of harm is disproportionate by making individual persons suffer in ways that no one should have to endure. I defend the vertical dimension of proportionality as a key to understanding the principle of mala in se and consider whether it leads to an absolute prohibition against such means.

Modern defense organisations are adopting AI quickly because it can read huge amounts of information, spot patterns, and produce options far faster than people can. But speed is not the same as good judgement. AI tends to miss the human side of a situation, things like intent, culture, political pressure, the law, and what a decision will mean for real people. This paper calls that the context gap. It also looks at a second problem, which is that people under pressure tend to over-trust confident machine output, so human oversight often becomes a rubber stamp rather than real control.
To address both problems, the paper proposes a concept called human-context intelligence. The idea is to split the work in a clear way. AI carries the load of collecting, sorting, and projecting information. Humans hold meaning, risk, and the final decision. And a trust layer between the two makes the machine's output something a person can check, question, and be accountable for. The concept is built out into five principles, a five-layer framework, an augmented decision cycle, and a detailed trust architecture, then shown through an operational walkthrough and a proposed way to test it. Muaqil is presented as one applied example. The paper does not claim to remove human responsibility or the duty to know the law. Its core position is simple. AI assists, and humans decide.

Yorùbá music is a reflection of its people's socio-cultural realities, encapsulates complex narratives of gender, power, and identity. This study examined the gendered discourses embedded within Yorùbá music by juxtaposing the works of two iconic figures: Àyìnlá Ọmọwúrà, one of the pioneering artists of the Àpàlà genre, and Ṣọlá Allyson-Ọbáníyì, a contemporary spiritual-folk singer. The aim is to explore how each artiste navigates, construct, or contest gender norms within their lyrical content and performance ethos. Grounded in post-structural feminist theory and the sociology of literature, the study interrogates how language, culture, and power intersect in the production and reception of musical texts. Post-structural feminism provides a framework for deconstructing fixed gender identities, while the sociology of literature helps contextualize the music within its broader social function and historical context. The research employed a qualitative methodology involving textual analysis of selected songs, supported by recorded albums, interviews, critical reviews, and secondary data. Findings reveal that Àyìnlá Ọmọwúrà's music often reinforces patriarchal ideologies, depicting women through the lens of traditional roles and male authority. In contrast, Ṣọlá Allyson's music destabilizes these narratives, offering a re-imagined, spiritually grounded vision of womanhood rooted in introspection, agency, and emotional depth. The study concluded that Yorùbá music is a contested space where gender ideologies are both reinforced and contested. It recommended the inclusion of more gendersensitive approaches in music criticism and the promotion of female-centered narratives to balance cultural representation in Yorùbá musical heritage.

Modern interstate warfare imposes costs in human lives, economic resources, and civilizational stability that consistently exceed the political objectives that triggered the conflict. Existing international frameworks — the UN, humanitarian law, nuclear deterrence — have reduced but not resolved this structural problem.
The Bellum Codex is a theoretical framework proposing a codified system of representative combat as an alternative mechanism for resolving interstate disputes. Rather than suppressing conflict, it attempts to ritualize and limit it: defined stakes, representative groups of volunteer combatants, neutral arbitration, and automatic sanctions for non-compliance.
Developed iteratively through five versions with systematic stress-testing of each mechanism, the framework addresses proxy wars, economic coercion, asymmetric power dynamics, combatant protections, and the structural incentives that keep states within the system.

The Bellum Codex is not a utopia,
It is an attempt to domesticate war.

If John II Komnenos has remained in the shadow of his father Alexios and his son Manuel, this is certainly not due to his insignificance as an emperor. It is rather due to the fact, already noted elsewhere in this volume, that unlike the other two great Komnenian emperors, John II did not have a Byzantine historian focusing on his reign. Both the histories of Kinnamos and Choniates, the main Byzantine accounts of John's reign, begin with the statement that the narration of the emperor's deeds will be brief, because the authors had not witnessed the events of this period. 1 Nonetheless, modern-day historians have paid due attention to the information of both Byzantine and non-Byzantine sources in an effort to illuminate the foreign and military policies of the imperial city-state of Constantinople under John II during the first half of the twelfth century. 2 In Georg Ostrogorsky's view, John II should indeed be seen as the greatest of all Komnenian emperors, in accordance to the statement of Niketas Choniates, 3 because his successful campaigns increased the prestige of Constantinople as well as its military power, and expanded imperial rule in the East and the Balkans. 4 On the other hand, Ioannis Karayannopoulos claimed that the emperor's foreign policy failed because his military goals were obviously ill-chosen. Instead of concentrating his warring activity on the reconquest of Asia Minor from the Seljuk Turks by seeking to secure the cooperation, or at least the neutrality, of the Christian powers of the Crusader states and the Armenian principality of Cilicia, he chose to pursue an ambitious policy on many fronts, which the state's financial and military capacity at the time could not support. 5

In this paper I argue that torture is morally justified in some extreme emergencies. However, I also argue that notwithstanding the moral permissibility of torture in some extreme emergencies, torture ought not to be legalised or otherwise institutionalised. I n this paper I will argue that torture is morally justifi ed in some extreme emer- gencies. However, I will also argue that notwithstanding the moral permissibility of torture in some extreme emergencies, torture ought not to be legalised or otherwise institutionalised. This position was argued for some years ago by Tibor Machan. 1 Before proceeding to the question of the moral justifi ability of torture we need some understanding of what torture is. We also need some account of what is morally wrong with torture. As a preliminary working defi nition suffi cient for my purposes here, I suggest that torture is the intentional infl iction of extreme physical suffering on some non-consenting, defenceless, other person for the purpose of breaking their will. 2 I note that a person might have been tortured, even if in fact their will has not been broken; the purpose of the practice of torture is to break the victim's will, but this purpose does not have to be realised for a process to be an instance of torture. 3 In framing this defi nition I have relied in part on Michael Davis's account. I agree with Davis that non-physical mental torture is not really torture as such. On the other hand, Davis's defi nition is in terms of "testing" the will of the victim. This seems defi nitional of ordeals, but not of torture, i.e., it is too weak a notion to be defi nitive of torture. Moreover, I am not sure that a torturer is necessarily indifferent to the victim's welfare, as Davis claims. Here I am thinking of torturers who want to keep their victim's alive and in suffi ciently good mental and physical shape to provide information. At any rate and given my defi nition of torture, what of the relationship between torture and killing? Some have suggested that torture is worse than killing, and that torturing the innocent is morally worse than murder.

One of the most pressing issues related to our society is the failure of schools to adequately serve minority populations, including Hispanic students. Not only does this situation have harmful consequences for the students, it also negatively affects teachers who work with them and has implications for society at large, as well. In light of this problem, I sought to learn more about the nature of the problem and what could be done about it. I wished to understand the perspectives of Hispanic students regarding their education. Specifically, I wanted to better understand the views of my Hispanic students regarding their own educational and life needs and how they perceived the education they received from United States schools and teachers. My expectation is that these kinds of insights will help foster better understanding and stronger relationships between students and teachers, especially between my students and me. In this study I explored my own relationship with my Hispanic students as a means to gain insight to not only my own practices. I also wanted to understand the current situation of Hispanic students and the historical problems between people of color and the European American educational system in general. I then considered implications for diverse populations in today's schools, particularly Hispanic students. This study used aspects of critical ethnography, narrative inquiry, and teacher action research to investigate ten purposefully chosen Hispanic students' perspectives concerning their educations. vi I employed Noddings' ethic of care and Freire's problem-posing education for raising critical consciousness as my theoretical lenses. The findings suggested the mechanistic, fragmented, and hierarchal structures of dominant culture invisibly affect teachers' and students' relationships which often results in an educational experience of social reproduction. I propose that, through problemposing education, it may be possible to begin to recognize and transform society's invisible structures. I further suggest that teachers who acknowledge the inequities of dominant culture and help their students become conscious of the invisible inequities through problem-posing education have demonstrated true care.

This anatomical review provides a thorough, multi-layered dissection of Advancing Military Practice through Military Humanities (Hagen & Enstad, eds., Routledge, 2026), the foundational text that formally inaugurates military humanities (MILHUM) as a distinct field. Modeled explicitly on medical humanities, MILHUM deploys tools from history, literature, linguistics, philosophy, music, and related disciplines to sharpen critical understanding, operational effectiveness, and professional ethos in the military.
Building directly on the cognitive and psychological vulnerabilities mapped in Volume III of this series—automation bias, moral atrophy, epistemological separation, and the dehumanizing velocity of AI-augmented systems such as LAWS and JADC2—this review synthesizes the book’s 15-chapter structure, four-part architecture, and core arguments. It expands the synthesis with full structural analysis, chapter-specific insights drawn from available abstracts and metadata, pedagogical mechanisms, ethical implications, operational applications, and broader contextual nuances.
The result is a triadic reinforcement of Mission Command: technological scaffolding, cultural trust, and humanistic conditioning to preserve human moral agency as the unbreakable link in the kill chain.

This comprehensive analysis deconstructs the anatomy of command in the twenty-first century, arguing that the integration of artificial intelligence (AI), machine learning (ML), and lethal autonomous weapons systems (LAWS) has established the human mind as the contested "sixth domain" of warfare. While AI promises "decision dominance" by compressing the Observe-Orient-Decide-Act (OODA) loop, this relentless pursuit of speed introduces profound psychological and ethical vulnerabilities, including automation bias, moral injury, and the erosion of cognitive autonomy.
The core thesis posits that militaries must transition to "Mission Command 3.0," a doctrine prioritizing data literacy, cognitive diversity, and stringent institutional safeguards to preserve human moral agency as the indispensable, decisive element.
The psychological toll of AI integration is dissected across three echelons:
Tactical Operators experience "psychological whiplash" and "remote intimacy" from high-definition remote killing, resulting in severe psychological distress (PTSD, acute guilt) that rivals or exceeds that of forward-deployed combatants.
Operational Staffs face cognitive paralysis from an overwhelming "algorithmic smog" of data, which fosters dangerous "automation bias" and "selective adherence" to algorithmic advice.
Strategic Commanders risk "epistemological separation" from the battlefield's friction, relying on sanitized dashboards that may dangerously lower the moral barrier to escalation.
To operationalize resilience, the report mandates: 1) the institutionalization of "prompt discipline" and mandatory ethical override protocols to regulate human-AI teaming; 2) adherence to the A2T2P data standard and the "condensation-distillation framework" to create a necessary, structured information asymmetry between command levels; and 3) cultural and neurological investments such as Project Ridgway, the Transformation in Contact (TiC) initiative, the injection of external expertise via Detachment 201, and SMART cognitive conditioning. The conclusion asserts that while technology dictates the operational tempo, human moral agency must forever dictate the terms of conflict.

The book offers a contemporary scholarly analysis of the Mahābhārata
and Bhagavadgītā, exploring their enduring relevance and connecting the
readers with rich Indian tradition. This work stems from the SPARC
project, "Yoga Consciousness in Mahābhārata and Bhagavadgītā: The
Ethical Value for Societal/Political Well-Being", a collaborative initiative
between the University of Delhi's Department of Philosophy and Kamala
Nehru College, as coordinated by IIT Kharagpur, under the Ministry of
Education, Govt of India. The project, which successfully adapted to a
digital format during the COVID-19 pandemic, gathered global
participation, demonstrating the international relevance of the subject,
and has culminated in this comprehensive volume. Presenting analytical,
critical and hermeneutical reflections on ancient texts while examining
their applications to contemporary issues through the lens of yoga-
consciousness and allied topics, this compilation encompasses within it
the integrated awareness of personal and collective responsibilities.
Distinguished scholars from various disciplines, including philosophy,
history, religion, political science and environmental ethics have made
contributions that examine a wide array of contemporary concerns,
including ethical decision-making, leadership, justice, love, war,
violence and environmentalism. The volume addresses critical themes,
including epistemology, feminism and governance, while offering
nuanced interpretations that bridge theoretical and practical perspectives,
tradition and modernity. It contributes significantly to interdisciplinary
discourses and the Indian Knowledge Systems (IKS) through thoughtful
re-appropriation of classical Indian texts and projecting their universal
and humanitarian insights, demonstrating how classical texts serve as
tools to navigate through complex contemporary challenges and moral
issues of the modern world.

There has always been a degree of tension between, on the one hand, the writings of philosophers, theologians and lawyers on the ethics of war, and, on the other, the moral approach of soldiers, those actually engaged in combat. The former base their thinking on deontological reasoning, albeit with occasional reluctant gestures towards notions such as ‘military necessity’, while the latter are by temperament consequentialist, stressing, in particular, the importance of reciprocity. This tension is controllable in the implausible context of war between liberal, Western European countries, but comes to the surface in situations where regular Western armies are in combat with the armed forces of non-liberal states, or in situations of asymmetric warfare. The question is posed – can the notion of a just war survive in the absence of reciprocity

תקציר המאמר:
במאמר זה מוצג ניתוח ביקורתי של מושג "השוויון בנטל" בחברה הישראלית, תוך שימוש באנלוגיה השוואתית בין עולם הישיבות לבין מערכת המשפט המודרנית. המאמר מבקש לאתגר את השיח הציבורי המקובל, המבודד את לומדי התורה כקבוצה החורגת מהנורמה האזרחית, ומציע לראות בהם "אנשי מקצוע של הרוח" שתפקידם החיוני לקיום הלאומי דורש תנאים ייחודיים של התמסרות והתבדלות.

נקודות מרכזיות בניתוח:

מודל המקצוענות הרוחנית: הצבת לימוד התורה כצורך תשתיתי-לאומי המקביל למערכות שלטון החוק והביטחון, ולא כפריבילגיה או "תחביב" דתי.

כשל ה"שוויון המכני": בחינת הטענה כי שוויון אמיתי אינו דורש זהות בפעולה (גיוס לכולם), אלא חלוקת תפקידים התואמת את מומחיות הפרט ותרומתו הייחודית למבנה המדינה.

האנלוגיה השיפוטית: הסבר מדוע דרישה ל"שירות שווה" מלומדי תורה דומה באופן מהותי לדרישה משופטים בבית המשפט העליון לשרת בחזית – פעולה שהייתה מובילה לקריסת המערכת המקצועית עליה הם מופקדים.

המאמר קורא להגדרה מחדש של המושג "נטל" מתוך הכרה בערכה הסגולי של התורה כרכיב ביטחוני-קיומי של העם היהודי, ומצביע על כך שההתנגדות למודל זה נובעת מחוסר הבנה מקצועי של מהות הלימוד הישיבתי.

In this paper I will argue that, the Gary Varner's practicable form of biocentrism relies on his two premises, of the priority of desire principle and priority of ground project principle. His priority of desire principle is open to critique as it subjects animals such as fish, animals, plants, and elephants, who lack a desire to unnecessary harm and prone to overconsumption. His ground projects principle, is open to critique as it places paramount importance on the ability of humans to satisfy their ground projects allowing them too much freedom and in the event where the safeguarding of biodiversity and the environment are required, it is highly dependent and reliant on a vigilant and committed ethical and scientific community. Furthermore, Gary Varner's hierarchy of values provides for a framework for consumption of organisms which although has significant importance is very prone to abuse.

Traditional songs preserve historical happenings among the Yoruba people in the Southwestern part of Nigeria. Among these numerous songs, Ìjálá and Oríkìa song-texted usually chanted by traditional hunters and self-appraised song, respectively, stand out. This study critically examines the position of these two significant traditional songs among the Yoruba people of Amuye Faforiji and its environs specifically. It attempts to make a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of these songs and how their existence in society affected their socioeconomic , religious, and political affairs in response to critical issues of the time like wars, diseases, inter-group and inter-community relations, artistic display, and other peculiarities of the region as preserved in their oral histories and oral traditions. Using both primary and secondary sources, this study shows that the two songs, being the most significant traditional songs in Amuye Faforiji during this period, had, and still have, significant implications on the preservation of the history of the people, their relations with both friendly and hostile neighbours, the artistic display of the period and finally their emergence to modernity.

The global security landscape of the mid-2020s is defined by an unprecedented consolidation of economic, political, and military power, manifesting in a self-reinforcing system that prioritizes the expansion of defense capabilities as a prerequisite for national stability. This institutionalized security economy is not the product of a singular, hidden cabal, but rather the result of a mature "Iron Triangle"-a symbiotic alignment of interests between military institutions, political leadership, and private corporations. The infrastructure of this complex has expanded to include not only the traditional manufacturing of "exquisite class" weaponry but also a sophisticated network of energy security interests, policy-shaping think tanks, and a "revolving door" of personnel that blurs the boundary between public service and private profit. As global military spending reaches record highs, currently projected to exceed $1 trillion for the United States alone in 2025, the economic incentives for maintaining a state of high-readiness and continuous conflict have become structurally embedded in the global financial system.

This paper examines the critical role of Hadith sciences ('Ulum al-Hadith) in preventing extremism and
misinterpretation of Islamic texts. Through systematic analysis of authentication methodologies, contextual
interpretation frameworks, and scholarly consensus mechanisms, this study demonstrates how traditional Hadith
sciences provide robust safeguards against radicalization and textual distortion. The research explores how
extremist groups systematically bypass established Hadith verification principles, leading to dangerous
misapplications of prophetic traditions. By examining classical and contemporary case studies, this paper argues
that reinvigorating Hadith sciences education is essential for countering violent extremism and promoting balanced
Islamic understanding.