NATO-Russian Relations

As the global and regional security environment has become more complex, unpredictable and fragile in recent years, it is evident that a country's capabilities play an effective role in both deterrence and the establishment of a peaceful environment. In such a context, the EFES 2026 Combined Joint Live-Fire Field Exercise, hosted by Türkiye, goes far beyond being merely a military show of force. The exercise can be interpreted as a 'deterrence and peace equation' where military, diplomatic and technological messages are synchronised on the ground.

Güvenlik Teknoloji Şirketleri ile Askeri Sektör Arasındaki İş Birliği
İsrail İşgal Teknolojisini Dünyaya Nasıl İhraç Ediyor?
Antony Loewenstein’in Filistin Laboratuvarı, kitabı 1
İsrail’in işgal altındaki Filistin
topraklarını yalnızca bir çatışma bölgesi değil, aynı zamanda yeni nesil askeri ve güvenlik
teknolojilerinin deneme alanı olarak kullandığını ortaya koyar. Kitap, Filistin’in modern
gözetim, yapay zekâ, siber güvenlik ve hedef istihbaratı teknolojilerinin “saha testi” için bir
laboratuvar hâline getirildiğini; bu deneyimlerin ise “battle-tested” (sahada test edilmiş)
etiketiyle “küresel pazar”a ihraç edildiğini vurgular.
İsrail’in askeri sektörü ile özel teknoloji şirketleri arasındaki organik iş birliği, İHA’lar,
robotik makineler, biyometrik gözetim sistemleri ve CCTV ağları üzerinden
yürütülmektedir. Bu teknolojilerle elde edilen veriler, bulut depolama ve yapay zekâ destekli
analiz sistemleri aracılığıyla işlenmekte; sonuçta “hedef istihbaratı” ve “tahmine dayalı
polislik” teknolojileri geliştirilerek “küresel güvenlik pazarı”na sunulmaktadır. Özellikle
Pegasus casus yazılımı, Azure platformu ve Project Nimbus gibi altyapılar, bu gözetim
düzeninin “uluslararası ayağı”nı temsil eder.
Filistin’deki bu “deneysel gözetim ekosistemi”, biyometrik veri toplama, Nüfus ve Göçmenlik
İdaresi’nin merkezi veri tabanları, akıllı duvar sistemleri ve gerçek zamanlı savaş alanı veri
entegrasyonuyla desteklenmektedir. Kitapta “Lavender”, “Gospel” ve “Where’s Daddy” gibi
algoritmik hedefleme sistemleri, “yapay zekâ”nın savaş alanında “ölümcül kararlara nasıl
entegre edildiği”ni örneklemektedir.
BM raporlarında adı geçen şirketler —

Krótkie opisanie europejskiej cywilizacyjnej rewolucji wieków średnich. Specyfika tego podejścia – koncentracja na liczbach. Dzięki rozwojowi statystyki historycznej możemy obecnie pokazać na liczbach, jak rozwijała się europejska gospodarka, technologia, nauka i jak przebiegała ekspansja geograficzna. Możemy przedstawić porównania międzycywilizacyjne. To wszystko jest osiągnięciem ostatnich 20-25 lat.
ENG
A brief account of the European civilizational revolution of the Middle Ages. The specific feature of this approach is its concentration on numbers. Thanks to the development of historical statistics, we can now show, in numerical terms, how the European economy, technology, and science developed, and how geographical expansion unfolded. We can also present comparisons between civilizations. All this is an achievement of the last 20-25 years.

The article examines how issues related to Belarus and Belarusians were reflected in the Lithuanian military press from 1919 to 1940. This article provides an overview and a brief analysis of materials related to the Belarusians and Belarus published in two military magazines, namely Karys and Kardas. Four main categories of articles and informational reports could be distinguished: 1) historical articles (mostly about the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) discussing the shared history of the Lithuanian and Belarusian nations; 2) information on the Belarusian national struggle for self-determination and independence, as well as life of the Belarusians in Polish-occupied territories and the Belarusian SSR; 3) information on the Belarusian national units within the Lithuanian Armed Forces; 4) other information, such as life of the Belarusians in the Republic of Lithuania, etc. The Belarusian topic was widely covered in the Lithuanian military press. Magazines such as Karys, Kardas featured dozens of articles, at least a hundred informational reports, and hundreds of references related to the Belarusians and Belarus. The image of the Belarusians in the Lithuanian military press was almost always positive. They were portrayed as a nation historically and culturally close to Lithuanians. Lithuanians and Belarusians fought for their freedom together for centuries against many stroner enemies or defended their rights to ethnic, cultural, and historical identity using non-military means. A particularly strong impetus for the promotion of the positive image of Belarusians in the Lithuanian military press (and public opinion) came from their active involvement in the Lithuanian War of Independence from 1918 to 1920. The image of the Belarusian soldier as a comrade-in-arms, a defender of Lithuania, and a loyal citizen of the Lithuanian Republic was maintained until the Soviet occupation in 1940. This was supported not only by publications in the press but also by active involvement of the professional military personnel, as well as many Belarusian officers, non-commissioned officers, and reserve soldiers in the social life of Lithuania. The Lithuanian military press represents an important source for further research into the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, particularly the history of the Belarusian units in the Lithuanian army.

NATO'nun geleceğine ilişkin tartışmaların çoğunlukla siyasi veya iktisadi bir uluslararası örgütün dinamikleri üzerinden yürütüldüğü görülmektedir. Bu yaklaşım analitik bir sapma meydana getirmektedir. NATO her şeyden önce bir askerî savunma ittifakıdır. Dolayısıyla geleceği, siyasi konjonktürden ziyade doktrinel uyum kapasitesi üzerinden değerlendirilmelidir. Bu kapsamda bu yazı üç argüman öne sürmektedir: (1) Nükleer kimlik, NATO'nun değişmez ontolojik çekirdeğidir ve hükümet değişimlerinden bağımsız işler. (2) Son çatışmalarda görülen taarruz sistemlerinin menzil ve hassasiyetindeki sıçrama, NATO açısından tehdit tanımını yeniden ele almayı gerektirmektedir. Bu durum, NATO'nun Stratejik Konsepti'nin henüz tam olarak içselleştirmediği yeni bir değişimdir. (3) Ankara Zirvesi, NATO'nun söz konusu stratejik boşluğunu kapatması için kritik bir fırsattır. Asıl Soru NATO'nun geleceğine ilişkin sorular yanlış bir referans kümesi içerisinde sorulmaktadır. NATO'nun dağılıp dağılmayacağını değerlendiren analizler genellikle ittifakı, bir siyasi veya iktisadi işbirliği mekanizmasının mantığıyla ele almaktadır. Oysa NATO, bir savunma ittifakı olarak, orduların operasyon ve savaş yöntemlerinin ortaya konduğu doktrinler üzerinden ilerlemektedir. Asıl soru, NATO'nun doktrinel çerçevesinin bugünün tehdit ortamı ile uyumlu olup olmadığıdır. Siyasi irade zaman zaman farklı tutumlar içine girebilir, fakat doktrin siyasi salınımların altındaki kalıcı zemini oluşturur. Bu zemini anlamadan ittifakın geleceğini değerlendirmek isabetli olmaz. Ontolojik Çekirdek NATO'nun stratejik belgelerinde tekrar eden temel bir ifade vardır: "Dünyada nükleer silahlar olduğu müddetçe, NATO nükleer bir ittifak olarak kalacaktır". Bu ifade, bir silahlanma politikasından ziyade NATO'nun ontolojik tanımını yansıtmaktadır. "NATO nükleer bir ittifak olarak kalacaktır" ifadesinin pratikteki karşılığı, ABD'nin Avrupa güvenliğine yönelik nihai kefaletidir. Bu kefalet, ABD'nin gerektiğinde Avrupa'nın güvenliği için nükleer risk üstlenebileceği anlamına gelir. Bu sayede Almanya, Polonya veya İtalya gibi ülkelerde ayrı ulusal nükleerleşme eğilimleri baskılanır ve Avrupa içi güç dengesi görece istikrarlı kalır.

Unione Europea e Paesi dei Balcani occidentali. L'ultimo si è svolto lo scorso 5 giugno. Al di là delle diverse prospettive dei sei Stati coinvolti, questi summit scandiscono il processo di allargamento dell'unità europea. L'allargamento è l'atto supremo della politica estera dell'Unione, sebbene ciò sia spesso incompreso o ignorato. Esso consiste nell'espansione territoriale dell'Unione e ne sancisce la giurisdizione e sfera d'influenza; è un processo consensuale e cooperativo, non imposto, scelto da chi domanda l'integrazione europea. A differenza degli Stati nazionali, l'Unione Europea non si è mai allargata con la guerra ma solo pacificamente. Per questo, pochi giorni fa, parlando a Madrid, il Papa ha incoraggiato «a favorire il processo di unione europea», inteso «come dono per l'intera famiglia umana». L'attuale processo d'allargamento presenta però una caratteristica inedita: si svolge all'ombra della guerra. Coinvolge difatti non solo i Balcani occidentali, bensì uno Stato associato e candidato all'Unione, ossia l'Ucraina, che al contempo si difende contro una grande potenza aggreditrice col sostegno decisivo degli europei. L'integrazione europea dell'Ucraina è stata una causa dell'aggressione russa più decisiva della presunta espansione della Nato, cui essa viene spesso ricondotta. Per questo la resistenza ucraina si esprime nel linguaggio dell'identità europea, difendendo la propria sovranità per condividerla nell'Unione. Se la guerra che ha coinvolto i Balcani era volta alla disintegrazione jugoslava, quella dell'Ucraina è invece per l'integrazione europea. Così, se nei Balcani si è svolta l'ultima guerra in Europa, in Ucraina si combatte la prima guerra d'Europa. Il coinvolgimento dell'Unione Europea ne segna la fine come spazio politico estraneo alla guerra. L'Unione subisce perciò una torsione storica che riguarda anche il suo allargamento. Esso è parte di un

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been the most important and successful multilateral military political organization, pursuing the agenda of exporting democracy globally and ensuring the mutual defense of its allies. Historically, NATO was formed against the threat of communism emanating from the USSR (Russia). The alliance did not use military options till the end of the cold war between the west and the USSR, but postcold war, it transformed and operated in the Balkans, South Asia, the Horn of Africa, and the Middle East. The 9/11 incident further enhanced the military role of the organization and gave it ample reason to act internationally for ensuring global security. NATO condemns in the strongest possible terms Russia's brutal and unprovoked war of aggression against Ukraine-which is an independent, peaceful, and democratic country, and a close NATO partner. NATO and its Allies continue to provide Ukraine with unprecedented levels of support, helping to uphold its fundamental right to self-defense.

The turn of the 1990s, once hailed as the ‘end of history’, is now viewed as a transitional phase rather than a final act. Reflecting this paradigm shift, this special issue offers fresh insights into the military and strategic aftermath of the Cold War’s end, delineating changes and continuities, and discerning the patterns and processes leading to what is now often termed the ‘return of history’. It also emphasizes the expansion in the availability of archival documents and other relevant materials to scholars, including interviews with key figures and lesser-known actors.

Kurulu (Adoption Board) kararları doğrultusunda, "Yeni Nesil Hedefleme" (Next Generation Targeting-NGT) projesini 2026 yılı öncü (Beacon Projects) bir tanesi olarak ileriye taşımaktadır. Kitlesellik, hız ve karmaşıklığın şekillendirdiği bir güvenlik ortamında bu proje, NATO'nun en kritik zafiyetlerinden bir tanesi olan; bilgiyi koordineli ve bilinçli bir eyleme dönüştürmek maksadıyla geçen süreyi azaltmak maksadıyla tasarlanmıştır.

North Atlantic Treaty Organisation Command & Control Centre of Excellence) bir ürünüdür. NATO'nun ve/veya Merkeze Sponsor Olan Ülkelerin resmî görüşlerini veya politikalarını yansıtmamaktadır ve bağımsız bir görüş sunmak maksadıyla hazırlanmıştır.

In this chapter, we discuss the process of preparing Ukraine for integration with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (hereafter NATO) and the need for additional change on both sides. Three research questions are posed in the chapter: (1) What legal and social efforts is Ukraine taking to standardise its integration? (2) What measures has NATO taken to prepare Ukraine for membership in the Alliance? (3) How does the Russian Federation influence the disruption of integration processes? Given these research questions, the chapter is divided into three components. The first presents Ukraine's legal and social preparations for integration into NATO. The second discusses integration-oriented moves made by NATO. Finally, the third part discusses the factors interrupting the integration process enforced by the Russian Federation in the form of anthropological aggression imposed in the Ukrainian socio-cultural environment. The conclusion contains recommendations for further Ukrainian-NATO integration, which indicate potential policy changes that NATO member states may need to make considering the Ukrainian occasion.

The article explores the US Marine Corps' (USMC) Force Design 2030 and its potential to enhance multinational joint defense capabilities in the Americas. It argues that traditional military strategies are inadequate for modern security challenges, such as transnational crime and irregular warfare. By promoting interoperability, standardized training, and shared platforms, the USMC seeks to strengthen collective defense across the region. The article highlights the growing importance of naval and maritime forces, examines geopolitical threats, and suggests that Latin American nations can benefit from adopting elements of the Force Design 2030 to enhance security and stability.

In the current international landscape, NATO is more likely to continue operating on a track of “verbal coordination, but individual action” —highly unified in political declarations, but on the substance of military intervention, each nation will act according to its own national interest calculus.***
Either consciously or due to lack of knowledge, Article 5 of NATO has been used by Western Media and liberal “experts” which  reinforces the fantasies and wishful thinking on one side, and fears on the other. People  assume that an attack on a NATO member will automatically trigger a “collective defense”  and/or “offense” which creates a larger false fear of a “nuclear war” between the nuclear powers.

Presentation for GCSP Staff and Fellows on 09 July 2025 briefly outlining key developments in Russia´s War in Ukraine, including the state of international support for Ukraine, domestic and political challenges in Ukraine and Russia, Ukraine´s developing deeper strike capability, and Russia´s advances along the eastern frontline.

On February 24, 2022, Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine triggered an unprecedented surge in state-aligned disinformation campaigns targeting Euro-Atlantic audiences. This dissertation investigates how NATO-affiliated intelligence agencies and the social media platforms Meta and Twitter collaborated to counter these operations during the 2022-2024 escalation. A central and original contribution is the development of a five-level collaboration typology, ranging from symbolic alignment to integrated response, to systematically assess the depth and institutionalisation of public-private security partnerships. Through comparative case studies of Twitter’s handling of the Ghostwriter campaign and Meta’s disruption of Operation Doppelgänger, this research applies securitization theory and networked governance to processtraced, open-source evidence, including transparency reports, NATO documentation, and investigative journalism. Findings show Meta achieved Level 4 (Integrated Response), characterized by synchronized takedowns, co-produced attribution, and embedded institutional linkages, while Twitter’s Level 3 (Strategic Partnership) reflected informal, reactive coordination amid governance instability. The study advances understanding of digital governance in hybrid warfare, offering a transferable framework for evaluating intelligence-technology collaboration and interrogating the democratic tensions that emerge when counter-disinformation efforts blur the boundaries between state and corporate authority.

This chapter examines the architecture of advantage: the structural design through which denial-based military power, alliance networks, force posture, and statecraft are aligned to sustain a favorable balance of power. It moves from multi-domain foundations of conventional, nuclear, cyber, and space capabilities to layered systems of alliances and partnerships that distribute risk and confer legitimacy. Deterrence, in this framework, is not declared but constructed through the deliberate organization of power across domains, geography, and instruments of statecraft.

Over the years the US and Russia on many occasions had a tainted relationship in
many areas. The Cold War however, disorganised the economic and socio-political
system of the world. It divided the temporary wartime alliance against Nazi Germany,
leaving the Soviet Union and the United States as two superpowers with profound
economic and political differences. The paper however addressed the Post-Cold War
socio-political relations of the United States and Russia. The work adopts
qualitative methods of historical research and interpretation of facts in unravelling
relations and ties between the two countries. After the demise of the Soviet Union in
December 1991, the Bush administration immediately reached out to Russian
President Boris Yeltsin, promising aid, encouraging liberal economic, political
reforms, and negotiating new security arrangements. Though the relationship
between the US and Russia was tainted again as a result of the invasion of Ukraine by
Russia in 2022. The paper recommends that in order to avert further occurrences of the
New Cold War both countries should pragmatically and meticulously handle global
issues.

Analisi dei fattori geoeconomici, geopolitici e culturali del nuovo scontro per il controllo dell'Eurasia. L'ascesa cinese e russa di fronte alla declinante potenza statunitense pongono seri interrogativi sul futuro del mondo: l'ecumene euro-atlantica in lenta dissolvenza culturale affronta la sfida non solo del secolo multipolare, ma anche un nuovo paradigma socio-culturale che formulerà istanze provenienti dall'Oriente. Sullo sfondo del confronto euro-occidentale e del blocco eurasiatico si innervano le gravi crisi economico-politico del primo.

This article argues that the forthcoming NATO summit in Ankara exposes a deeper alliance problem than burden-sharing. The issue is not simply whether Europe spends enough, but whether NATO still shares a common understanding of Russia, US commitments and the purpose of collective defence. Russia does not need to conquer Europe to weaken NATO; it can exploit hybrid warfare, coercive signalling, localised military pressure and doubts about American extended deterrence. Europe must therefore build strategic sufficiency inside NATO: credible conventional forces, political decision-speed, and nuclear assurance robust enough to deny Moscow confidence in coercion.

According to the general opinion, a certain geopolitical balance was established in the Northern European region during the Cold War. History has proved that most military operations in the Baltic region require access to what is today Finland's air, sea, and land. Of particular importance is the control of the Åland Islands, which border Swedish waters and serve as the "eastern gateway" to the Baltic Sea. Russia's proposals (demands) on security guarantees which were sent by the Russian Foreign Ministry for discussion on the 15th of December 2021 and made public on the 17th of December 2021, are often mentioned as the main reason for Finland and Sweden's official and decisive accession to NATO. Allegedly the draft agreements on security guarantees proposed by Russia to the United States and NATO, and in particular, on the non-expansion of the Alliance to the East and the limitation of any forward presence, were perceived by Finland and Sweden as an unacceptable attempt to infringe on their national sovereignty and the right to determine how to ensure their security. Ultimately, the full-scale military conflict in Ukraine that began on the 24th of February 2022 is often claimed to be the main rationale behind Finland's and Sweden's accession to NATO. This very conflict is said to have highlighted significant military and political tensions and threats from the side of the Russian Federation and finally convinced the governments of Finland and Sweden, as well as the governments of NATO member states, of the necessity to expand the North Atlantic Alliance on the basis of Finland and Sweden. However, the problem is much broader and deeper, and its genesis is not limited to Russia's recent (ultimatum) proposals for security guarantees and/or a military conflict in Ukraine. Moreover, Finland's and Sweden's accession to NATO does not necessarily mean greater security for these countries and the NATO bloc overall.

The NATO Academic Conference held at Old Dominion University in Norfolk, Virginia, in March 2024 saw academia meet with military officials along with many other officials and practitioners. The conference offered a unique chance to explore the topic of the China-Russia partnership through both a panel discussion and a breakout session covering periods from the historical perspective to the modern space domain, and themes from hybrid warfare to the social media interests of the new generation.

В статье рассматривается торгово-экономическое сотрудничество государств, входивших в противостоящие блоки – НАТО и ОВД: феномен межблоковой торговли в условиях биполярности анализируется на примере экспорта советских автомобилей на рынок Исландии. Помещая его в контекст «холодной войны», автор отвечает на вопрос о том, какое влияние состояние биполярной системы оказывало на динамику продаж советских автомобилей. Отдельное внимание уделяется их воздействию на повседневность малого государства, а также социальным последствиям помещения советской продукции в новый культурный контекст. Сделан вывод о том, что вместе с приобретением советских автомобилей происходил также трансфер социальных явлений, связанных с ними в советском обществе. Подчёркивается, что наибольшей популярностью пользовались в Исландии «массовые» советские автомобили, в то время как реализация машин повышенной комфортности была затруднена из-за конкуренции со стороны американских производителей, доминировавших во всех сегментах авторынка. Таким образом, переплетение политических и экономических факторов отражалось на бытовой повседневности острова.

The article discusses the main changes in US security policy after the inauguration of Donald Trump as the 47th President of the USA and their impact on transatlantic relations. It offers the answers (tentatively) to three interlinked research questions: what are the main characteristics of current US security policy? How will the recent changes impact the US position internationally and its transatlantic leadership? What consequences will it generate for NATO's European allies, and Poland in particular? These answers are based on an analysis of recent official statements and the actual actions of President Donald Trump, as well as key members of his administration, supplemented by the critical review of opinions on the matter presented in academic journals or think-tank reports and the press. The article also offers some recommendations on the Polish response to the changes introduced by Trump.

NATO: krew, pot i łzy na 75-lecie Kontekst strategiczny -coraz więcej wyzwań, coraz mniej stabilności Na początku 2024 r. sytuacja geostrategiczna wokół Sojuszu kształtowała się znacząco gorzej niż dwanaście miesięcy wcześniej. W największym stopniu decydował o tym niepomyślny rozwój sytuacji w Ukrainie, gdzie rosyjska ofensywa na wschodzie kraju, której towarzyszyły intensywne bombardowania celów cywilnych, a zwłaszcza infrastruktury energetycznej na całym obszarze państwa, czyniła -mimo poważnych strat ludzkich i w sprzęcie -powolne, ale stałe postępy. Kijowowi natomiast trudno było nie tylko zwiększać, ale wręcz utrzymywać odpowiednie zdolności bojowe, pomoc zaś oferowana głównie przez państwa NATO, mimo niemałych wysiłków wielu z nich, wciąż odbiegała od ukraińskich potrzeb, zwłaszcza w konsekwencji trwającej od grudnia 2023 r. blokady jej kolejnych transz przez Partię Republikańską w amerykańskim Kongresie oraz -motywowanej obawami przed eskalacją konfliktu i napięć w relacjach z Rosją -niechęci części sojuszników (w tym Niemiec i USA), by zezwolić na użycie dostarczanej broni do działań ofensywnych na rosyjskim terytorium. Równocześnie Rosja nie ustawała w działaniach destabilizacyjnych wobec szeregu innych krajów europejskich (Mołdawia, państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich), nasilając też hybrydową presję na członków NATO, zwłaszcza ze wschodniej flanki (np. w formie ataków cybernetycznych, akcji dezinformacyjnych czy stymulowania kryzysu migracyjnego na granicach Finlandii, republik bałtyckich i Polski). Łączyła to przy tym z retoryką -w wielu regionach aprobowaną (Sahel i Afryka Subsaharyjska, Azja Południowa) -"obrony przed ekspansjonizmem Zachodu". Międzynarodowy kontekst funkcjonowania Sojuszu determinowało też gwałtowne pogorszenie się sytuacji na Bliskim Wschodzie. Podjęta w reakcji na atak Hamasu z 7 października 2023 r. i porwanie ponad 200 zakładników interwencja Izraela w Strefie Gazy, mimo pewnego zrozumienia dla potrzeby reakcji ze strony zaatakowanego państwa, wzbudzała w świecie, nie tylko w NATO, duże wątpliwości, zarówno z uwagi na swoją skalę i brutalność oraz powagę powodowanych zniszczeń i ofiar wśród ludności cywilnej, jak 1 Łącznie z powołanymi wcześniej inicjatywami tego typu, w tym koalicją F-16 (Dania, Holandia i Norwegia jako liderzy) czy w zakresie bezpieczeństwa informatycznego (pomysł Luksemburga i Estonii), w 2024 r. funkcjonowano już osiem takich projektów (w lutym 2024 r. Francja zaproponowała też program w zakresie zdolności uderzeniowychdeep strike -ale do tej pory się on nie zmaterializował) (C.

A nemzetbiztonsági tevékenység természetéből adódóan napjainkban is az
érdeklődés középpontjában áll, amely a különböző nemzetközi botrányok miatt a
civil állampolgárok figyelmét is egyre inkább felkelti. Ezen esemé nyek gyakran
járnak olyan következményekkel, amely a szolgálatok tevékenységének szakértelem
nélkül történő kritizálásához vezet, amelyre megfelelő választ csak a tevékenység
tudományos kutatása és ismertetése nyújthat.
A nemzetbiztonsági szférán belül ezé rt, különösen a katonai hírszerzés és a katonai
elhárítás tevékenységének támogatása érdekében, figyelembe véve azok működési
környezetét, a tevékenység tudományos igényű feldolgozását a jog és a
rendészettudomány mellett a hadtudomány vizsgálódási terüle tén is el kell végezni,
mivel sajátosságaik és rendeltetésszerű működésre gyakorolt hatásuk e
tudományágból vezethető le.

În războiul modern, peisajul evoluează rapid, odată cu progresele tehnologice care modelează natura conflictelor. Printre aceste progrese, războiul electronic apare ca un domeniu esențial, jucând un rol crucial în modelarea rezultatelor bătăliilor. În ultimul secol, și în special în a doua jumătate, războiul electronic s-a alăturat altor capacități de luptă și a devenit una dintre competențele majore ale războiului. Acesta nu se desfășoară izolat, ci se împletește în mod complex cu alte capacități de luptă, sporind eficiența acestora pe câmpul de luptă. Pe măsură ce războiul continuă să evolueze în era digitală, importanța războiului electronic în modelarea câmpului de luptă nu va face decât să crească, subliniind imperativul ca armatele să investească în capabilități solide de război electronic pentru a menține superioritatea strategică.
Acest eseu analizează relația complexă dintre războiul electronic și alte capacități de luptă, subliniind semnificația acestuia în operațiunile militare contemporane.

INTELLIGENCE INFO, Volumul 3, Numărul 2, Iunie 2024, pp. 19-31
ISSN 2821 - 8159, ISSN – L 2821 – 8159, DOI: 10.58679/II70713

L’ABÎME ET LE MIROIR propose une cartographie des risques existentiels qui menacent aujourd’hui l’humanité, non comme des crises isolées, mais comme les symptômes convergents d’une auto-destruction systémique.

Sans développer de solutions, cet essai interroge les mécanismes — technologiques, écologiques, géopolitiques et ontologiques — qui transforment notre époque en une ère de l’hybris, où l’humanité, après avoir cru dominer son destin, en est devenue à la fois l’architecte et la victime.