John Chrysostom

кандидат богословия доцент кафедры библеистики Московской духовной академии доцент кафедры библеистики Православного Свято-Тихоновского гуманитарного университета доцент кафедры богословия Сретенской духовной академии 107031, Москва, ул. Большая Лубянка, д. 19, стр. 1

Africa's contribution to the preservation of the New Testament (NT) text is foundational yet persistently underappreciated in mainstream Western scholarship. Egypt, through its monastic scriptoria, papyrus workshops, and bilingual scribal communities, served as one of the most productive centers for the early transmission of the Christian scriptures. At the heart of this contribution lies the Coptic manuscript tradition-a corpus of nearly one thousand manuscripts that preserves some of the oldest witnesses to the Greek NT text. This article undertakes a paleographic investigation into Coptic scribal hands across the major dialect traditions-Sahidic, Bohairic, Fayyumic, and Akhmimic-with the aim of reconstructing what these scribal features reveal about the processes, centers, and communities through which

This article explores how the first followers of Jesus remained part of the Jewish community. In 57 CE, Paul takes part in his last Jewish ritual action as he sails to Jerusalem for Pentecost and pays for fellow Jewish followers of Jesus to likely complete their Nazirite vows at the Temple.

In his Epitaphios for the emperor Julian, composed in Antioch at some point between 365 and 368, Libanius describes an embezzlement trial that was held most likely in 359, in which Julian ruled against the accused, defying the wishes of Constantius II’s praetorian prefect, Florentius. Libanius puzzlingly suggests that the trial prompted Julian’s campaign to rebuild fortresses in Batavia and to restore shipments of British grain blockaded by barbarian forces. Scholars have yet to explain the causal and chronological relationship between these events. This article suggests that Libanius’s narrative is a propagandistic representation of several distinct stages of the taxation dispute Julian fought with Florentius. With the aid of recent advances in our archaeological understanding of agricultural practices in Britain and on the lower Rhine, the article argues that in response to this dispute, Julian’s Batavian campaign was intended to disrupt longstanding access by barbarians on the lower Rhine to the later Empire’s military supply mechanisms.

The gospel episode of Jesus' cruci��xion is well attested in Manichaean texts and has received much scholarly attention. Scholars usually dedicate their attention to evaluating whether Manichaeans defended a docetic view of Jesus' death (whether he truly died or he only appeared to do so), and to studying Manichaean exegetical methods more generally.1 Research has shown that Manichaeans had, indeed, a very sophisticated reading of the New Testament, and developed precise exegetical tools that allowed them to determine whether each single verse was authentic or not, and thus whether it was to be kept or rejected. The cruci��xion narrative was accepted as authentic gospel material, while other parts, such as the birth and infancy of Jesus, were deemed spurious and were therefore dismissed. The narration of the cruci��xion was accepted in the way it is transmitted by the Gospel of Luke, be it in the form of a separate gospel or in its inclusion in the Diatessaron (the harmonization of the four gospels also used by Manichaeans). The Manichaean narrative contains "the plot against Jesus, the arrest, the trial, the death and the resurrection stories."2 These episodes correspond to the segment going from Luke 22:1 to 24:53, according to Michel Tardieu's reconstruction based on Middle Persian and Coptic sources.3 * I wish thank the participants of the conference "Manichaeism in Egypt: The Medinet Madi Library after 90 Years," held at the Chester Beatty Library, Dublin, on 18-19 October 2019, and of the seminar "TETRA. The Text and Transmission Joint Research Seminar," on 7 October 2020, for their comments and suggestions. In particular, I am grateful to Jean-Daniel Dubois, Nils Arne Pedersen, David Taylor, and Emiliano Fiori. I also express my gratitude to Anne-Catherine Baudoin, Alberto Camplani, and Yonatan Moss for our numerous discussions on the topic of this paper and their invaluable remarks. Finally, I thank wholeheartedly Eduard Iricinschi for his help in improving the style and content of this written version.

Nella tradizione biblica, infatti, la Ruah non indica soltanto il vento o il respiro naturale, ma la forza vivificante e creatrice di Dio, la sua presenza dinamica che genera, rinnova e sostiene la vita. La celebre visione delle ossa aride nel libro del profeta Ezechiele manifesta in modo particolarmente eloquente questa potenza vivificante dello Spirito, la materia inerte torna a essere un corpo vivente quando Dio effonde il suo soffio: «Vieni dai quattro venti, o spirito, soffia su questi morti, perché rivivano» [...] «Entrò in essi lo spirito e ritornarono in vita» (Ez 37,9-10). Lo Spirito soffierà lungo tutta la storia del popolo dell'Antica Alleanza. Ed ora veniamo al tempo della Nuova Alleanza. Nel racconto della Passione, i Vangeli descrivono la morte di Gesù con parole che custodiscono un significato profondamente spirituale e teologico. San Giovanni scrive: «E, chinato il capo, consegnò lo Spirito» (Gv 19,30). Anche nei Vangeli sinottici ricorre l'espressione secondo cui Gesù "spirò", cioè emise l'ultimo respiro. Tuttavia, nel testo giovanneo questa formulazione assume un significato che va oltre la semplice constatazione biologica della morte. L'evangelista sembra volutamente suggerire una duplice realtà: Gesù non soltanto esala l'ultimo respiro umano, ma "consegna" lo Spirito. Nella prospettiva biblica, il respiro (ruah in ebraico, pneuma in greco) è strettamente legato alla vita stessa. Fin dalla Genesi, Dio comunica la vita mediante il suo soffio. Ora, sulla croce, il Figlio offre totalmente sé stesso al Padre e, nel medesimo atto, riversa sul mondo il dono dello Spirito. La croce diviene così il luogo supremo dell'effusione divina. Dal costato aperto di Cristo sgorgheranno sangue e acqua, segni sacramentali della vita nuova della Chiesa, mentre il suo

This article investigates the toponym “Kerataion,” attested in several late antique sources on Antioch on the Orontes and repeatedly described as “the so-called Kerataion.” By assembling and comparing the relevant passages in Procopius, Malalas (including the Slavonic version), the Vita Symeonis iunioris, John of Nikiu, the Syriac Martyrology of 411, and the Liber Pontificalis, the study offers the first systematic analysis of the term and its transmission. The linguistic forms point to a Greek neuter formation derived from κέρας (“horn”), meaning “place of horns,” which could designate both a specific monument – most plausibly the synagogue – and the surrounding district. In its historical context, the name is best understood as a late antique, locally coined and possibly ironic reinterpretation of the earlier name Herakleia in the south-west of Antioch, alluding to the ritual use of shofarot in the Jewish community concentrated there. Its appearance in the list of donations and endowments attributed to Constantine in the Liber Pontificalis therefore renders that entry inauthentic.

This is the fourth book in the “The Greatest Substitution ” series.

His name was not Jesus. It was Radomir.

He was born on March 20th, 6 BC, in Cappadocia — the ancient kingdom in modern-day Turkey — to a mother named Maryam of the Ariobarzanid royal dynasty, and a father named Pantera, a soldier from Sidon whose gravestone still stands in a German museum today.

He studied in Egypt at the schools of Heliopolis — the first university in human history. He acted not in Jerusalem but in Byzantium, the ancient Istanbul. He survived his execution. He walked east through Parthia and the Kushan Empire. He died as an old man in Kashmir, where his tomb stands to this day, aligned east-west in the Indo-European burial tradition of his ancestors.

This is not alternative history. It is a forensic investigation.

The evidence is physical: pollen on the Shroud of Turin matching the flora of Cappadocia and the Bosphorus shores. Isotopes in the blood on the cloth pointing to the Black Sea basin, not the Jordan River. Silver microparticles in the linen fibres matching the mint workshops of Byzantium. A gravestone in a museum bearing the name of his father. Medieval maps marking Babylon in the Nile Delta. Three independent traditions — Persian, Sanskrit and Kashmiri — describing the same foreign prince who arrived from the West and died in the mountains of Kashmir.

The four waves that tried to erase his story — the scribes of Eusebius, the swords of the Carolingians, the fires of the Inquisition at Montségur, the arrests of the Templars — failed to destroy what cannot be destroyed: pollen, silver, isotopes, stone.

The Shroud does not lie. Pollen does not know whose version is convenient.

Check the evidence. Then decide.

For better understanding read the entire series.

Este trabajo pretende demostrar que en su homilía Contra los juegos y el teatro Juan Crisóstomo se amparó en los recursos narrativos propiciados por la écfrasis para desarrollar su crítica contra aquellos feligreses que dejaron de asistir a misa para frecuentar los espectáculos teatrales con tal grado de asiduidad que motivaron las reprimendas del religioso. Con el fin de llevar a cabo un análisis de tipo retórico-literario de una écfrasis incluida en esta homilía, se ofrecerá en primer lugar una contextualización de las críticas a los espectáculos teatrales en el periodo imperial y tardo-antiguo para, a continuación, analizar dicha écfrasis en la que Crisóstomo denuncia los daños morales que comportaba la asistencia al teatro. El desarrollo de dos de los elementos constitutivos de la écfrasis (ἐνάργεια y σαφήνεια), así como el marco visual generado por una τειχοσκοπία intercalada en la propia écfrasis, facilitaron la exposición de la crítica de Juan Crisóstomo de ciertos aspectos de los espectáculos teatrales que suponían un peligro para el alma de un cristiano.

This essay argues that Rome's singular contribution to world history is the operation of translatio Urbis: the conversion of the City from a geographical site into a transferable Name, capable of being claimed elsewhere while the original remains as the ruined guarantor of the chain. The metaphysical engine of this transferability is Augustinian: by denying eternity to any earthly Rome, Augustine liberated the Roman title from empirical permanence and made possible the long succession of provisional Romes. The argument is developed through five claimants — Constantinople, Vienna, Moscow, Istanbul, Washington — and two limit-cases: the Vatican as the only non-territorial Rome, and the Gulf monarchies' restored ruins as the curatorial emptying of the title.

Più che una biografia, questo intervento indaga la "metamorfosi" interiore di Giovanni Crisostomo. Seguendo il filo rosso dell'azione dello Spirito, analizzeremo come la fragilità fisica e le dure prove dell'esilio non siano state solo ostacoli, ma tappe di uno spogliamento necessario. Dalle grotte dell'Antiochia al trono di Costantinopoli, emerge il ritratto di un uomo che impara a spostare il baricentro della propria vita: dal primato dell'io alla cura incondizionata dell'altro, trasformando la propria debolezza nel canale privilegiato della Provvidenza.

Paul in Rom 6:2 asks, "How can we who died to sin go on living in it?" Commenting on this, John Chrysostom (ca. 349-407 CE) takes the opportunity to speak about participation in the death and resurrection of Christ. Christ died in the body, while the believer dies to sin. This participation takes place in baptism. Both Christ's death and a person's baptism are two complementing realities for any believer. This article argues that baptism for Chrysostom is not simply a moment of faith but a dynamic mystery in the believer's life. For postbaptismal sins, tears are the new baptism.

In Pauline theology, Christ is the new Adam who annuls the effect of the Fall and grants humanity divine gifts. The centrality of Romans 8 in the New Testament and, more specifically, in the Pauline writings is unquestioned. In Romans 8, a unique relationship is established-all that Christ is and has done is given to humanity. Romans 8 reveals that God bestows the gifts of life, adoption, and glory on the faithful. These gifts culminate in the faithful's conformity to the image of the Son of God. Prominent biblical scholars, each with their own focus, have established the significance of the themes of life, adoption, and glory in Romans 8. This article discusses the opinions of several scholars on these three themes in this chapter. John Chrysostom (ca. 349-407 CE) offers a detailed and eloquent exegesis of Romans 8. This article examines Chrysostom's commentary on these themes and discusses the faithful's conformity to the Son of God as discussed by Chrysostom and modern biblical scholars. Moreover, the article assesses the tenet of modern theological scholars who consider that Paul's rhetoric in Romans 8 implicitly speaks of deification. The article argues that despite the paucity of technical language, Chrysostom speaks of deification in his commentary on the chapter.

In contemporary discourse, social justice is frequently conflated with education and societal progress. Such an assumption, however, overlooks the fact that these realities are not mutually exclusive, nor are they necessarily causally related. Both historical and biblical evidence demonstrate that social justice can coexist with cultural and intellectual advancement. At the same time, they reveal a sobering paradox: injustice may intensify even amid periods of economic prosperity, cultural flourishing, and social development. The tension often perceived between progress and justice is thus not inherent but arises from the enduring reality of human moral corruption. This paper examines prophetic texts that address social injustice in order to argue that the decisive factor enabling the emergence and consolidation of social justice within a nation is divine intervention. Justice, in this framework, is not merely a social construct or the byproduct of institutional refinement; rather, it is the effect of divine action. A causal relationship exists between the work of God and the establishment of authentic social justice. Only a righteous God can disclose to fallen humanity the nature of objective justice and summon it to faithful obedience. In this regard, propositional revelation assumes a foundational and indispensable role.

During the Christological controversies of the second quarter of the 5th century AD, it seems that the bishops of the Roman province of Moesia Secunda were supporters of Nestorian teaching. Metropolitan Dorotheus of Marcianopolis pronounced an anathema upon those who referred to the Virgin Mary as ‘Theotokos’ (i.e., ‘God-bearer’, ‘Mother of God’). Subsequently, at the First Council of Ephesus (431), he, along with two of his suffragan bishops – Jacob of Durostorum and Marcian of Abritus – was part of the group that opposed St. Cyril of Alexandria and rejected his teachings.
In the year 435 or 436, the imperial authorities deposed Dorotheus and sent him into exile due to his Nestorian convictions. Two of his suffragan bishops, Valerian and Eudocius, who likewise remained faithful to the Nestorian belief, voluntarily resigned from their episcopal sees. As for the remaining three bishops of the province – Jacob of Durostorum, Marcian of Abritus, and one whose name is unknown – it is presumed that they ultimately accepted the Catholic faith and were thus allowed to retain their positions.
This study focuses on the Church in Moesia Secunda during the Nestorian crisis, presenting and analysing the extant documentary evidence. The first part of the study examines the attitude of the province’s hierarchs during the events triggered by the initial public statements of Nestorius, the proceedings of the First Council of Ephesus, and subsequent developments. The second part of the study is dedicated to identifying the doctrine of faith professed by the hierarchs of Moesia Secunda throughout the various stages of the Christological debates. In the final section, the study seeks to outline the causes that led these hierarchs to adhere to the Nestorian belief.

We współczesnym świecie kryzys miłosierdzia idzie w parze z kryzysem przebaczenia. Papież Franciszek w bulli Misericordiae Vultus, wydanej z okazji roku jubileuszowego, zauważa, że: W niektórych przypadkach wydaje się nawet, że zanika już samo słowo przebaczenie. Jednak bez doświadczenia przebaczenia pozostaje nam droga bezpłodna i sterylna, jakbyśmy żyli w jakimś miejscu pustynnym i odosobnionym. Nadszedł znowu czas dla Kościoła, aby przyjąć na siebie radosne głoszenie przebaczenia. To jest czas powrotu do tego, co istotne, aby wziąć na siebie słabości i trudności naszych braci. Przebaczenie to siła, która przywraca do nowego życia i dodaje odwagi, aby patrzeć w przyszłość z nadzieją (MV, nr 10) 1 . Wydaje się, że warto w realiach dzisiejszego świata przypominać pedagogię Ojców Kościoła dotyczącą między innymi przebaczenia. Celem niniejszego tekstu jest refleksja nad fenomenem przebaczenia w nauczaniu jednego z pierwszych pedagogów chrześcijańskich, jakim był św. Jan

This paper argues that the Gospel of John does not simply reject the ancient Greek search for ἀρχή-the first principle or originating source-but absorbs and transfigures it by relocating origin from elemental matter to the creative Logos, and by recasting the classical four elements within a Johannine metaphysics of flesh, living water, wind-spirit, light, judgment, and rebirth "from above." Drawing on a historical-comparative reading of pre-Socratic elemental thought, a textual and philological reading of the Johannine symbolic field, and the Hallow App exegesis on John 3:1-8, the study argues that John moves the central question from what the cosmos is made of to from whom man must be remade. A cautious modern analogy is then proposed, aligning earth, water, air, and fire retrospectively with the solid, liquid, gaseous, and plasma states of matter, while explicitly avoiding anachronistic attribution to the Greeks. The paper concludes that Christianity does not abolish the elemental imagination but subordinates and transforms it within a Christological and regenerative framework, and it supplements this argument with artistic reinterpretations in allegory and music to demonstrate how ancient metaphysical structures may still be rendered intelligible and vivid in contemporary symbolic form. Aphorism The Greek mind asked what the world is made of. John asks from whom man must be remade.

This article presents the edition of miracle no. 11 from the collection of miracles attributed to St Menas, based on Berlin Ms. or. oct. 409, fols. 27-28. This edition is accompanied by a comprehensive introduction that reviews the Coptic witnesses to the miracles of St Menas, provides a thorough description of the manuscript, and includes a commentary on the text.

The article examines three newly revealed palimpsests containing various homilies from the homiletic collection mravaltavi. In particular, it discusses the manuscript BnF, géorg. 5, preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale de France; the manuscript Sin. georg. 10, preserved in the old collection of the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai; and the manuscript Ivir. georg. 47, preserved in the Georgian collection of the Iviron Monastery on Mount Athos.

Propontis'in güney kıyısında konumlanan Kyzikos, Antikçağ'da idari ve dini anlamda bölgenin en önemli kentlerinden biridir. Kent, Amphitiyatro ve Hadrianus Tapınağı gibi barındırdığı pagan geleneğine ait önemli yapıları ile dikkat çekmektedir. Ayrıca Geç Antikçağ'da Hellespontus Eyaleti'nin idari merkezi olmuştur. Bölgenin Asya'dan Avrupa'ya geçiş güzergahında bulunması, 1. yüzyılın ortalarından itibaren Hristiyanlığın bölgede yayılmasını sağlamıştır. Bu yayılımda Paulus'un 2. ve 3. seyahatleri sırasında bölgedeki vaazlarının etkili olduğu belirtilmektedir. Kyzikos'ta ilk kilisenin ne zaman inşa edildiği bilinmemekle birlikte kent, Constantinus'un Hristiyanlığa serbestlik tanımasının ardından gerçekleştirilen dini örgütlenmede Hellespontus Eyaleti'nin metropolitlik merkezi haline gelmiştir. Kentteki kilise, Nikaia Konsili'nde Asia Eyaletinin dinsel merkezi olan Ephesos Kilisesi'ne, Khalkedon Konsili'nde ise Constantinopolis Kilisesi'ne bağlanmıştır. Bu tarihten 1922 yılına kadar da kentin metropolitlik unvanı devam etmiştir. Geç Antikçağ'ın Hristiyan kaynakları; Constantinopolis Kilisesi'ne bağlı kentlerin ve bu kentlerdeki kiliselerde görev yapmış olan din adamlarının isimlerini aktarmaktadır. Söz konusu kaynaklar kullanılarak, 18. yüzyıldan bu yana özellikle batıda çeşitli yayınlar yapılmıştır. Bu çalışma ise Latince olarak kaleme alınmış olan Michel Le Quien'in "Oriens Christianus: In Quatuor

At the beginning of the second century C.E., Christian churches exhibited varied and diverse ecclesiologies. Out of this diversity comes the voice of Ignatius of Antioch, whose seven letters to the churches in Asia Minor promote a single ecclesiology-the monepiscopacy. The language used by Ignatius is strong enough to warrant an investigation into why he was so adamant about his particular vision for ecclesiology. Using the social theory of pastoral power, as presented by the twentieth-century French philosopher and social theorist, Michel Foucault, this study seeks to delineate the motivations behind Ignatius's call to the monepiscopacy. By examining Ignatius as a pasteur-in the Foucauldian sense-not only can his motivations be discovered, but important insight into the early institutionalization of pastoral power can be seen. Chapter One attempts to clarify the significance of this study. There is also a brief investigation into the state of scholarship on Ignatius until present. Much work has been done by scholars regarding Ignatius of Antioch. Examining their work enables this study to explore different territory related to Ignatius and his commitment to the monepiscopacy. Chapter Two begins to set a foundation for understanding pastoral power as both Foucault explained it and traces the ancient biblical roots of pastoral power. Looking at the biblical narrative from a macrocosmic view, a pattern of pastoral calls from God and from earthly leaders is prevalent. In addition, the internalization of the pastoral themes is also examined. The transition of these pastoral themes to the early Christians will also be studied. Chapter Three investigates a major theme in Ignatius's writing, namely unity. This is done through the lens of the pastoral response to conflict. It is clear in Ignatius's epistles that there has been significant conflict to which he responds. Unity can be seen as safety in the context of both keeping the church together, but also keeping it safe from outside harm, whether ideological or physical. Chapter Four then examines another force being exerted against Ignatius and his church, namely persecution. Persecution has always been the narrative of the early church. An examination into the CHAPTER 1 and named prosecutor. 14 A church's ability to avoid trouble is seemingly tied to its level of ambiguity. Given the social status of the Christians, it is certain trouble will be a daily concern for any person in a church. Therefore, minimizing the level of scrutiny and attention placed on the church is of vital importance. Negative attention brought about by rival factions and infighting can presumably be avoided in Ignatius's proposed ecclesiology. While some have argued Ignatius's martyrdom was the result of external persecution, 15 others suggest it was infighting and fundamental ideological differences in theology that nearly tore the church in Antioch apart. 16 This study presumes the latter as a cause for the former. Ignatius speaks multiple times in his letter to Smyrnaeans of "peace." 17 According to Brent, the term "peace" is always used to denote the cessation of internal conflict. 18 In this interpretation of peace one can begin to see Ignatius's plight and argument begin to form. He was arrested, possibly as the scapegoat for internal arguments that escalated to the necessity of political involvement. 19 As the leader of the church in Antioch, and presumably ultimately responsible for the fighting within, Ignatius was sentenced to death, as was the policy under Trajan. He writes to other churches beseeching them to follow a single bishop in order for unity to be established and to avoid similar situations. In the process of advocating

NEW DATA ON THE LITERARY OLD BULGARIAN LANGUAGE  IN SIMEON’S MISCELLANY (ACCORDING TO SVETOSLAV’S COPY OF 1073) (Summary) The Slavic variant of Simeon’s Miscellany, known as the Izbornik of 1073, has preserved to a great extent the language of Simeon’s prototype, which has not survived, and contains information not only about the Old Russian, but also about the Old Bulgarian literary language. The edition with the Greek sources of Simeon’s Miscellany provides an opportunity for deriving new information on the subject. The current article studies some language peculiarities (grammatical and lexical) from the text of Svetoslav’s Copy of 1073, which are missing or are poorly represented in the texts of the classical corpus of Old Bulgarian manuscripts, namely, the participle бꙑшѧ, бꙑшѧшт, meaning ‘which would have happened’, the substitution of relative pronouns and adverbs of anaphorical type (such as же, еже) by relative pronouns of the interrogative *kw-types, and their further extension by adding the particles -то and -се, as well as demonstrative pronouns in post-position in anaphoric use and grammaticalization of the article morpheme (mostly tъ and less often sь). Special attention is paid to certain rare and specific lexemes as well as word-derivational chains.
Keywords: Simeon’s miscellany (according to Svetoslav’s copy of 1073); Izbornik 1073; Old Bulgarian literary language; rare and specific lexem

This essay compares how Origen, Augustine, and Chrysostom read κτίσις in Romans 8:18–23. Where Origen and Augustine collapse creation into humanity through Platonic and anthropological frameworks, Chrysostom’s Antiochene literalism preserves a non-rational creation that “groans” and participates in cosmic redemption. His perspective offers a more exegetically grounded basis for creation care.

Una lectura de su magnífica tesis doctoral en Misionología por la Pontificia Universidad Gregoriana de Roma (2019), Las relaciones entre islam y cristianismo en Mohamed Talbi. Hacia una renovación del islam en un mundo plural (editada por Fundación San Eulogio, Cordoba 2023), nos animó a leer este libro. Tenemos que confesar que no nos ha defraudado. Su comprensión del islam va más allá del puntual conocimiento desde el prisma de un autor, Mohamed Talbi, que por muy interesante que sea su propuesta siempre será una visión parcial de la poliédrica realidad del islam.

The discovery of the relics of St. Clement of Alexandria by Constantine-Cyril the Philosopher is described in his lives as one of the important deeds of his life. It is presented in the sensational form of the first underwater archaeological research. However, historical and archaeological facts contradict this often-repeated sensation.

Ignatius was “the second Bishop of Antioch after Peter.”  He was born 30-35 CE and died at 70 years old circa 107 CE (other dates proposed) . He is one of the earliest writers preserved after the end of the New Testament writings. In this essay, we review the history, teaching themes, and controversy around Ignatius the God-Bearer.

This workshop explores power structures within the Christian Roman household in late antiquity by examining how leading church figures constructed and disciplined ideal forms of womanhood. Focusing on Augustine and John Chrysostom, we will investigate how biblical interpretation, household ideology, and pastoral practice intersect in their writings to shape expectations for Christian women in both domestic and ascetic setting. On Augustine's side, we will read passages such as Confession 9 (e.g. 9.19-21) and selected letters to aristocratic women. In parallel, we will consider Chrysostom's homilies and treatises on marriage, family life, and virginity.

This volume aims to capture three complementary perspectives on the Council of Nicaea (325 AD), viewed as a historical event, as a theological vector and as a mark of Christian tradition. The first part, “The Council of Nicaea: event and context”, dedicated to historical aspects, presents elements related to the organization of the First Ecumenical Council, the consolidation of the authority of the dogmatic decisions of Nicaea in the decades immediately following, the formulation of the Symbol of Faith, respectively the canonical provisions drawn up on this occasion. The second section of the volume, “The Nicene Creed: theological perspectives”, is dedicated to theological aspects and doctrinal particularities of some personalities of the era, insisting on the dogmatic stakes of the controversies that took place both before and after the Council of Nicaea. The third section, “Aspects of Reception”, is dedicated to the reception of the dogmatic decisions established at Nicaea, highlighting that in the absence of universal acceptance of the teaching on the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father through the use of the term homoousios, additional clarifications were necessary over the centuries.

Straipsnyje apžvelgiami platonizmo tradicijoje (Platono ir Plotino veikaluose) iškylantys auksinio sielos prado ir sielos statulos vaizdiniai. Platono dialoguose auksas ne sykį minimas svarstant apie sielos prigimtį. Plotinas veikale „Apie grožį“ (sk. 5) autentišką sielos grožį, prie jos prisišliejusią bjaurastį siūlo lyginti su purvan įkritusiu auksu. Platono „Valstybėje“ (611 b–612 a) Sokratas sielos būseną šiame gyvenime lygina su kriauklėmis apaugusio jūros dievaičio Glauko figūra. Kalbama apie pačią dievybę, tačiau taip, tarsi omenyje būtų turimas skulptūrinis jo atvaizdas („kai kurios senosios jo kūno dalys nulūžo, kai kurios nutrupėjo“).
Įsimintiną svarstymą apie vidinį darbą (at)kuriant savyje gražiąją sielos statulą paliko Plotinas („Apie grožį“, sk. 9). Platonikų vaizdiniai ir su jais susiję svarstymai apie tikrą sielos prigimtį ir jos grožį lyginami su krikščioniškąja temos traktuote Jono Auksaburnio „Katechetiniuose
pamokymuose“.

Kapłan archidiecezji częstochowskiej, absolwent KUL w Lublinie (doktor nauk teologicznych w zakresie teologii pastoralnej -specjalizacja: liturgika) i UJ w Krakowie (studia podyplomowe -dziennikarstwo i komunikacja medialna). Wykładowca w Instytucie Edukacji Medialnej i Dziennikarstwa UKSW w Warszawie oraz Wyższym Seminarium Duchownym i Wyższym Instytucie Teologicznym w Częstochowie. Autor artykułów o roli środków społecznego przekazu w dziele ewangelizacji oraz ukazujących duchowe życie katolików oparte na świadomym, czynnym i pełnym uczestnictwie w liturgii. Zainteresowania: teologia liturgii, teologia mediów, ewangelizacja medialna.

A História Urbana da Antiguidade Tardia é marcada por um conjunto de transformações que vão aos poucos redefinindo a paisagem da cidade clássica, de modo a convertê-la na cidade pós-clássica, uma forma urbana particular que conjuga as antigas estruturas greco-romanas e judaicas associadas a elementos cristãos. A cidade pós-clássica, que vigora entre os séculos III e VII, é, pois, uma forma urbana híbrida e ao mesmo tempo particular, cuja história não deve ser interpretada nos termos de “declínio” ou “ruína”, em contraste com a cidade clássica, que lhe teria sido superior. Além disso, não convém examiná-la apenas do ponto de vista do ambiente construído, sem levar em conta a apropriação cotidiana do espaço urbano pelos usuários, o que equivale a reintroduzir a população na agenda de pesquisa sobre as poleis e civitates da época tardia. À luz dessas considerações, nosso objetivo é refletir sobre o comportamento dos habitantes de Antioquia, a metropolis da província da Síria-Coele, por ocasião do Levante das Estátuas, com destaque para o movimento de fuga dos citadinos devido à difusão de um rumor sobre a invasão iminente da cidade pelas forças imperiais, quando, de um momento para o outro, Antioquia se viu privada dos agentes que lhe conferiam movimento e vitalidade, como relatam Libânio e João Crisóstomo, testemunhas oculares do episódio.

Popular culture in the (late) ancient world is a compelling yet elusive subject, one that demands mastery of particularly sophisticated theoretical frameworks. These are certainly not lacking in Lucy Grig's latest book: having long engaged with this topic , she once again demonstrates her analytical acumen and sensitivity -qualities that greatly benefit the reader.

This is a catalogue entry of exhibition Bulgarian Archaeology 2025. It includes a precious golden ring, a stone mould for belt applications and crosses and rear plumb folding altar from Western European origin. All of them came from layers from 14 - first half of 15 c.

Sarada Devi is an incarnation of Universal Mother -- the Divine Shakti, an embodiment of motherhood. Her life is a unique guideline for women all over the world.  She is a perfect role model for women -- as a daughter, as a spiritual consort, as a housewife, as guru. Through her shines the sweetness of Divine Mothehood.

The article examines Severian’s commentary on Genesis 1 as an instance of exegetical “actualization,” that is, an updating of Scripture rather than a literal explanation. A structuring verse of the biblical narrative (Gn 1.5) becomes the starting point for a symbolic reflection that undergirds a moral exhortation.
This approach of actualization departs from literal exegesis and from mere doctrinal transposition: Severian develops a spiritual theology based on an elliptical connection between two principal axes. The first is the scriptural image of light, continually disappearing and being reborn, which invites an anthropological reflection on the rhythm of daily life and on the theme of death and resurrection. The second is the verse of Psalm 140/141 that presents evening as a privileged moment in spiritual life, evoking both the liturgy of the Temple and the celebration of vespers in Constantinople. Yet the text remains a sermon rather than a theoretical treatise, and the link between these two dimensions is left implicit: it emerges in the concrete moment of preaching, at the close of the day, like a breakthrough of light in the midst of darkness.
Severian’s process of actualization becomes visible through two original procedures: a systematic “deletion” of a recurring verse from the biblical text (Gn 1.5: "And there was evening and there was morning") and an “addition,” namely the repeated use of the formula κατέλαβεν ἡ ἑσπέρα, described as an exegetical refrain, which tends to substitute for the scriptural text itself.

This paper studies Chrysostom's view of preaching. First, we demonstrate that there is no clear dividing line between the Word of God and the human word. For John Chrysostom, in fact, what is essential is that the word of God be proclaimed, that it reach the the faithful. If that happens, it doesn't matter who the intermediaries are. When the preacher speaks, it is God who speaks, and this word brings salvation - but this is also true of other human actors.
Second, preaching is in some ways more important than the sacraments. It depends on the gifts and on the work of the preacher, who experiences in it a form of kenosis for it is Christ alone who persuades and converts. The sacramental economy builds on this activity but it is the economy of preaching that "holds" everything else together.
Third, there is no clear comparison between preaching and the sacraments.
Fourth, for Chrysostom, salvation comes through a process of memorial offering, which the words anamnesis and anaphora best express. Thus, the heart of what preaching does (by appealing to the intellect and to language) is the same as what is achieved in the Eucharist (by appealing to the of the institution) or even what is achieved in the cult of relics the cult of relics (by appealing to the sense of sight): a remembrance in which Christ becomes truly present to those who remember him. In this sense, it may be possible to speak of a sacramentality of preaching.