New Kingdom

This monograph presents the complete theorem that challenges the conventional binary model of the Ancient Egyptian afterlife. The core of the argument addresses a foundational and long-overlooked logical flaw within the conventional binary interpretation of the Ancient Egyptian afterlife. The central argument is that the pervasive textual anxiety concerning the loss of Ib (memory/consciousness) renders the penalty of absolute annihilation theologically redundant.

The paper resolves this logical contradiction—termed the Ammit} Paradox—by proving the system is a trinary necessity. It redefines Ammit's role as the enforcer of a third, active destiny: Spiritual Amnesia (wHm'anx consequence), which is the perpetual, unconscious recycling of the spirit on Earth (Ta-Wer).

The resolution is achieved through an Interdisciplinary Textual Decoding methodology (informed by Metaphorology and Communication Studies), allowing for the successful decryption of intentional concealment within the funerary texts. The conclusion then applies this trinary framework to decode Senenmut’s celestial map (TT353), revealing the complete, multi-layered blueprint for Twin-Soul Ascension (Dét)."

The Eighteenth Dynasty Egyptian Pharaoh, Hatshepsut (c. 1473-1458 BCE), has attracted a great deal of attention for doing gender wrong, at least according to modern scholarship (Figure ). She began her career as the regent for her step-son/nephew, Thutmose III, and then at some point within the first seven years, she ascended the throne as co-regent. 1 Hatshepsut's public gender identity fails to conform to our norms of cultural intelligibility, but the fact that this gender transformation occurred over the course of two decades indicates that it was a persistent and intentional gender 'identity' for Hatshepsut. 2 Hatshepsut was not making claims about who she was as a private person, but instead she was subscribing to the gendered expectations of rulership. This public identity has appeared to modern Egyptologists as gender incongruity, but I will argue that Hatshepsut's public representations were intelligible to ancient Egyptians and even a deliberate attempt to appeal to their sensibilities and provide them with solace in her rule. A study of Hatshepsut promises to contribute to our current understanding of gender in that it reframes our typical assumptions of ancient/traditional gender constructions and provides a model we can use to move forward with our own modern discourse about gender fluidity. For Egyptologists, this study elucidates the societal and historical factors that were complicit in keeping Hatshepsut in power. The existence of hermaphroditic creator deities, the composite nature of kingship, post-mortem gender fluidity and the rules of compositional decorum all intertwined to naturalise Hatshepsut's female masculinity and her ascension to the throne of Egypt. Hatshepsut was not the anomaly that we think she was. There were several other leaders in the New Kingdom who displayed non-binary gender identities, such as Queen Tiye, Akhenaten, Nefertiti and Tawosret. 3 Hatshepsut was only one example in an era of transgressors, who willingly played with composite imagery. The earliest elements added to her person were a masculine crown and the traditional title of male Egyptian king. Subsequently, she depicted herself in increasingly masculine poses, holding symbols reserved for male kings, in male dress and with male physiognomy. It was her unique position as King's Daughter, King's Wife and later Pharaoh that made her female masculinity more ubiquitous and therefore more discernible. Hatshepsut exemplified the virile woman who broke the bond between masculinity and the male body. In ancient Egypt, masculinity embodied the qualities that were culturally ascribed

Ancient Hebenu appears to have been abandoned in the course of the early First Intermediate Period, and it is not until the New Kingdom that it was reoccupied, along with the embellishment of the temple to the local deity Horus, Lord of Hebenu. Scant evidence of the latter, including a ramp to the presumed temple location, still exists in the northern end of the site in Zone 1, and they indicate a major building phase during the reign of Amenhotep III, with further improvements during the reign of Ramesses III. Ramesses II also held the local deity in high esteem, as is evidenced by the near complete black granite, seated falcon-headed statue of Horus of Hebenu wearing the double crown and inscribed with the king’s royal names (Grand Egyptian Museum, 12599), thereby signalling royal interest in the settlement at least from the second half of the 18th into the 20th Dynasty. Other than the temple, surveys and excavations in the 20th and early 21st century have now identified New Kingdom cemeteries, settlement remains, and debris of workshops across the site. A selection of pottery from these places will be outlined in the article.

This article presents some preliminary results of the excavation in the sacred animal necropolis at the Bubasteion in Saqqara. This work examined the rock façade further west of the New Kingdom cemetery that was uncovered previously by the French mission in the eastern part of the site. Several tombs were discovered during this excavation, four of which date to the Old Kingdom. One of these tombs, which belongs to a lector priest, wahty, is beautifully decorated with reliefs and statues. Another of these tombs was built by the overseer of the builders of the Great House, Khufuemhat. In addition, three New Kingdom tomb-chapels were uncovered, all of which were largely unfinished. In the debris that covered the site, much archaeological data was obtained and many objects were discovered, dating to the period between the Old Kingdom and New Kingdom. These included canopic jars, scribal palettes, pottery jars, headrests, etc. During the Late Period, the site was used as part of the sacr...

This study conducts a comparative analysis of two New Kingdom Memphite panels at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, which depict the funeral processions scene, emphasizing the similarities and differences in their artistic and linguistic structural composition. Although both panels have previously been published as components of their respective tombs, this paper advances upon prior documentation by providing detailed descriptions and analytical discussions of the scenes and accompanying
inscription.
The study addresses the following research questions: In what ways do the two Memphite panels enhance understanding of New Kingdom burial rituals? To what extent did artistic styles from Tell el-Amarna influence the workshops in the Memphite tomb? How do the inscriptions on these panels illustrate the evolution of ancient Egyptian beliefs about the perspective of the underworld?
The first panel (Tr. 12. 6. 24. 20- Sr. 11764) depicts a short version of the procession to the tomb of Khaemwaset, chief of the king's woodworkers/carpenters. Discovered in 1870 by "Vassalli" at Kafr El-Batran, in Giza, dating to the late 18th Dynasty/early 19th Dynasty. The panel is distinguished for its unusual technique of depicting events,
which may have been inspired by the private tombs of Tell el-Amarna, and for its portrayal of a detailed version of the rituals associated with breaking red pots.
The second panel (Tr. 17.5.25.1- Sr. 12073) depicts a long version of the procession to the tomb of Mes, the scribe of the treasury of Ptah. Discovered in 1898 by "Loret" in the tomb, which is located within the King Teti pyramid cemetery in Saqqara North, dating to the mid-19th Dynasty. The panel is notable for its accompanying inscription, which communicates a sense of despair through its mentions of the
underworld, which may have been inspired by the Book of the Dead (BD. 175).

Le musée du Louvre conserve à l'heure actuelle trois cent deux statues et statuettes du Nouvel Empire, complètes ou fragmentaires (sans compter les oeuvres en dépôt à l'extérieur), en pierre, bois, ivoire et métal, de toutes tailles et provenant des sources les plus diverses : grandes collections achetées en bloc lors de la constitution du musée égyptien (Salt, Durand et Drovetti : 66 objets, soit 21,8% du total), achats issus des ventes de collections particulières au XIX e et à la première moitié du XX e siècle (47 objets soit 15,5%), acquisitions sur le marché de l'art en général (20 objets soit 6,6%) et aux marchands d'art en particulier (18 objets soit 5,9%), partages de fouilles (59 objets soit 19,5%), affectations et dépôts en faveur du Louvre (11 objets soit 3,6 %), objets reçus en dons et legs (31 objets soit 10,2 %), tandis que l'origine administrative de 33 d'entre elles (soit 10,9 % du total) n'est à ce jour pas documentée. Ces statues sont majoritairement issues de la région thébaine, de Saqqara et d'Eléphantine, avec vingt autres sites représentés à moindre échelle 1 . La plupart sont issues de temples ou de tombes. Une part importante d'entre elles demeure cependant sans provenance géographique attribuable, ni par documentation historique ni par analyse des critères internes. A/ Histoire de sa formation 1. Des origines à Louis XVIII : 10 objets, soit 3,3% du total Avant le règne de Charles X et la fondation du musée égyptien par Jean-François Champollion, en 1827, la présence d'objets égyptiens au Louvre demeurait anecdotique. On n'y comptait en effet que dix statues et statuettes, avec il est vrai quelques oeuvres importantes. La statue du Nouvel Empire la plus anciennement attestée au musée est le groupe en granite rose de Hori et Nefertari 2 (fig. ). Découvert enfoui dans les jardins de l'hôtel parisien du marquis de Laborde-Méréville, guillotiné en 1793, il est entré au Muséum central comme saisie révolutionnaire dès 1794. Deux statues, une triade osirienne 3 (fig. ) et une tête de Sekhmet 4 sont attestées au Louvre en 1810, et par conséquent entrées antérieurement sans que l'on ne sache rien de leur provenance. En revanche le bas d'une statuette de Thoutmosis III offrant les vases à vin est entré au Louvre en 1807 5 . Cette oeuvre, dont le torse est une adjonction du XVIII e siècle, avait fait partie de la collection du sculpteur Piranèse en 1778, puis de la collection Camille Borghèse en 1782. Mais ce n'est qu'à la Restauration, sous le règne de Louis XVIII, que commence une amorce de politique d'achats d'art égyptien. Elle fut d'abord marquée par l'acquisition d'une statue colossale de Ramsès II en albâtre 6 . Celle-ci, enlevée à la collection Albani sous l'Empire comme prise de guerre, fut rachetée aux Alliés par le gouvernement de Louis XVIII en 1815. Il est vrai que le buste, qui est une oeuvre

Le musée du Louvre conserve 302 statues égyptiennes du Nouvel Empire, une collection suffisamment riche pour obtenir certains résultats susceptibles d’être extrapolés à l’ensemble de la statuaire de la période. Le présent travail aborde cet ensemble sous un double aspect. Analyse quantitative et qualitative d’après les critères modernes d’abord, essai d’analyse selon les critères égyptiens antiques explicites et implicites ensuite. Ces derniers se déduisent notamment des rapports entretenus entre les images en deux dimensions, qui procèdent directement de l’écriture, avec leur transcription en volume que constitue la statuaire. On découvre alors que la construction de la statuaire repose sur les aspects fondamentaux de mobilité et d’immobilité, d’action ou d’inaction, et qu’elle obéit d’une manière générale aux règles aspectives propres à la pensée égyptienne, avec la manifestation fréquente du point de vue perspectif qui se surimpose à ces règles de base.The Louvre Museum keeps 302...

Le musee du Louvre conserve 302 statues egyptiennes du Nouvel Empire, une collection suffisamment riche pour obtenir certains resultats susceptibles d’etre extrapoles a l’ensemble de la statuaire de la periode. Le present travail aborde cet ensemble sous un double aspect. Analyse quantitative et qualitative d’apres les criteres modernes d’abord, essai d’analyse selon les criteres egyptiens antiques explicites et implicites ensuite. Ces derniers se deduisent notamment des rapports entretenus entre les images en deux dimensions, qui procedent directement de l’ecriture, avec leur transcription en volume que constitue la statuaire. On decouvre alors que la construction de la statuaire repose sur les aspects fondamentaux de mobilite et d’immobilite, d’action ou d’inaction, et qu’elle obeit d’une maniere generale aux regles aspectives propres a la pensee egyptienne, avec la manifestation frequente du point de vue perspectif qui se surimpose a ces regles de base.

En el presente articulo se presentan los resultados preliminares de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo durante el afio 2014. Por un lado, se describen brevemente los trabajos arqueologicos de sarrollados en el complejo funerario QH33 (Sectores C17, C18, C19 y C24) y se avanzan los des cubrimientos de dos nuevas tumbas denominadas QH34aa y QH34bb, que se encuentran entre la QH34 y QH34a. Gracias al analisis de diferentes aspectos, ha sido posible determinar que el complejo funerario QH33 fue construido para albergar los enterramientos de dos gobernadores de Elefantina, de los que solo uno ha sido, por el momento, localizado: Heqaib III (C23). Por otro lado, se avanzan los estudios de antropologia fisica, arquitectura historica y geodinamica de las tumbas de Qubbet el-Hawa, antracologia, quimica (Raman), restauracion y DStrech. / The main aim of this paper is to present the preliminary results of the research carried out along 2014. On the one hand, the archaeological works carried o...

This article examines a Third Intermediate Period funerary stela (Dynasty 22, ca. 946-735 BCE) from the Ramesseum, Thebes, focusing on the intersection of international fashion, solar theology, and elite female identity. Particular attention is given to the depiction of long, sweeping looped sleeves rendered in translucent fabric. While the sleeve form reflects eastern Mediterranean elite dress traditions of the early Iron Age-where comparable garments were constructed of heavy wool and worn in Levantine and Mesopotamian courtly contexts-the Egyptian example represents a deliberate material translation into ultra-fine linen compatible with temple purity and funerary ideology. The stela's iconography is further contextualized through its invocation of the composite solar deity Re-Horakhty ("Re, Horus of the Two Horizons"), whose role as a god of cosmic transition and daily renewal made him especially appropriate for non-royal funerary monuments in the Third Intermediate Period. A close reading of the hieroglyphic inscription demonstrates that the text functions not as a judgment or offering formula, but as a statement of alignment, positioning the deceased woman as mꜢꜥt-ḫrw ("justified") and eligible to participate in the solar cycle of rebirth. Together, costume, deity, and text articulate a coherent expression of elite Theban identity shaped by both local religious tradition and international cultural exchange. This Third Intermediate Period stela (Dynasty 22, ca. 946-735 BCE), found in the Ramesseum at Thebes that I photographed at the Institute for the Study of Ancient Cultures at the University of Chicago, depicts an elite deceased woman interacting directly with the hawk-headed solar god Re-Horakhty. At first glance, the most striking feature is her dress-particularly the long, sweeping looped sleeves, rendered as nearly transparent.

The Z-shaped folding bed of King Tutankhamun, crafted during the New Kingdom period of ancient Egypt, astonishes with its intricate mechanism that maximizes the strengths of fabric, wood, and metal components to achieve both portability and comfort. Even more intriguing is how it resolutely maintains the integrity of its lion-leg design, a symbol of royal authority.

This paper provides general and summary information about the latest works carried out by the Qubbet el-Hawa Project of the Universidad de Jaén at the Necropolis of Qubbet elHawa in Aswan (Egypt). The aim is to present here, briefly, the most important results obtained during the ninth campaign. Most of the work have been focused on the excavations of hypogea dating from Middle Kingdom, such as the QH32, QH33, QH34aa, QH34bb, QH35p and QH36 tombs, as well as the tomb QH122, from the Old Kingdom found last season. The multidisciplinary team from the project has also been in charge of studying materials from very different periods, such as New Kingdom and Late Period, as well as materials from the Graeco-Roman period, very common in the site. In addition, advances in research on the restoration of funerary furniture, anthropology, ceramics, anthracology, and archaeozoology are also detailed here. This year we also continued the architectural study of many of the tombs of the hill; in ...

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When it comes to the jurisdiction and sovereignty of cities in Western Europe in the later Middle Ages and Early Modern period, it is common to stress princely control and the loss of autonomy, except for city states. However, over the past decades legal scholars have reevaluated sovereignty, mostly with regard to states, but increasingly also in reference to other entities such as companies and cities. Nowadays historical sovereignty is no longer exclusively defined as doctrinal and conceptual but also as pertaining to discourse and prac@ce. The topic of cities of trade, which had international connections, has not oMen been brought into connection with the themes mentioned. This workshop seeks to explore the connection points between debates in legal history, urban history and economic history, whilst zooming in on cities with a marked mercantile importance. During the workshop, preliminary results of the research that has been coordinated under the umbrella of the CaPANES-project will be presented. This ERC Consolidator Grant project analyzes economic sovereignty and studies six ci@es of trade in the period c. 1400-c. 1620.

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Chevrier uncovered a "shaft-cache" ("puits-cachette") in the foundations of the southern tower of the Third Pylon of the Temple of Karnak. This discovery went almost unnoticed until today. Thanks to the study the archives of this architect and director of works at the temple, it has been possible to study the shaft-cache in greater detail. The cache raises many questions about its function and its access. Although no definitive answer can be given at the moment, it is certain that it was not a foundation deposit. It seems that Egyptians built this structure to protect a number of sacred objects that had become unusable, like the caches or favissa known elsewhere in Egyptian temples. Its access in the foundations of the south mole, at the right of the staircase, is problematic. The state of conservation of the Third Pylon and the absence of archaeological data only allows us to make hypotheses. These can be confirmed or refuted thanks to future studies on the construction of the pylons of Karnak precinct, which could perhaps bring answers as to the location and the function of this shaft-cache.

The annual Opet Festival, during which the sacred boats of the triad of Thebes, Amun, Mut, and Khonsu, together with that of the ruling king journeyed from Karnak to Luxor, became a central religious celebration of Thebes as early as the 18th Dynasty. The rituals of the Opet Festival celebrated the sacred marriage of god Amun, with whom the king merged, and goddess Mut, resulting in the proper "transmission" of the royal ka and thus ensuring the maintenance of kingship.

This paper will try to survey the Opet festival, issues which were depicted on the Theban monuments of queen Hatshepsut. The paper results will be based on iconographic material and descriptive methodology.

Perhaps due to the special role played by women in ancient Egypt, where they enjoyed a special status above that of other neighbouring nations, from the very beginning queens were the highly revered consorts of male pharaohs. Influential over their children, princes and future pharaohs themselves, and over their husbands, they played an important part in the royal administration of the country. Large monuments were erected to be their tombs, richly endowed with all that could be provided for their benefit in the other world. But also in every great period of ancient Egyptian history, some queens were rulers themselves, with various degrees of success in their access to power. Here such results are evaluated and compared, as much as the available evidence allows.

48th SSEA / SEEA Scholars' Colloquium 2024 (abstract).

Despite the plethora of images strictly related to public expressions of mourning after the death of a member of the community, ancient Egyptian iconography crucially lacks scenes pertaining to personal and intimate anguish due to bereavement. Nonetheless, would it be possible to discern how ancient Egyptians used to privately cope with grief, by looking at the images depicted in tombs and funerary contexts? Some gestures that are represented in New Kingdom bereavement scenes appear to have clear contact points to actual human reactions to loss and death, as they are described by Psychology and Anthropology. In fact, while mourning and grieving expressions may differ from society to society and even from individual to individual, from a psychological point of view grief itself is considered atemporal and universal (Coreless et al., ‘Languages of Grief’, 2014: 132; Rosenblatt, ‘Researching Grief’, 2017) and, therefore, potentially, it seems possible to compare and contrast images related to funerary contexts in ancient Egypt and in contemporary societies. In particular, the processing of grief seems to be a fundamentally unchanged human experience, and the relevance of physical contact and even actually supporting each other’s bodies seems to be an invariant across cultures. What if the analysis of the represented gestures in New Kingdom iconography – which carry important symbolic connotations – could also give us hints on how ancient Egyptians truly reacted after the passing of a member of the community?
Starting from the XVIII Dynasty, some major changes happened in bereavement scenes: men begun to be vastly more often represented in a grieving attitude (a role played almost exclusively by women before that time) and – also because of the influence of the Amarna style – mourners started to be depicted with a proper contortion of their body, as if their poses somehow reflected the pain they were experiencing because of the death of a member of the community. However, analysing these depictions that are more closely related to the bodily response of each individual, we also find that the act of physically supporting each other serves as a coping mechanism for the bereaved and their community as a whole.

This paper analyzes the body poses of victorious and defeated warriors depicted in Late Bronze Age (LBA) Aegean iconography. It argues that early LBA Aegean depictions of victorious swordsmen defeating enemies represent an appropriation of the Egyptian motif of a ‘pharaoh smiting his enemies’. Moreover, through a comparative analysis of the depictions of defeated warriors in Egypt and the Aegean, this paper examines cultural
connotations that different body poses might have had in different parts of the LBA Eastern Mediterranean. Finally, it addresses the connection between body poses, movement and changing ideologies in the LBA Aegean.

La tumba de Neferhotep (TT49) es un monumento privado, cuya localización habría tenido vinculaciones con las fisonomías naturales y la dotación material del paisaje, en la realización de prácticas funerarias del Reino Nuevo. La escasa conservación de la evidencia material requirió de la implementación de vías analíticas que tras-cendieran los enfoques egiptológicos tradicionales privilegiando el estudio del comportamiento humano. La exis-tencia de registros documentales y arqueológicos hizo evidente la necesidad de plantear investigaciones interdisci-plinarias, puesto que tanto la localización de la tumba en el paisaje como su construcción y decoración atendieron tanto a cuestiones prácticas -depositación de momias y equipamiento funerario-, como simbólicas -ritos mor-tuorios- y sociales -alianzas-. Los lineamientos teóricos interrelacionan conceptos provenientes de la arqueología, enfatizando la dotación arquitectónica y simbólica del espacio y las propiedades físicas del registro ...

The paper is focused on historical connotations of the Tell el-Retaba site to its geographic position with regards to hydrologic and pedologic situation. It suggests the position of Wadi Tumilat on the Peutinger map and persistence of desert (military) routes in the area around the Wadi. The river aggradation mound ascertained in Tell el-Retaba allows us to suggest an existence of natural riverbeds or a canal in Wadi Tumilat even before the Second Intermediate Period. The paper also brings some pedological explanations to origins of settlement. It presumes that besides the canal on the western and southern side of the Tell a marshland/swamp could also originate on its northern side, after the settlement occurred on the Tell. The occupation probably developed directly on the Bw horizon of original soil, as agricultural or grazing settlement. The humiferous A horizon was removed prior to construction.

Wilkinson, Esq., Extracts, p. : 'the sculptures of which are of the time of Amenoph I; whose name occurs here, as well as ve or six [my bold] of his predecessors, and his daughter Amenses'; for the surveys, see ibid., pl. V, as well as Oxford, Bodleian Library, M. Wilkinson dep e-b.

Ovaj rad bavi se religijom i pogrebnim običajima te njihovim segmentima tijekom razdoblja XVIII. dinastije (o. 1539.-o. 1295. g. pr. Kr.). Polazišna točka su nekropole te se objašnjava način i mjesto ukopa faraona, višeg i niţeg sloja društva tijekom XVIII. dinastije i detaljno se opisuje arhitektura i izgled grobnica te pogrebnih dobara pronaĎenih u njima. Autor takoĎer ističe razlike u izgledu grobnica i načinu ukopa faraona, elite i običnog puka. Nakon toga autor opisuje religiju i neke njezine osnovne segmente (hramovi, svećenstvo, magija, rituali, festivali i ceremonije). Nadalje se prikazuju pogrebni običaji i pogrebna vjerovanja i njihovi segmenti (koncept smrti i zagrobnog ţivota, mumificiranje, balzamiranje, pogreb, pogrebna oprema, pogrebni hramovi). Autor takoĎer iznosi promjene koje su se dogodile na ta dva područja u razdoblju XVIII. dinastije.This thesis focuses on XVIII. Dynasty (c. 1539. – c. 1295. BCE) religion and funerary customs, as well as their segments. With n...

The reason I became interested in Egyptology was my summer and winter vacations returning to my family's home town of Matai, in Minya. During my childhood, my mother usually sent me down south to my grandmother's house, built right on the Ibrahimiya canal. My access to the social life there was through the amazing lady who helped my grandmother in the house, the late Neama, or, using her 'real' name, Road el-Farag Mohamed Khamis. She told me all the great stories I remember from my childhood, sang me all the lullabies, and taught me about traditions, folk medicine, and folk magic. When I joined the American University in Cairo, I always heard Neama's stories resonate in the great comments Professor Fayza Haikal made in her Egyptology classes. 1 Haikal has always tried to connect the past with the present through the magnificent philology of ancient Egypt. She even encouraged me to write my senior project paper for her religion class on a comparative reading between the Book of Revelation and the Book of the Dead. I think this has shaped how I have continued to view ancient Egypt as part of a living heritage, rejecting how colonialist Egyptology tries to portray ancient and modern Egypt as two entities hermetically sealed off from each other. The rationale for writing this essay is to respond to a comment by Professor Hermann Parzinger, President of the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation. In the 2018 film Nefertiti: The Lonely Queen, 2 Parzinger states-in order to justify why the Neues Museum in Berlin needs to keep the bust of Nefertiti in its collection-that modern Egypt now has no relationship to its ancient past.

In 2015, the Museo Egizio in Turin joined the Leiden expedition to Saqqara, in the area south of the Unas causeway. This report presents the expedition’s new approach as well as some first results of this new cooperation. In the 2018 season, the Leiden-Turin expedition worked in the northern sector of its concession, covering an area of ca. 250 sqm just north of the tomb of Maya. Here Late Antique layers overlie a wind-blown deposit containing some simple burials and numerous “embalmers’ caches”, some of which yielded marl clay cups with hieratic labels. An overview of both the pottery and the human remains found during this season is provided in the present report. Below the wind-blown deposit is a level with Ramesside funerary chapels and shafts. One of them has a remarkable decoration including six small-format figures carved in high relief in the middle of its back wall. The shaft of another chapel was also excavated, revealing several plundered chambers which yielded only scant...

In the 2019 season, the joint Leiden-Turin Expedition to Saqqara continued work in the area north of the tomb of Maya with the aim of lowering the terrain above the new tomb discovered during the 2018 season (V82.1) and to prepare the area for further exploration in 2020. Many layers of deposit situated immediately to the north of the new tomb were removed and – although they mostly originated from previous excavations in the 1980s and 1990s –  systematically investigated. Several dumps of organic material such as linen and wood as well as numerous small finds and relief fragments were identified and recorded. In addition, existing storage facilities on site were renovated and upgraded. In this process, part of the underground structures of the tombs of Horemheb and Meryneith were surveyed by the 3D Survey Group (Politecnico di Milano). Thanks to the cooperation with the same Milanese team, a new documentation method was tested during the ongoing excavation work. Within a 3D-model t...

In Egyptological literature, Necropolis journals are considered as records written on papyri and ostraca concerning the activities of the workmen or artisan community of Deir el-Medina in Thebes. In these notes, written by the scribes in hieratic, information about the gang of workmen employed in the construction of the royal tombs in the Valleys of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens throughout the Ramesside period is given (c. 1300-1100 BC): their payments, presence or absence, collective administration, private problems concerning individual crew members, internal perturbations (strikes, trials, etc.), visits by officials and incursions from "foreigners". These documents are therefore of extreme interest as they provide detailed information about the life of the village and its inhabitants. They have been labelled 'Necropolis journal" ever since the first publication of such documents from the late 20th Dynasty by Botti and Peet 1928 ("Il Giornale della Necropoli di Tebe"). Since then, the idea of "a

Sir Flinders Petrie’s excavations at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt (1891-1892) uncovered a large number of glass finds and vitreous debris from areas identified as palace trash heaps and industrial buildings, suggesting that glass was produced at the site as early as the fourteenth century BC. His findings, combined with those from recent archaeological investigations and chemical analyses, highlight the important role Amarna played in early glass technology and its significance as a location for glass production, both locally and abroad, during thelatter part of the Late Bronze Age (sixteenth-eleventh century BC).

The material study of ancient Egyptian paintings began with the advent of Egyptology during the 19th century. By the 1930s, a lot had already been sampled and described. The limited palette for example has been analysed from actual painted surfaces but also from pigments and painting tools retrieved on site. However, most of these studies took place in museums while the painted surfaces, preserved in funerary chapels and temples, remained somewhat estranged from this primary physical understanding. The artistic process has been also reconstructed, mainly from the information presented by unfinished monuments, showing surfaces at different stages of completion. A lot of this modern and theoretical reconstruction is, however, based on the usual archaeological guessing game that aims at filling the remaining blanks. Our interdisciplinary project has decided to experiment on-site with stateof-the-art portable analysis tools, avoiding any physical sampling, to see if our knowledge of the work of the ancient Egyptian painters and draughtsmen could be taken at a further stage, while based on physical quantification that could be seen as a stronger and more reliable foundation for a redefined scientific hypothesis. The use of XRF mapping has, for instance, been applied to a known case of correction by surface repaint, something that is supposedly rare in the ancient Egyptian formal artistic process, while another fully unexpected one was discovered during the analytic exploration of a royal representation. In both cases, the precise and readable imaging of the physical composition of the painted surface offers a renewed visual approach based of chemistry, that can be shared through a multiand interdisciplinary approach. However, this also leads to a more complex description of pigment mixtures that could have multiple meanings, where the practical often leads towards the symbolic, and from there hopefully to a renewed definition of the use of colours in complex sets of ancient Egyptian representations. At this stage, though the progress in this on-site material assessment of ancient works of art definitely means astonishing

The third volume of Deir el-Bahari Studies, presenting recent fieldwork and current research in the Temple of Hatshepsut and the broader context of the Deir el-Bahari valley in Western Thebes, is traditionally published as a Special Studies fascicle of the PAM Journal. From the outset of this mini-series, which has proved a handy and informative way of presenting the results of current work carried out in and around Hatshepsut’s memorial temple, the aim of the Editors has been to present the widest possible chronological and problematic spectrum, which perfectly reflects the nature of the challenge faced by members of archaeological expeditions from many countries around the world working at this unique site.