Forced Migration

This research project, initiated by the Just Solutions Legal Clinic of the Montreal City Mission, is carried out by a multidisciplinary and inter-university research team. The main objective is to document access to legal services and support for migrants with precarious status and no status in Quebec. The study focuses on the experiences lived by migrants and their navigation of legal systems, by exploring both the obstacles
encountered and the facilitating factors. The research also documents the experiences of professionals who support them throughout their journeys.
Through a qualitative methodological approach, the research was able to reach 88 people through individual interviews and focus groups: 39 migrants and 49 professionals in rights advocacy and legal services, such as lawyers, legal caseworkers, counsellors, advocates, social workers, and managers. They reside or work in different regions of Quebec.
This approach made it possible to collect varied testimonies on the challenges encountered in accessing legal services and on the strategies implemented to overcome these obstacles.
The trajectories reveal the complexity of navigating this legal and administrative environment by shedding light on the interactions between various actors and the
specific challenges faced by these individuals. The results point toward several areas for action aimed at improving access to legal services for migrants with precarious status
or no status. These proposed actions generally promote: universal accessibility, intersectoral action as well as training and support for individuals and stakeholders. We hope that these recommendations and findings will inform future reflections and support the organizations involved.

Developing eco-sensitive citizens requires pro-environmental attitudes from childhood, with tailored educational strategies. This study examines how school libraries can facilitate environmental education on the Bolgoda ecosystem. A self-developed questionnaire was distributed to secondary-level students selected through stratified random sampling. Data from 841 respondents were analysed to assess environmental knowledge, information-seeking behaviours, and learning preferences. Results indicate minimal formal engagement with the ecosystem: while 74.3% of students had heard, only 28.1% had seen related media, 19% had visited, 5.5% had read, and merely 2.1% had formally studied. The average ecosystem knowledge score was notably low at 2.53 out of 10 (SD = 2.17, 95% CI [2.38, 2.68]), with 27.4% showing zero knowledge. Moreover, students' interests were strongly oriented toward recreational aspects (78.4%) rather than critical environmental interaction (8.2%). While 80% of students identified school libraries as potential venues for environmental education, only 60% visited them at least once a month, and a majority of 65.4% preferred practical learning through environmental excursions. Chi-square analysis indicated that active engagement methods, such as exposure to visual media (P = 0.014) and site visits (P = 0.011), were significantly associated with higher environmental knowledge levels than passive methods, including hearing (P = 0.165), reading (P = 0.165), and formal study (P = 0.800). This disparity highlights a fundamental mismatch between traditional information-sharing and learning preferences. Hence, it is recommended to revisit environmental education strategies by integrating practical learning approaches into school library programs to better align with students' learning preferences and enhance environmental knowledge.

Este informe presenta un estudio exhaustivo sobre la situación de las personas refugiadas colombianas en Ecuador, realizado en 2011 en las localidades de Ibarra, Tulcán, San Lorenzo y Quito.
El documento detalla los objetivos del levantamiento de información, la metodología empleada —incluyendo entrevistas individuales, entrevistas a jefes de hogar y grupos focales— y la composición de la muestra, que superó ampliamente la participación prevista.
Además, ofrece perfiles socioeconómicos y demográficos de cada localidad, analiza condiciones de vida, acceso a servicios, percepciones de seguridad y necesidades prioritarias de la población refugiada.
El informe constituye una referencia clave para comprender el contexto humanitario en la frontera norte y orientar intervenciones de protección y asistencia.

Sexual abuse and exploitation in humanitarian crises or elsewhere reflect a variety of failures or omissions attributable to a range of responsible actors and institutions. They represent a failure to uphold basic rights to protection. In institutional terms sexual exploitation and abuse by humanitarian staff represent a failure on the part of humanitarian agencies whose stated role is to provide protection and care. Sexual exploitation and abuse of people affected by humanitarian crises represent a challenge to the entire humanitarian community. The Inter- Agency Standing Committee (IASC) provides an important mechanism for preventing and responding to such crises. In March 2002 the IASC established a Task Force on Protection from Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in Humanitarian Crises which was mandated within the overall objective of strengthening and enhancing the protection and care of women and children in situations of humanitarian crisis and conflict to make recommendations to ...

This article analyses the narratives about pre-Ottoman Turkic tribes in Bulgarian history textbooks within the framework of the construction process of Bulgarian nation identity. In the post-Ottoman Balkan nation-states, the perception of Turks and Turkishness has been mostly negatively coded in historical memory; five centuries of Ottoman rule and the nationalist reactions against it have been decisive in the formation of this perception. Bulgarian intellectuals tried to convince the public of an old, deep-rooted and Slavic-based ethnogenesis narrative in the process of nation-building; accordingly, elements of Turkish origin were systematically excluded from historiography. Bulgarian society, which had been under Ottoman rule for nearly five centuries, tended to exclude all elements associated with the Ottoman Empire and Turkishness while rewriting its history in the postindependence period. In this context, history textbooks have become not only texts that convey information but also ideological tools that shape national memory. Especially in the communist period, the Slavist discourse combined with the Marxist understanding of history constructed a Slavicised national past by ignoring the Turkish origin of the Ancient Bulgarians. In the post-totalitarian period, various theses in the scientific literature were selectively and contradictorily included in the textbooks, creating a deliberate uncertainty of origin in the students. Scientifically valuable studies have been produced by Bulgarian scientists, but they have not found a place in the

The objective of this study was to examine collective memory reproduction of the Nakba (the Catastrophe) among Palestinian refugee youth. The collective memory reproduction of the Nakba was evaluated using an index containing 27 items developed by the researchers, which was administered to three-hundred-and-seventy-four participants in refugee camps in the West Bank. The findings revealed that Palestinian refugee youth preserved a strong collective memory of the Nakba. The statistics revealed that gender, parents' educational level, exposure to violence perpetrated by the Israelis, and grade point average (GPA), were significant predictors of collective memory reproduction of the Nakba. Traumatic experiences are not being erased, as older refugees may die, but the youth will never forget. As these refugees continue to be deprived of the right to return to the territory where their ancestors had lived until they were violently expelled from the area, the collective memory reprodu...

Bir ülkenin hangi çağda yaşadığını belirleyen şey yalnızca takvim değildir. Dünya üzerindeki bütün devletler aynı yılı paylaşabilir ancak aynı yönetim zamanında bulunmayabilir. Çünkü devletler için zaman sadece kronolojik bir ilerleme değil; insanını, bilgisini, ekonomisini, teknolojisini, kurumlarını ve sahip olduğu bütün kaynakları geleceğe dönüştürme kapasitesidir.

This article discusses some particularities of Central American LGBTI migrants' forced displacement in Mexico from the authors' professional trajectories in the humanitarian field between 2017 and 2019. The article aims to make visible the experiences, risks, and specific needs of LGBTI migrants and introduce a discussion on the contributions of a feminist foreign policy for the international protection of these people in Mexico and the region. Resumen: En este artículo se discuten algunas particularidades sobre el desplazamiento forzado de las personas migrantes centroamericanas LGBTI en México, a partir de las trayectorias profesionales de las autoras en el ámbito humanitario entre 2017 y 2019. Desde una perspectiva feminista, el artículo tiene el objetivo de visibilizar la multiplicidad de experiencias, riesgos y necesidades específicas de las personas migrantes LGBTI, así como introducir una discusión sobre los aportes de una política exterior feminista para la protección internacional de estas personas tanto en México como en la región.

En este artículo se discuten algunas particularidades sobre el desplazamiento forzado de las personas migrantes centroamericanas LGBTI en México, a partir de las trayectorias profesionales de las autoras en el ámbito humanitario entre 2017 y 2019. Desde una perspectiva feminista, el artículo tiene el objetivo de visibilizar la multiplicidad de experiencias, riesgos y necesidades específicas de las personas migrantes LGBTI, así como introducir una discusión sobre los aportes de una política exterior feminista para la protección internacional de estas personas tanto en México como en la región.

Drawing on Agamben's notion of "bare life" and Fassin's critique of "humanitarian reason," this article asks when refugees become recognizable as fully human in Turkish news discourse. It analyzes a simple random sample of 2,285 migration-related news items published in eight national newspapers between 2011 and 2020 through qualitative content analysis, and complements this with a close reading of sixty items that cluster around positive/ humanitarian storytelling. Overall coverage is largely massifying and predominantly negative in tone; framing is dominated by threat-security-control (40 percent) alongside a substantial humanitarian-moral frame (32 percent). The paper's main contribution is to identify and theorize three recurring "good refugee" figures: (1) the vulnerable woman/child; (2) the heroic young man; and (3) the talented/entrepreneurial refugee whose exceptional skills and achievements are foregrounded. The paper argues that these figures do not merely individualize refugees; they also function as privileged sites where Turkish nationhood is narrated as compassionate, modern, and sovereignwhile "ordinary" refugees remain outside the horizon of unconditional humanity and rights. The article argues that humanization strategies may backfire, ultimately eliminating individual subjectivity and agency. The article critiques the news items' compassionate, patronizing, and moralizing tone, highlighting the urgent need to politicize and historicize the issue.

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FR : Partant du constat empirique que les statuts migratoires ne sont figés ni dans le temps ni dans l’espace et que l’intervention humanitaire autant que la recherche demeurent centrées sur la figure du réfugié, cet article s’intéresse aux divers processus de catégorisation des personnes en situation de migration forcée, en particulier celles dites « déplacées internes », dans les espaces humanitaires où elles se retrouvent pêle-mêle avec des réfugiés. À partir d’un terrain ethnographique réalisé dans trois régions du Cameroun, pays d’Afrique centrale affecté par des crises internes et transfrontalières ayant provoqué des déplacements forcés massifs, je propose de cerner comment différents acteurs définissent, identifient et étiquettent ces deux groupes. Des nombreux effets qui ressortent autant pour ces personnes que pour le régime humanitaire se dégage une marginalisation systématique des personnes déplacées internes, principalement en raison de la faible valeur juridique et humanitaire de leur catégorie.

Mots clés : Migration forcée, Cameroun, Personnes déplacées internes, Aide humanitaire, Catégorisation

EN: Based on the empirical observation that migration statuses are not fixed in time or space and that humanitarian intervention and research remain focused on the figure of the refugee, this article examines the various categorization processes of people in situations of forced migration, particularly those referred to as “internally displaced persons” and “refugees”, in the humanitarian spaces where they find themselves mixed in with refugees. Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in three regions of Cameroon, a Central African country affected by internal and cross-border crises that have caused massive forced displacement, I propose to identify how different actors define, identify and label these two groups. From the many effects that emerge, both for these people and for the humanitarian regime, a systematic marginalization of internally displaced people emerges, mainly because of the low legal and humanitarian value of their category.

Keywords: Forced migration, Cameroon, Internally displaced persons, Humanitarian aid, Categorization

Städte stehen, um unterzugehen (Seneca) 1 Die Stadtgeschichte ist seit ihren Anfängen durch eine ungeheure Dynamik geprägt. 2 Seit dem 4. Jahrtausend v. Chr. gab es in verschiedenen Teilen der Mittelmeerwelt mit Blick auf städtische Zentralisierungsprozesse eine regelrechte Planungs euphorie, die sich im Zuge einer Intensivierung von Landwirtschaft, Verwaltung und Institutionalisierungsprozessen ausbildete. Diese "urban revolution" 3 galt zunächst für den Nahen Osten einschließlich Ägypten und beispielsweise für das Hethiterreich. Hier wurden mit ungeheurem Aufwand und unter Einsatz beachtlicher Ressourcen regelrechte Großstädte gebaut, deren Größe und Umfang in späteren Perioden der Antike bis auf wenige Ausnahmen nicht erreicht, jedenfalls letztlich nur durch die Ausnahmefälle Rom und Alexandria übertroffen und erst im China des 8. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. von der Metropole Chang'an überflügelt wurden, die eine Million Einwohner hatte. 4 Einige wenige Schlaglichter auf diese antiken Urbanisierungsprozesse mögen genügen: Entlang des Euphrat und Tigris lassen sich bereits 3000 v. Chr. eine Reihe von Städten studieren, unter denen 1 Seneca, Epistulae morales ad Lucilium XIV, 91, 11 f.: "Ipsius naturae opera vexantur et ideo aequo animo ferre debemus urbium excidia. Casurae stant […]."; deutsch: Die Werke der Natur selbst werden geplagt, und deswegen müssen wir mit Gleichmut den Untergang der Städte ertragen. Sie stehen, um zu fallen. 2 Siehe für die Antike die besonders instruktiven Überblickswerke von Frank Kolb:

The paper introduces “enclaving” as a framework for understanding how Palestinian space is being systematically reorganized by the Israeli regime into fragmented, governed units that isolate communities while reconfiguring control as administration. This Israeli apartheid spatial regime is deliberately engineered to fragment Palestine and its people into enclaves, with the purpose of systematically undermining their inalienable rights to self-determination and return.

This apartheid spatial logic is cumulative. From 1948, through the Six-Day War, to the Oslo framework and its aftermath, the Israeli regime has progressively deepened and normalized fragmentation, embedding it within legal, political, and territorial arrangements. More recently, both on-the-ground and planned policies, the “Decisive Plan” and Trump’s 20-point plan, have further consolidated and formalized this logic into an enclave system. What exists today is therefore not accidental disconnection, but an ongoing colonial process in which fragmentation itself operates as a governing principle under the Israeli regime.

Over almost eight decades, fragmentation under the Israeli regime has developed into a structured system that shapes Palestinian life at every level. Through land confiscation, movement restrictions, legal differentiation, administrative divisions, and a dense network of closures, iron gates, segregated roads, and permit regimes, Palestinian space has been carved into disconnected regional and local enclaves. These are not only restrictions on movement, but a reconfiguration of surveillance, political subordination, and economic dependency on the Israeli regime, fragmenting political presence while systematically forcibly displacing the Palestinian people. This process also functions to diminish international presence and constrain external pressure that could expose or disrupt the Zionist-Israeli colonial strategy.

Within these fragmented spaces, governance is reshaped into localized and constrained forms, while overarching colonial systems of control and dependency remain intact. In this sense, the Israeli enclaving system echoes the logic of apartheid South Africa’s bantustans, where fragmented territories were framed as self-governing while real authority remained external. Such arrangements do not function as pathways to autonomy, but as entrenched mechanisms of containment, fragmentation, and control.

Spatial apartheid operates as a system of control that extends far beyond the management of land, resources, and economic life. It is fundamentally structured to fragment social cohesion and weaken collective political agency. In Palestine, the enclave system reflects a broader logic of domination that the Israeli regime imposes to prevent the emergence of a Palestinian unified national aspiration, collective action, and resistance.

This consolidated research portfolio brings together five connected volumes from the Between Survival and Asylum research series, situated within the broader Third Generation of International Relations framework. The portfolio examines the movement from staying and leaving under war, through structural crisis and forced flight, toward asylum governance and the wider global power conditions that produce displacement. It argues that migration and asylum should not be understood as isolated demographic events or individual choices alone, but as layered political, historical, institutional, and existential processes shaped by memory, identity, structural violence, global power asymmetry, proxy wars, sanctions, authoritarian coercion, legal uncertainty, and failures of international governance. Across the five volumes, the work reframes staying and leaving as identity strategies shaped by autobiographical memory and collective belonging; extends migration analysis beyond war-centric explanations; conceptualises forced migration as an existential threshold between survival, borders, uncertainty, and responsibility; interprets asylum after arrival as a form of governance that may preserve life while delaying freedom and durable belonging; and positions migration and asylum as structural outcomes of international disorder. The portfolio is intended as a consolidated academic dossier for review, guidance, and further development within the Third Generation of International Relations project.

El artículo presenta un estudio etnográfico de la acción colectiva y la movilización para la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas en Zacatecas, México, entre 2022 y 2025. Se argumenta que la movilización para la búsqueda constituye una forma de agencia dignificadora, inscrita en tensiones y negociaciones permanentes en los ámbitos individual, familiar y público. Los resultados se inscriben en una discusión con la literatura especializada en México, identificando tres formas en que se manifiestan estas tensiones y negociaciones: actuar como necesidad; contener emociones en la esfera privada; confrontar y acordar con el Estado

Background: The global number of forcibly displaced people has risen to over 108.4 million, largely due to increased persecution, conflicts, violence, and human rights violations. This has depleted resources in low-and middle-income countries. Mental health in refugee settings is influenced by factors such as insecurity, limited opportunities, healthcare barriers, and access to services. Forced migration, flight, and asylum experiences often involve traumatic events, leading to higher rates of stress and mental health disorders. Research on mental health in refugee settlements often focuses on transitory settlements, neglecting self-established and urban refugees. The UNCHR is working with humanitarian organizations like TPO Uganda to encourage mental health-seeking patterns among displaced persons. Aim: In this study, we aimed at assessing the mental health seeking patterns among forcibly displaced persons residing in IMVEPI Refugee settlement. Methodology: A cross-sectional study was conducted at IMVEPI refugee settlement, involving 381 respondents from various nationalities and tribes, using TPO volunteer structures and SPSS 23 for statistical analysis. Results: The study involved 381 respondents, with no significant gender difference. The majority were between 18 and 49 years old, with 72.7%) from South Sudanese, 22.2% from Congolese, and 1.0% from Ugandan nationalities. Mental health knowledge was not statistically significant (P value = 0.940), but general help seeking behaviors were statistically significant (P value = 0.132). A majority (18.64%) suggested community sensitization as the best way to improve mental health knowledge and general help seeking behaviors.

The global number of forcibly displaced people has risen to over 108.4 million, largely due to increased persecution, conflicts, violence, and human rights violations. This has depleted resources in low-and middle-income countries. Mental health in refugee settings is influenced by factors such as insecurity, limited opportunities, healthcare barriers, and access to services. Forced migration, flight, and asylum experiences often involve traumatic events, leading to higher rates of stress and mental health disorders. Research on mental health in refugee settlements often focuses on transitory settlements, neglecting self-established and urban refugees. The UNCHR is working with humanitarian organizations like TPO Uganda to encourage mental health-seeking patterns among displaced persons. In this study, we aimed at assessing the mental health seeking patterns among forcibly displaced persons residing in IMVEPI Refugee settlement. A cross-sectional study was conducted at IMVEPI refugee settlement, involving 381 respondents from various nationalities and tribes, using TPO volunteer structures and SPSS 23 for statistical analysis. The study involved 381 respondents, with no significant gender difference. The majority were between 18 and 49 years old, with 72.7%) from South Sudanese, 22.2% from Congolese, and 1.0% from Ugandan nationalities. Mental health knowledge was not statistically significant (P value = 0.940), but general help seeking behaviors were statistically significant (P value = 0.132). A majority (18.64%) suggested community sensitization as the best way to improve mental health knowledge and general help seeking behaviors.

Part 1: The Monographic Study of Fibiș (1934–1935)

1. Socio-Economic Profile

• Geographic Placement: Fibiș is described as a plain village in the heart of the Banat region, strategically located at the crossroads connecting Arad, Lipova, and Timișoara (each roughly 30 km away), making it highly accessible via train and bus transit.

• Urban and Aesthetic Layout: The monographers paint a portrait of a clean, civilized, and symmetric village with wide, straight streets lined with dense trees. The houses are large, structured with their facades facing the courtyards. Socially, locals navigate the village using traditional family nicknames rather than formal street numbers.

• The Economy of Hard Work: Agriculture and livestock are the prime pillars of wealth. Fibiș is renowned for its fattened oxen, heavily exported to Italy for substantial sums (15,000–20,000 lei per pair). While poverty (pauperism) is virtually non-existent, the sociologists note a severe lack of a "rational lifestyle." Driven by an avid obsession to accumulate land and wealth (ahniat), farmers worked ceaselessly from dawn until snowfall, waking up at 3:00 AM, sacrificing sleep, family time, and proper hot meals.

• Cultural and Social Isolation: Culturally, the villagers of Fibiș rank significantly higher than those in the Old Kingdom of Romania (Vechiul Regat); nearly all are literate, read daily political newspapers, and track grain stock market fluctuations. However, socially, they are intensely individualistic. Communal mutual aid traditions (such as the clacă) do not exist, and families live strictly segregated from one another, coming together as a collective only in times of extreme external peril.

2. Demographic Data & Social Pathology

Official data extracted by the interwar monographers from the Central Institute of Statistics reveal a total population of 2,162 inhabitants in Fibiș, highlighting the multicultural landscape of Banat:

• Romanians: 1,417 (approx. 65%)
• Germans (Danube Swabians): 393
• Hungarians: 340
• Other Nationalities: 12
The demographic charts expose a devastating scar left by World War I:          105 Romanian widows lived in the village, 68 of whom were of prime working age (20–64 years old).
This cold statistic backs up Ioan Pelea’s later notes that out of all the young men drafted from his village, he was the sole survivor to return alive.
The Royal Teams spent 5 months charting the "social pathologies" of the village - such as alcoholism, widowhood, physical disabilities, and old age -intervievand every single Romanian household to design tailored rural social assistance programs implemented by the community's beloved physician, Dr. Manuilă.

Part 2: The Biography and Wartime Odyssey of Ioan Pelea

The seesaw traces ups and downs in the interpretation of an ancient civilization that has endured to this day; the last century has deliberately disrupted the balance of what had been preserved in past centuries. The Assyrian and Chaldean Churches saw themselves crushed and depleted of their people, now in diaspora on other continents. The connection between the motherland and the diaspora is provided by the new language of art, which no longer uses worn and misunderstood words, but colors and forms indelibly imprinted in the minds of those now living far from Mesopotamia.

The continued economic struggles of many developing countries present a significant paradox in contemporary development studies. While millions of migrants from countries such as the Philippines, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Bangladesh have achieved success in highly competitive international labor markets, their countries of origin often continue to face persistent poverty, inequality, and underdevelopment. This study examines the relationship between migration, remittances, institutional quality, and economic development to understand why individual success abroad does not automatically translate into national prosperity. Using a qualitative documentary research design, the study analyzes data and findings from major international institutions, including the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the International Organization for Migration (IOM), the International Labour Organization (ILO), Transparency International, and other peer-reviewed sources. The research finds that human capital alone is insufficient to produce sustainable economic development. Although remittances contribute significantly to household welfare by improving access to education, healthcare, housing, and basic necessities, they rarely generate broad structural transformation in the absence of effective institutions. The findings indicate that corruption, weak governance, inadequate infrastructure, limited financial capacity, and unequal access to economic opportunities restrict the ability of developing countries to convert talent into long-term national growth. The success of migrants abroad demonstrates that the challenge facing many nations is not a shortage of skills or human potential, but rather the institutional environments in which those skills operate. The study concludes that meaningful development requires transparent governance, accountable institutions, productive investment mechanisms, and policies that enable human capital to contribute more effectively to domestic economic progress.

Note: This document contains the abstract of the expanded version of the study. The full manuscript includes a literature review, theoretical framework, methodology, comparative analysis, and additional discussion supported by academic and institutional sources.

Livelihoods have been a central element of the humanitarian response to the Syria crisis. This was especially the case in Jordan, with the Jordan Compact promising hundreds of thousands of jobs for Syrians, and development opportunities for their hosts. In this commentary, we highlight three broader lessons from the scheme, the results of which were disappointing for many Syrians. Livelihoods interventions must ensure that indicators of success are linked to tangible changes in refugees’ lives; that refugees’ integration into national systems is done cautiously, in ways adapted to their circumstances and priorities; and that much more attention is paid to the gendered, racialised and classed nature of labour market dynamics. In order to achieve these goals, refugees’ experiences and aspirations as labour market participants, and their own assessments of whether and how their lives have improved, must be at the heart of future programme design, implementation and evaluation.

This paper examines how digital platforms have functioned as spatial anchors for forcibly displaced people in Athens following the ‘long summer of migration’ in 2015, when the ability to claim or inhabit space was often precarious, temporary or denied altogether. Drawing on my fieldwork in Athens, it traces how migrants and grassroots collectives have used digital means to assert presence, build connections and make claims to space in a city that became a threshold for migration.

The physical geographies of displacement in Greece shifted significantly after the 2019 parliamentary elections, when the new centre-right government escalated the eviction of informal housing spaces for migrants. These changes, compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic, further destabilised initiatives with already fragile infrastructures. In this climate, ‘hybrid spatialities’ that were formed through the interplay of physical and digital practices became integral to political claims. Digital engagement acted as an extension, and at times a substitute to material space where access to the urban realm was restricted by legal, economic and political constraints.

Rather than idealising the digital as inherently emancipatory, this paper frames it as a complex terrain which facilitates visibility and connection while being prone to exposure and bound by conditions of precarity. It probes practices of solidarity anchored digitally in the context of forced migration when both literal and political ground is unsettled, and considers how such hybrid spatialities reveal modes of relating to space that exceed the physical. Focusing on three projects in Athens—a city shaped by overlapping crises and contested spatial claims, this paper contributes to debates on architectures of displacement, urban precarity and digital geographies. It argues that the digital is increasingly a contested field of reclaiming space, and examines how such spatial claims are articulated and sustained when material access is constrained.

Since the nineties, Casanare has undergone an economic and social transformation due to the incursion of the oil industry, this phenomenon strengthened paramilitary structures that carried out serious violations of human rights as a consequence of a neoliberal political of private security to Favoring the economic interests of multinational corporations, resulting in thousands of victims of displacement, forced disappearance and other crimes against humanity.

Malgré la diversité des perspectives et des points de vue qu'elle propose, cette étude se concentrera sur le contexte de la guerre et son impact sur la population. L'étude s'intéressera d'abord au cœur du conflit, en examinant la chute de l'Empire ottoman, la guerre gréco-turque et le traité de Lausanne, ainsi que les souffrances endurées par les populations. Elle abordera ensuite une dimension sociale du conflit, montrant comment l'histoire nationale et le traumatisme partagé ont créé une dynamique particulière entre les deux peuples. Cette section comparera les mémoires grecques et turcs et soulignera que la guerre fut davantage une expérience vécue qu'un récit politique.

စာတမ်းအနှစ်ချုပ် (Abstract)

ဤသုတေသနစာတမ်းသည် အမေရိကန် လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုး (Late Night Show) ယဉ်ကျေးမှု၏ ဆင့်ကဲဖြစ်စဉ်ကို သမိုင်းကြောင်းအရ ခြေရာခံလေ့လာပြီး စတီဖင် ကိုးလ်ဗတ် (Stephen Colbert) ၏ အသက်မွေးဝမ်းကြောင်းခရီးကို ဗဟိုပြု၍ ခွဲခြမ်းစိတ်ဖြာတင်ပြထားပါသည်။ ထို့အပြင် လိတ်နိုက်သရော်စာသည် စတုတ္ထမဏ္ဍိုင် (Fourth Estate) ၏ ယုံကြည်မှုကျဆင်းလာချိန်တွင် လူထုအား အကြောင်းကြားရန်၊ အာဏာကို ဖော်ထုတ်ရန်နှင့် လူထုဆွေးနွေးမှုကို လှုံ့ဆော်ရန် မည်သို့ ထိရောက်သော ကိရိယာတစ်ခု ဖြစ်လာသည်ကို ဆန်းစစ်ထားပါသည်။

ဤလေ့လာမှု၏ ထူးခြားချက်မှာ အမေရိကန် ဒီမိုကရေစီအောက်ရှိ သရော်စာ (ကိုးလ်ဗတ် ဥပမာ) နှင့် မြန်မာနိုင်ငံကဲ့သို့ စစ်အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အောက်ရှိ သရော်စာ (MCN TV News ၏ “LATE NIGHT SHOW WITH AHUNT BHONE MYAT” ဥပမာ) တို့ကို နှိုင်းယှဉ်လေ့လာခြင်း ဖြစ်ပါသည်။ ဤနှိုင်းယှဉ်ချက်က သရော်စာ၏ သဘောသဘာဝ၊ ၎င်း၏ အန္တရာယ်နှင့် လူ့အဖွဲ့အစည်းအပေါ် သက်ရောက်မှုတို့သည် နိုင်ငံရေးစနစ်ပေါ်တွင် မည်မျှအထိ မှီတည်နေသည်ကို ထင်ရှားစေပါသည်။

သုတေသနပြုချက်များအရ အမေရိကန်တွင် ကိုးလ်ဗတ်၏ အန္တရာယ်သည် ကော်ပိုရိတ်ဖိအားနှင့် အလုပ်ပြုတ်ခြင်းအထိသာ ဖြစ်သော်လည်း မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတွင် အလားတူ သရော်စာပြုခြင်းသည် ထောင်ဒဏ်၊ ညှဉ်းပန်းနှိပ်စက်ခြင်းနှင့် အသက်ဆုံးရှုံးခြင်းအထိ ဖြစ်စေနိုင်ကြောင်း တွေ့ရှိရပါသည်။ စာတမ်းတွင် လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုး၏ သမိုင်းကြောင်းကို ၁၉၄၉ မှ ၂၀၂၆ ခုနှစ်အထိ အဆင့်လိုက် တင်ပြထားပြီး ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အသွင်ပြောင်းလဲမှု၊ ပါတီစွဲမီဒီယာခေတ်နှင့် “သတင်းမဲ့မြို့များ” (news deserts) ပြဿနာတို့ကိုလည်း ဆန်းစစ်ထားပါသည်။

ဤစာတမ်း၏ အဓိက ရည်ရွယ်ချက်မှာ လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုးကို သာမန်ဖျော်ဖြေရေးတစ်ခုအဖြစ်သာ မမြင်ဘဲ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၏ အရေးပါသော အဖွဲ့အစည်းတစ်ခုအဖြစ် မြင်တွေ့နိုင်ရန်နှင့် လွတ်လပ်သော မီဒီယာ၏ တန်ဖိုးကို ၎င်းပျောက်ကွယ်သွားမှသာ အပြည့်အဝ သိရှိနိုင်ကြောင်း သက်သေပြရန်ဖြစ်ပါသည်။

သော့ချက်စကားလုံးများ – စတီဖင် ကိုးလ်ဗတ်၊ လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုး၊ သရော်စာ၊ စတုတ္ထမဏ္ဍိုင်၊ ဒီမိုကရေစီ၊ အာဏာရှင်စနစ်၊ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ၊ MCN TV News၊ နှိုင်းယှဉ်လေ့လာမှု၊ သတင်းလွတ်လပ်ခွင့်။
စာတမ်းရည်ရွယ်ချက်များ (Objectives)

ဤသုတေသနစာတမ်း၏ အဓိက ရည်ရွယ်ချက်များမှာ အောက်ပါအတိုင်းဖြစ်ပါသည်။

၁. ကိုးလ်ဗတ်၏ အနုပညာခရီးစဉ်ကို လေ့လာခြင်း – စတီဖင် ကိုးလ်ဗတ်၏ ငယ်ဘဝ၊ The Daily Show၊ The Colbert Report နှင့် The Late Show သို့ ခရီးစဉ်ကို အသေးစိတ် လေ့လာတင်ပြရန်။

၂. လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုး၏ သမိုင်းကြောင်းကို ခြေရာခံခြင်း – ၁၉၄၉ ခုနှစ်မှ ၂၀၂၆ ခုနှစ်အထိ အမေရိကန် လိတ်နိုက်ရှိုး၏ ဆင့်ကဲဖြစ်စဉ်ကို အချိန်မျဉ်းကြောင်းအတိုင်း တင်ပြရန်။

၃. သရော်စာ၏ ဒီမိုကရေစီဆိုင်ရာ အခန်းကဏ္ဍကို ဆန်းစစ်ခြင်း – လိတ်နိုက်သရော်စာသည် စတုတ္ထမဏ္ဍိုင်၏ ဖြည့်စွက်မှုအဖြစ် မည်သို့ ဆောင်ရွက်နိုင်သည်ကို သီအိုရီနှင့် လက်တွေ့ဘက်မှ လေ့လာရန်။

၄. စတုတ္ထမဏ္ဍိုင်၏ ကျဆင်းမှုနောက်ခံများကို ဖော်ထုတ်ခြင်း – ပါတီစွဲမီဒီယာ၊ “သတင်းအတု” တံဆိပ်၊ စီးပွားရေးဖိအားများနှင့် ဒစ်ဂျစ်တယ်အသွင်ပြောင်းမှုတို့ကြောင့် သတင်းမီဒီယာ၏ ယုံကြည်မှု မည်သို့ကျဆင်းလာသည်ကို ကိန်းဂဏန်းများဖြင့် သက်သေပြရန်။

၅. မြန်မာ့အတွေ့အကြုံနှင့် နှိုင်းယှဉ်လေ့လာခြင်း – ဒီမိုကရေစီအောက်ရှိ သရော်စာ (ကိုးလ်ဗတ်) နှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်အောက်ရှိ သရော်စာ (MCN TV News) တို့၏ ခြားနားချက်ကို ဘေးချင်းယှဉ် နှိုင်းယှဉ်လေ့လာရန်။

၆. အနာဂတ်အတွက် အကြံပြုချက်များ ထုတ်ပြန်ခြင်း – ဒီမိုကရေစီနိုင်ငံများအတွက် သတိပေးချက်နှင့် အာဏာရှင်စနစ်များအောက်ရှိ သတင်းထောက်များအတွက် ရှင်သန်ရေးလမ်းညွှန်ချက်များ အကြံပြုရန်။

Rural to urban migration is rampant in India. Cities that are Petri dishes for rapid neo-liberal development can be unforgiving places for the vulnerable migrant population. The question we are looking forward to answering here is, how does neoliberal development in the cities affect and shape the lived experience of the vulnerable in-migrants in the growing cities of India? To explore this question, we have taken the case of migrant women to waste pickers who originate from Barpeta, Assam, and have settled in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh. These women are placed at the lowest link in the hierarchy of power and economic structures in the urban spaces. They have been working for years, contributing significantly to the waste management of cities by segregation, cleaning, and recycling waste. Under the changing forms of governance, they have been facing a threat to their livelihoods. The paper is based on qualitative data collected through a field study conducted between December 2018 and December 2020 in villages in Barpeta as well as in slums in Lucknow inhabited by these Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants from Barpeta in Lower Assam. Data for this study were collected through the survey (n = 200) including semi-structured interviews (n = 100), follow-up visits (n = 70), and focus group discussions and case studies (n = 30). This paper is an attempt to present a gendered perspective on the trials and tribulations of women waste pickers and their place in the expeditious city space. In addition to the modality of statecraft, we have also explored various social, political, and economic dynamics that further affect them. Based on the findings that emerge from the qualitative data collected from the field, the paper has concluded with some policy recommendations that will help improve the lives of these women waste pickers.

This paper is based on the findings from the field survey conducted in Barpeta and Lucknow between June 2017 and May 2018. The objective is to know the reasons and background of migration of approximately more than 90,000 people who have been migrating from Barpeta to Lucknow for last two decades. All are Bengali Muslims (of East Bengal origin) coming from Lower Assam who are called Miya Muslims. In order to analyse the objectives and test the hypotheses, the logistic model has been used. The results indicate that income prospects and ownership of land in Assam are important variables among other variables to decide the course of outmigration. The study group in discussion is often perceived as illegal immigrants entering Assam from bordering Bangladesh and is labelled as Bangladeshis in and outside Assam. There is an urgent need for state intervention to improve their condition and recognize them in the mainstream development policies.

This article traces how, despite protracted violence in Syria under the Assad regime, deportation-oriented rhetoric and practices targeting Syrian refugees proliferated among EU countries and regional host statesfocusing particularly on Denmark, Lebanon, and Jordan. Theoretically, the article draws on scholarly debates on migration diplomacy and deportation regimes and international political sociology literature on norm diffusion to grasp a growing phenomenon within international refugee governance that we term deportation diplomacy. We build on our collective empirical research on the interregional dynamics of Syrian refugee return to trace the rhetoric, practices, platforms, and networks through which deportation discourses and refoulement normalization travel interregionally. The article thereby offers novel insights into how norm erosion on non-refoulement in one location expands and is emulated by states in other contexts. This shows how the externalization of refugee hosting risks transforming into the externalization of refugee deportation. We advance debates within return migration diplomacy by foregrounding the coercion and violence associated with refugee return and offering an operationalized analytical framework to unpack the mechanisms through which mutually reinforcing norm erosion operates. These contributions contribute to a decentered analysis of migration diplomacy by going beyond Eurocentric, unidirectional, rational, formal perspectives to include interregional, circular, normative, and informal dimensions. Cet article retrace comment, malgré la durée de la violence en Syrie sous le régime de Bachar al-Assad, une rhétorique tournée vers la déportation et des pratiques ciblant les réfugiés syriens ont proliféré dans les pays européens et les États hôtes de la région, en se concentrant plus particulièrement sur le Danemark, le Liban et la Jordanie. Sur le plan théorique, l'article se fonde sur des débats académiques quant à la diplomatie migra

Yumi Moon’s edited volume, Cold War Refugees (2025),
is an exceptional collection of essays on refugee migration
in postcolonial Asia. By focusing on the five cases of
Vietnam, Taiwan, Korea, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, it
demonstrates that the politics of the Cold War caused
internal and external displacement throughout South,
East, and Southeast Asia.

The following thesis explores the contributions that the 1923 refugees, who relocated to Greece after the Treaty of Lausanne, brought to the historical culture and the ethnic identity of the city of Thessaloniki, a city that was impacted greatly in by the refugees and in which all contributions brought by them were more evident that anywhere else in the country, during the first decade since their arrival. More precisely, the thesis analyzes how contemporary authors and the people of the time perceived of those contributions and what the discourse of the time, around the effects brought to Thessaloniki by the 1923 refugees, was. The contributions of the refugees to the historical culture and the ethnic identity, apart from being studied through the lens of how they were presented by the authors of the time, in this thesis they are also analyzed and examined through the lens of how the Greek government viewed and assessed its own plan and vision to "Hellenize" Thessaloniki. quote, posed by J.M. Winter in his book titled "The Day the Great War Ended, 24 July 1923: The Civilianization of War", captures perfectly the essence of the signing of the treaty of Lausanne on the day of the 24th of July 1923. The Treaty of Lausanne was a multilateral agreement signed among the Great European Powers of the time, such as France, Italy, and the British Empire, in addition to Greece and Turkey. Apart from all the territorial disputes that the Lausanne Treaty managed to settle, the focal point of the Treaty was the mandatory population exchange between Greece and Turkey. 2 The population exchange meant that all Greek Orthodox residents of Turkey would have to depart from their home cities and move to Greece, while all Muslim residents of Greece had to abandon their former lives and start new ones in Turkey. The only population groups that were excluded by the bylaws of the Lausanne Treaty were the Greek Orthodox residents of Istanbul, Imbros, and Tenedos and the Muslim residents of Eastern Thrace. 3 During the first months after the signing of the Lausanne Treaty, vast numbers of refugees were relocated from both Turkey and Greece. It must be noted that this paper will only focus on the Greek Orthodox refugees who left their homelands in Turkey and took refuge in Greece, especially in Thessaloniki, and not the Muslim refugees who went through the exact opposite journey. A crucial aspect of this paper is its relation to the already existing historiography and what it has to offer to it. The historiography that revolves around the topic of the impact and the contributions of the 1923 refugees in homogenizing Greece and Thessaloniki, both nationally and religiously, while also altering the city's historical culture remains very limited, and the majority of the historiographical works that already exist mainly focus on the beneficial changes that the refugees brought to the Greek economy or they focus on how the Government had made the integration of the 1923 refugees their top priority. Prime examples of literature that follow this consensus are, firstly, the work of Elisabeth Kontogiorgi titled "Population Exchange in Greek Macedonia. The Rural Settlement of Refugees, 1922-1930" in which she describes how the integration of refugees into rural settlements had become the Greek Government's leading priority alongside the refugee integration in urban settlements. 4 A second piece of literature that falls into this consensus is the work of Pentzopoulos Dimitris with the title "The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and its Impact upon Greece, Paris, and the Hague", in which the author approaches the arrival and integration of the 1923 Greek Orthodox refugees through a

The push and pull factors play a pivotal role in the patterns of ruralurban migration. It is important to understand that push factors are events or situations that leave people with no choice but to migrate, ranging from politics to climate change. In contrast, the pull factors refer to urban attractions that act like drivers attracting migrants from rural to urban areas, ranging from better access to water, job opportunities and better access to electricity in the cities, to mention a few. Furthermore, there is a need for urban authorities to prepare for the movement of people from rural to urban areas and develop adequate policies that enhance urban and spatial planning to support urban expansion, which is poised to lead to economic growth. The purpose of the paper is to examine the role of municipalities in managing rural to urban migration patterns with reference to eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality, herein referred to as "Umlazi Township Silver City". The study adopted a quantitative approach and used 5 Likert scale questionnaires, which were distributed in the selected areas of the eThekwini metro. A total of 350 participants from the "Umlazi Township Silver City" were selected, and informed consent was obtained. The qualitative aspects of the study comprised secondary data through an extensive literature review. The study found that the lack of transport system development in rural areas makes it difficult to travel to work, and some people then migrate from rural areas in order to work in the urban transport business. It also found the need for holistic development in rural areas to reduce the current influx of rural to urban migrants, and balancing that with proper spatial planning in the cities and urban expansion that incorporates the small cities into big cities while creating cities in the rural areas. The study contributes to the development of the body of knowledge in public administration, development, urban planning and service delivery. The study was limited by the use of one city, and this was due to time and financial constraints.

Azerbaycan edebiyatı çok yönlü kültür katmanları ile dünya edebiyatı içinde kendine yer bulmuştur. Batı Azerbaycan (Bu günkü Ermenistan) edebî çevresi de Azerbaycan edebiyatı içinde kendisiyle ilgili olarak çok yönlü araştırmaların yapılmasını gerekli hâle getirmiştir. Dönemin sosyo siyasi, tarihî ve kültürel panoraması göz önüne alındığında Batı Azerbaycan’ın tarih içinde, daha doğrusu Rus işgaline uğradığı döneme kadar ve işgalden sonraki aşamaları sistemli olarak edebiyatın sürekli olarak üzerinde durduğu konuya dönüşmüştür. Devam eden süreçleri edebî çevre kadar bütün detaylarına kadar irdeleyip anlayarak ona yön veren ikinci bir taraf olmamıştır. Özellikle tarihin en zikzaklı olaylarına şahitlik eden Batı Azerbaycan edebî çevresi, tarihî süreç içinde örnek oluşturabilecek her bir detayı inatla işlemiş ve bunlar yardımıyla vatan sevgisini ön plana çıkararak işgal edilmiş vatan topraklarına tekrar kavuşma idealini sürekli canlı tutmuştur. 1980’li yılların sonlarından itibaren başlayan dönem Batı Azerbaycan’dan zorla göç ettirilen Azerbaycan Türklerinin karşılaştığı işgal süreçlerine karşı yürütülen mücadelenin gelişmesi yönünden dikkate değer bir aşama olarak karşıya çıkmaktadır. Bu dönemde oluşturulan sözlü ve yazılı edebiyat karşılaşılan tarihî süreçleri yüzleşilen gerçekler ışığında değerlendirmiştir. Vatan konusu ezeli ata ocaklarından zorla göç ettirilen İsmihan Didergin, Şair Behmen Göyçeli, Hidayet, Mahire Nağıkızı, Vahid Aziz, Hasan Mirza, Ali Vekil, Eldar İsmail, Telli Penahkızı, Algayıt, İsmail Ömeroğlu, Musa Urud, Flora Halilzade, Hıdır Alevli, Ramiz Haydar, Mecnun Göyçeli, Zeki İslam, Latif Vedili, Bilal Ensar, Terlan Göyçeli, Nazım İbrahimoğlu, Aftandil Ağbaba, İbrahim Köçgün, Firengiz Bayramova, Ahmed Vedili, Pervane Zengezurlu, Sabir Mustafa, Memmed Elli, Sevinc İrevanlı, Kemal Körpülü, Firudin Kamber, Elnare Hayal, Valeh Savalan, Zühre Halilli, Mensur, Zakir Şehriyar, Kalender Göyçeli, Rövşen İskenderoğlu, Zahit Mecid, Tahir Talıblı ve başka sanatçıların eserleri için yazılan makalelerde irdelenmiştir. İşgal edilen vatan toprakları ve zorla göç ettirilme süreci Batı Azerbaycanlı şairlerin eserlerinde yansıtıldığı çerçevede ele alınmıştır.

La zone d'attente est un dispositif de blocage des personnes étrangères dont l'entrée sur le territoire français a été refusée. Elles sont privées de liberté en vue de leur « réacheminement » vers leur lieu de provenance, ou peuvent, sous certaines conditions, être finalement admises sur le territoire. Déployée sur le sol français 1 , la zone d'attente place les personnes « maintenues » 2 dans une situation « d'exclusion extraterritoriale » 3 qui, en plus de les invisibiliser, complique l'accès à leurs droits 4 . La zone d'attente est ce « pays de nulle part » 5 où les personnes reçoivent différents statuts dans une temporalité très condensée. En l'espace de quelques jours seulement, au gré des rencontres avec différents acteurs institutionnels, qu'il s'agisse de la police, des juridictions, ou de l'Office français de protection des réfugiés et apatrides (désormais « Ofpra »), la personne peut être successivement déclarée « non admise » ou « en transit interrompu », « demandeur d'asile » puis -en cas de refus de sa demande d'entrée au titre de l'asile -redevenir « non admise » et donc expulsable. Dans ce lieu de privation 1. Il y a une centaine de zones d'attente en France, dans les gares routières, les ports ou les aéroports, sans compter les zones d'attente ad hoc qui, pour une durée limitée, constituent autant de bulles extraterritoriales. La durée du maintien est de 26 jours maximum. 2. Les termes administratifs employés quotidiennement par les agents de la police aux frontières produisent une euphémisation de la violence : la personne devient un « inad » (pour inadmise), le renvoi forcé (parfois contraint) est résumé par « bien réacheminé à… », et l'enfermement est présenté comme un simple « maintien ». 3. P. Maillet, Nowhere Countries: Exclusion of Non-Citizens from Rights through Extra-Territoriality at Home, Brill, 2020. 4. Notamment pour les personnes en demande d'asile, et les personnes mineures non accompagnées, qui risquent de ne pas être reconnues comme telles et de ne pas bénéficier des garanties juridiques prévues par le Code de l'entrée et du séjour des étrangers et du droit d'asile (Ceseda) pour les personnes étrangères présentes sur le territoire. 5. C. Bourguet, « La notion de frontière dans les aéroports ou "le pays de nulle part" »,

Refugiados. Expulsión. No devolución. El artículo comenta el fallo "L.C" de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Naciòn Argentina durante la vigencia de Ley Nacional de Migraciones 25.871, y la Ley General de Reconocimiento y Protección al Refugiado 26.165.

This study introduces the concept of the "Digital Returnee Paradox," proposing that Tanzanian diaspora members holding foreign citizenship may be able to maintain comprehensive "virtual residency" in Tanzania through digitized state platforms. Using tools such as the Tanzanite Portal and NIDA registration, these individuals could potentially bypass physical border controls and the constitutional prohibition of dual citizenship. Based on preliminary evidence from 15 participants, this digital presence may facilitate land ownership and political influence without physical return , though robust empirical verification of scale awaits further research. While most Tanzanian research focuses on remittances (macroeconomics) or dual citizenship (politics), this study proposes a new analytical construct: "Digital Returnees" as what this paper terms the "Proxy Residency" model : foreign citizens by law who may operate as local citizens via digital IDs. Employing a qualitative exploratory case study approach based on fieldwork in Dar es Salaam and Dodoma supplemented by remote interviews with diaspora in four countries, the research suggests that digital infrastructure may have outpaced legal enforcement, creating a potential grey zone of virtual citizenship. The study proposes for policy consideration that the President's Office establish a novel "Virtual Residency Visa" or "Digital Residency Permit" framework, supported by legislative reform, cybersecurity infrastructure, and data protection mechanisms, while acknowledging that implementation barriers and diaspora compliance incentives require further analysis.

In the final years of the 20th century, Andrzej Szczypiorski (1928-2000) was by far the best-known and most popular Polish writer in Germany. His novel "Początek" (The Origin), set during World War II, had become a bestseller,  The renowned literary translator Marta Kijowska traces his path of life, focusing on his transformation from an enthusiastic communist to an opponent of the regime. It was only after the publication of this book that it became known that Szczypiorski had been an informant for the communist secret police, the UB, during the Stalinist era in Poland in the 1950s. The author sketches a portrait of the writer against the backdrop of Poland’s cultural and intellectual history in the second half of the 20th century and traces the tensions between German, Polish, and Jewish identities.

In previous post-conflict contexts donors and practitioners have successfully provided grants and loans to affected populations to spur economic growth and reconstruction promote the sustainable return of refugees and rehabilitate ex-combatants. However recent experience demonstrates that if the provision of grants and loans is not well-managed well-intentioned donors and practitioners can undermine the development of a healthy credit culture delay the transition from relief to development and harm communities in the long run. This note is offered as a practical tool for donors and practitioners working in post-conflict situations to maximise the positive impact from both grant and loan programmes for microenterprise development. These principles based on emerging best practices from development and post-conflict environments are designed to promote rapid reconstruction while laying the foundation for economic growth. This note was developed by donors and practitioners for use in Li...

This article examines the burgeoning volume and significance of transactional migration deals, analyzing their geopolitical and human rights implications. Drawing on an array of historical and contemporary examples, the piece contextualizes the European Union’s proposed external return hubs and Common European System of Returns. Contemporary migration deals represent a systematic abandonment of post-war human rights principles and refugee protection frameworks, facilitated by formal treaties and informal arrangements that often bypass legal safeguards. These arrangements frequently involve asymmetric power relations, euphemistic humanitarian language masking coercive practices, and the complicity of international organizations. With climate change and rising conflicts projected to increase displacement pressures, these transactional approaches threaten to further erode liberal ordering principles while institutionalizing forced population transfers as legitimate policy instruments.

Mestre e graduado em Direito pela UFSM. Professor na graduação e na pós-graduação em Direito da Universidade Federal de Santa Maria. Coordenador do Curso de Direito e editor da Revista Direitos Emergentes na Sociedade Global e da Revista Eletrônica do Curso de Direito da mesma universidade. O livro Fronteiras, Segurança e Criminologia nasceu das discussões da disciplina Criminologia, Estado e Fronteiras do Programa de Mestrado em Fronteiras e Direitos Humanos da Universidade Federal da Grande Dourados (UFGD). A "fronteira", muitas vezes colocada como lugar inóspito ou desconhecido, guarda dentro de sua dinâmica fenômenos multiculturais, ricos em vivências, saberes e oportunidades. De outro lado, oculta conflitos, criminalidades e criminalizações, vítimas e algozes, exclusão social e dominação territorial. O livro, composto por nove capítulos, trata mais desta face de Janus, o lado obscuro, ou seja, das opressões institucionais. No capítulo denominado de "As múltiplas visões sobre o sistema integrado de monitoramento de fronteiras (SISFRON)", Tomaz Espósito Neto e Tassio Franchi, dão uma visão otimista sobre o sistema de proteção de fronteiras. Max André Araújo Ferreira e Eric Gustavo Cardin estudam em "Migração Venezuelana e Direitos humanos na Fronteira Brasil-Venezuela (2016-2022)" a necessidade de fortalecimento da infraestrutura no Estado de Roraima, em especial, para melhor atender os migrantes. Josuel Belo dos Santos e Gustavo de Souza Preussler, investigam em "Crimigração: securitização, seletividade penal e encarceramento de imigrantes no Brasil", a correlação entre o fenômeno migratório no Brasil e a interseccionalidade punitiva neoliberal. No capítulo "Fronteiras porosas entre os países e entre o ilegal/legal", Izabela Pires Alonso e Marcelo da Silveira Campos buscam um conceito interdisciplinar de fronteiras, em especial para analisar a dicotomia entre o ilegal e legal em uma perspectiva decolonial. Na continuidade, Robson de Oliveira Lezainski e Arthur Ramos do Nascimento, enfrentam o tema de conflitividade rural e as questões agrárias a partir de um estudo de caso, marcado por graves violações de direitos humanos. Com um correlato aos direitos humanos e ao encarceramento em massa, Milena de Aguiar Freire e Karine Cordazzo expuseram no capítulo "A maternidade e o cárcere", as dificuldades que a penalidade neoliberal impõe aos corpos femininos, em especial no aprisionamento interseccional: mulheres, negras, pobres e gestantes. Ainda sobre o feminino, Rachel Aparecida Soares Sanches Dias e Liana Amin Lima da Silva abordam em "Reflexões acerca das medidas coercitivas", a função das medidas cautelares e a efetividade dos seus dispositivos. Avançando sobre o estudo da Justiça Criminal, Marcos João Besen e Karine Cordazzo, abordam o "Etiquetamento social e seus reflexos no âmbito do processo de execução Fronteiras, segurança e criminologia_ebook.indd 5 Fronteiras, segurança e criminologia_ebook.

Informamos que é de inteira responsabilidade dos autores a emissão de conceitos publicados na obra. Nenhuma parte desta publicação poderá ser reproduzida por qualquer meio ou forma sem a prévia autorização da Editora Íthala. A violação dos direitos autorais é crime estabelecido na Lei nº 9.610/98 e punido pelo art. 184 do Código Penal.