Oscan Epigraphy

This study examines five Greek inscriptions of Mamertine origin, which I have published in recent years, to delineate the Hellenization of Messana’s Oscan community. The evidence reveals a complex linguistic dialectic across various social strata. The init ial stage of this cultural transition is characterized by conservative Oscan traits, specifically the italic onomastic formula ( praenomen and gentilicium) found in two funerary inscriptions from the Largo Avignone tomb. However, by the late 3rd c entury BC, the shift from Oscan to Greek was not restricted to the italic élite. Three inscriptions on instrumentum, probably from the 2nd century BC, featuring Greek anthroponyms derived from Oscan praenomina and potentially gentilicia, show that even lower-class individuals, including potters, utilized the Greek language for everyday activities (e.g., marking ownership or production) while still preserving their Italic heritage through their names.

Cet article est consacré aux concepts, aux formes et aux lieux de l’assemblée civique dans les sociétés indigènes de l’Italie centro-méridionale. Il dresse un panorama complet de la documentation épigraphique et archéologique du sujet, tout en soulignant d’une part la richesse des inscriptions publiques, d’autre part les limites d’une documentation archéologique souvent incapable de reconnaitre ces pratiques de réunion, mais pour autant pas inexistante.

BOLLETTINO DELLA UNIONE STORIA ED ARTE assoCiazioNe foNdaTa il XXi aPrile 1908 e del GRUPPO ARCHEOLOGICO LATINO (G.A.L.) -COLLI ALBANI "bruno martellotta" -odV direttore responsabile: dott.ssa Giuseppina sartorio Gruppo archeologico latino-Colli albani 'bruno martellotta' direttore: lorenzo bongirolami via don annideo Pandolfi 5, 00046 Grottaferrata (rm) tel. 069459854. www.gruppoarcheologicolatino.org iNdiCe del volume N. 13 -Terza serie -CX dalla fondazione -Gennaio/dicembre 2018 EditorialE loreNzo boNGirolami il terzo settore: una forza tranquilla per il bene comune .

Shakespeare, Hamlet 5,2 Das erste Elegienbuch des Tibull endet mit einem kurzen Gebet an eine Göttin, die als Pax alma angesprochen und deren Aussehen in wenigen Worten so charakterisiert wird (Tibull 1,10,67-68): At nobis, Pax alma, veni spicamque teneto perfluat et pomis candidus ante sinus. Komm aber, nährender Frieden, zu uns, in den Händen Getreide, Übervoll vor Dir von Obst, glänzend, der Bausch des Gewandes. 1

This paper proposes a four-layer model for the origin and semantic evolution of the Greek mythological name Κύκνος (Kyknos), classically identified with the "swan." Drawing on Indo-European linguistics, pre-Greek substrate morphology, and classical reception studies, the analysis argues that Kyknos is a hybrid formation-an Indo-European (IE) root (*ḱwṓn-> κύων, "dog") embedded within a pre-Greek onomatopoetic and reduplicative structure (ky-kyn-os). The paper provides phonological justification for the "silenced" vowel (via Greek syncope and haplology) and traces a semantic trajectory from "savage hound" to "swan" through Ovid's Metamorphoses. The study illustrates how substrate phonology, inherited roots, and poetic reinterpretation can converge in a single mythic name, revealing deep strata of cultural and linguistic contact in early Greek onomastics.

The 2024 excavation campaign at the Lucanian sanctuary of Rossano di Vaglio reopened investigations on a site of primary importance for the study of indigenous religiosity and the transformations associated with Romanization. Research focused on three main areas (Rooms V and VI, and trench M-6), with the aim of clarifying the architectural, functional, and ritual dynamics of the sacred complex. Stratigraphic investigations revealed a complex building  sequence,  marked  by  multiple  phases  of  renovation  and  adaptation,  including  consolidation works against geotechnical pressures. Particularly noteworthy are the data from area M-6, where the abandonment of a paved zone flanked by Oscan inscriptions is documented  through  obliteration  layers  composed  of  burnt  and  secondary  architectural  materials, possibly intended for remelting or lime production. Archaeometric analyses of plaster and limestone fragments support the hypothesis of abruptly interrupted productive activities,  perhaps  due  to  a  catastrophic  event.  Overall,  the  data  suggest  a  complex transition  –  punctuated  by  episodes  of  acceleration  –  toward  the  abandonment  of  the  sacred site, likely linked to the transfer of the cult of Mefitis and territorial reorganization during the Imperial period

PUNTA CAMPANELLA E IL GOLFO DI NAPOLI: NUOVE RICERCHE
3 luglio 2025 PALAZZO RAJA Via Annunziata, n. 4
GIOVANNA STAIANO
SERGIO FIORENTINO
STEFANO RUOCCO
MARIANO NUZZO
TERESA ELENA CINQUANTAQUATTRO
CARLO RESCIGNO
ROSANNA DE CANDIA
LUCA DI FRANCO
ANNA ANGUISSOLA
ANTONIO BIANCO

L'introduzione ha ripercorso quasi mezzo secolo di attività, ricordando incontri memorabili come quelli con il compianto socio Giorges Vallet e i ragazzi di Massa, o la visita alla canonica dove Antonio Bianco ha iniziato a studiare i reperti provenienti dalla Zancani Montoro. Un caloroso omaggio è stato rivolto a tutti gli amici che hanno contribuito a costruire questa eredità, portando avanti con passione le attività dell'Archipolo.

4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) Toute exploitation commerciale par des tiers nécessite l'accord préalable de la maison d'édition. Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a répertorié cette publication dans la Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; les données bibliographiques détaillées peuvent être consultées sur Internet à l'adresse .

Open access: https://schwabe.ch/langues-et-institutions-en-italie-meridionale-978-3-7965-5186-4

Langues et institutions en Italie méridionale À l' époque hellénistique, deux aires culturelles et linguistiques s' étendent entre Rome et la Grande-Grèce : l' osque et la messapienne. Dans l' une comme dans l' autre, deux phénomènes vont de pair dès la fin du IV e siècle avant notre ère : la diffusion de l' épigraphie et l' essor de structures étatiques de type civique. Le présent volume propose d' étudier conjointement ces changements. Sans présupposer une unité forte à l' échelle de la régiondu moins avant la généralisation de la citoyenneté romaine au début du I er siècle-, l' ouvrage fait le pari d' examiner de manière coordonnée les réponses que les populations osques et messapiennes ont apportées aux défis qui se posaient à elles dans le contexte nouveau de l' Italie médiorépublicaine.

Bantia ad Oppido sono oscure: pare che il reperto dovette essere trafugato non certo per il suo valore storico-documentale, bensí per il prezzo del metallo, finendo, come tale, per arricchire una tomba di qualche abbiente defunto della vicina Oppido. Il ritrovamento componeva tre distinti frammenti piú corposi e qualche altro pezzettino, che solo in segui-degli altri frammenti epigrafici scoperti e conservati piú o meno fortunosamente, dalla Sicilia a Venezia 2 . La cui analisi comparata mi pare obbligato fu attribuito alla Tabula. La sua pubblicazione suscitò l'interesse degli studiosi fin dal primo momento, tanto da spingere il Museo archeologico di Napoli ad acquistarla, pare per 400 scudi. Due dei frammenti furono pubblicati da F. Avellino, nella Dissertatio isagogica (p. 38). Uno di questi due frammenti si trova ancora oggi nel Museo Nazionale di Napoli (provenendo dall'omonimo Museo borbonico, dove era stato conservato, a differenza dell'altro offerto all'Accademia Ercolanense e mai consegnato). Nel 1967 Adamesteanu e Torelli scoprirono e pubblicarono un ulteriore frammento. Da ultimo il Torelli ha posto in relazione con la Tabula un frammento scoperto in tempi piú recenti, da lui pubblicato e commentato: M. TORELLI, Una nuova epigrafe di Bantia e la cronologia dello statuto municipale bantino, in Atheneum, LXVII, 1983, 252-257. 2 Di essi vorrei citare, per una visione di assieme, i piú rilevanti: Le Tabulae Iguvinae, considerate «il monumento principale della lingua e della civiltà degli Umbri» (Cosí G. DEVOTO, Gli antichi italici 4 , Firenze, 1969, 13), vendute il 25 agosto del 1456 ai rappresentanti della città di Gubbio e consistenti in sette tavole di bronzo in caratteri latini ed in caratteri dichiarati "ignoti", delle quali due, custodite, secondo quanto dichiarato nel 1673 dal giureconsulto Antonio Concioli, da 133 anni nell'Arsenale di Venezia e poi mai piú riviste. Probabilmente furono trovate "in un sotterraneo ornato di mosaici, presso il Teatro Romano" (A. CONCIOLI, Status Civitatis Eugubii, 1 a ed., 1673; 2 a ed., 1685, Macerata, cap. 2). Di queste tavole vi furono diverse edizioni; ma solo nel 1723 si ebbe un'edizione completa, ritenuta definitiva, ad opera di Thoma Dempster, che la presentò nel suo De Etruria Regali, scritto a Pisa tra il 1616 ed il 1619, ma pubblicato solo nel 1723. Esse erano in etrusco e latino ed avevano un contenuto religioso. Sono sette tavole bronzee, concernenti complessi cerimoniali di lustrazione ed espiazione della città. Un'iscrizione in lingua osca portata a Messina nel 283 a.C., da mercenari Mamertini reduci da Siracusa, pubblicata solo nel 1604 a Venezia, nella Istoria Siciliana di Giuseppe Buonfiglio e ricostruita, nelle parti mancanti, da copie rinvenute successivamente. L'iscrizione conteneva le parole meddices e mamertino, ma era in greco. Cippo Abellano, che in ben 60 righe conservava nella lingua osca un trattato intervenuto tra le città di Nola e di Abella. Reso noto nel 1750, era stato trovato cinque anni prima dal padre Stefano Remondini, il quale lo aveva riconosciuto in una soglia di una porta dove soffriva "il danno del calpestío degli uomini non solo ma ancor de' carri". Spedito dal Remondini all'abate Passeri a Pesaro fu da questi pubblicato nelle Memorie della Società Colombaria, nel 1752. Ebbe due successive edizioni ad opera dello scopritore Remondini, nel 1757 e nel 1760 (Sul punto v. G. DEVOTO, Gli antichi italici, cit., 15, il quale si basa su T. MOMMSEN, Die Unteritalischen Dialekte, Leipzi, 1850, 121 s.). 15 ulteriori iscrizioni e le scritte di una trentina di monete, le quali sono testimoniate nel Saggio sulla lingua etrusca e su altre antiche d'Italia, pubblicato nel 1789 dall'abate Luigi Lanzi. Tabula Veliterna, lamina di bronzo di solo 4 righe in osco. Da essa traspare un ca-

The aim of this paper is to study the development of Oscan epigraphy carved on stone between the third and first centuries bc, which is when the majority of these inscriptions were produced. The evolution of Oscan stone inscriptions is comparable to that of contemporary Latin and Greek epigraphy, and the most noteworthy features of its development are the choice of the best types of stone for carving inscriptions; the design of lapidary alphabets; the gradual development of abbreviations; and, finally, the use of a wider variety of types of support, better carving methods, more complex models, and interpunctions.

MYRTIA. Rev. de F i l o l o g i a C l á s i c a de l a Univ. de M u r c i a . 1988. UNA NOTA SOBRE LA FLEXION NOMINAL OSCO-UMBRA' O. T a l y como nos es conocida en dpoca h f l e x i b n nominal d e l osco y d e l umbro, s u s t a n c i a l m e n t e ambos d i a l e c t o s , p r e s e n t a una i m p o r t a n t e amalgama de innovaciones que l a i n d i v i d u a l i z a en gran medida s t b r i c a , l a l a misma en arcaísmos e f r e n t e a l p r o t o t i p o o r i g i n a r i o y f r e n t e a l a de l a lengua que l e es mas cercana, e l l a t i n . J u n t o a l a p e r v i v e n c i a de arcaismos de v i e j a raigambre indoeuropea, desaparecidos de l a f l e x i b n l a t i n a en una dpoca a n t e r i o r a l más a n t i g u o de l o s t e x t o s a n u e s t r a d i s p o s i c i b n , conviven formas innovadas cuyo c a r a c t e r r e c i e n t e en l a h i s t o r i a de e s t a rama d e l i t á l i c o puede asegurarse. Citemos e n t r e l o s primeros, t a n s b l o a t i t u l o de ejemplo, l a o p o s i c i b n de l o s temas en -eh, de a2 un n o m i n a t i v o -ehz ( > -2 > a , o. <Ú>, <U>, < o > , < u > , c f . v Í Ú , según se ha c o n s t i t u i d o ya en norma h a b i t u a l , l o s t d r m i nos oscos y umbros en a l f a b e t o p r o p i o son t r a n s c r i t o s , según l a s convenciones usuales, en mayúsculas; se u t i 1 i z a , a su vez, l a s minúsculas p a r a aquel l a s p a l a b r a s e s c r i t a s en a l f a b e t o l a t i n o . La numeracibn, apuntada t a n s610 cuando se t r a t a de formas de e s p e c i a l i n t e r d s o r e l e v a n c i a , es hecha según E . VETTER, e l b e r g , 1953 en l o que se r e f i e r e a osco, d i a l e c t o menores y umbro (con l a excepcibn d e l umbro de l a s Tabulae I g u u i n a e , que es c i t a d o según l a numeracibn acostumbrada de Bstas. A l mismo tiempo, l o s manuales y obras generales son c i t a d o s según l a s convenciones; a s í , PL. 1 , PL. 11: R . V . PLANTA, Grammatik d e r Oskisch-Umbrischen D i a l e k t e . 2 Bde, S t r a s s b u r g , 1892-1897, r e p r . 1973; BUCK CH D. BUCK, A Grammar o f Oscan and Umbrian, Boston 1904, r e p r . 1979; BOTTIGLIONI: G. BOTTIGLIONI, Manuale d e i d i a l e t t i i t a l i c i , Bologna, 1954, e t c . 2 ~s t a ha s i d o , a l menos, l a t h e o r i a r e c e p t a ( v i d . P1. 1 p. 78, Buck, p. 30, B o t t i g l i o n i , p. 25; v i d . ahora, G. MEISER, Lautgesc h i c h t e d e r umbrischen Sprache, I n n s b r u c k , 1986, p. 4 4 ) , aun cuando l a h i p b t e s i s de M. LEJEUNE, "Sur l e t r a i t e m e n t osque de *-a f i n a l " ,

This volume is one of the main outcomes of the PEAI Project: Public Epigraphy in Ancient Italy, III–I BC. The project focuses on public inscriptions in ancient Italy, particularly from the 3rd to the 1st century BC. It was during the 3rd century BC that Italy came under Rome’s political sphere of influence, and then after the Bellum Sociale, in the early 1st century BC, equal rights were given to both Italics and Romans through the concession of Roman citizenship in conjunction with the process of municipalization. Surprisingly, the majority of epichoric inscriptions –Etruscan, Messapic, Oscan and Umbrian– date from the period after the Roman conquest of Italy: the development of monumental Oscan epigraphy took place then, while the majority of Etruscan funerary inscriptions date to the period between the second Punic war and the first half of the 1st century BC. The volume explores how both classical and epichoric epigraphy developed simultaneously in the same region and cities, though they have typically been studied separately.

The display of writing was the specific object of study, or in other words, inscriptions located in public spaces such as squares, sanctuaries and necropolises which underwent a significant process of monumentalization during this period. These texts were placed in busy social spaces and were clearly composed to attract the attention of the maximum number of readers. Displaying inscriptions in public places, which became a feature of Roman society above all during the early imperial period, was the most important medium of social communication and it became a prominent cultural practice that has been termed as «epigraphic habit», «epigraphic culture», and «monumental writing». The latter expressions are the outcome of a new conceptual approach to epigraphic studies that not only addresses inscriptions as a source of philological and historical data, but also as a cultural phenomenon and a means of social communication worthy of study in its own right. The display of epigraphy required a public space and implied a potential public whose development would have been linked to the spread of literacy, the emergence of specific political forms –such as the fierce political competition that emerged during the final centuries of the Roman republic– and, in addition, social factors, such as the social promotion of freedmen and their wish to leave a testimony of their social status in funerary epigraphy. The qualifying term, «public», does not imply that inscriptions of this kind were necessarily official ones, in the sense of texts produced by political communities or their magistrates. «Public» refers to texts displayed in a public place, such as forums, sanctuaries or necropolises, whereby they were accessible to a high number of potential readers. In other words, the accessibility provided by a public space is the common feature. Consequently, these public texts could be commissioned by private individuals, as was the case for the vast majority of the inscriptions found in necropolises and sanctuaries. The inscribed sepulchral monuments located alongside roads and the inscribed monumental ex-votos installed in places of worship testify to the fact that these inscriptions were intended to attract the maximum number of readers. This aim is clearly demonstrated by epitaphs that addressed passers-by with a range of striking formulas, inviting them to stop and give the epigraphic text, which was often in verse, an attentive reading; the most renowned of these texts has been chosen as the title for this volume: siste et lege.

Si è notato come negli ultimi decenni si siano arricchite le nuove strumentazioni tecnologiche tali per cui la prospettiva circa la classicità è mutata radicalmente, non più esterna al progresso meccanologico e tecno-scientifico ma, consapevole delle sue potenzialità, ha iniziato ad affacciarsi ai nuovi metodi di decodifica testuale e trascrizione epigrafico-papirologica. Scopo di questo contributo è sincretizzare i progetti e gli studia in atto cercando di abbracciare la papirologia e l'epigrafia, direzionando la ricerca verso gli sviluppi della "transemantizzazione" odierna della filologia grazie alla IA. transcript e nella decodifica: il caso del progetto BRIDGING THE <GAP> e le competenze digitali. Recentemente, nel 2022, il progetto di Alice Bencivenni-Marta Fogagnolo 1 ha proposto uno studio delle scritture antiche in tema di competenze digitali. Il progetto per esteso appare come Bridging the in ancient writing cultures: ENhance COmpetences in the Digital Era (ENCODE), promosso dall'Alma Mater Studiorum, Università di Bologna dal dipartimento di Storia Culture Civiltà. Di durata triennale (2020-2023) propone una rete interateneo con la partecipazione

I am the first one who compared so many alphabets/signs to each other that are from different parts of the world. There are so many common "signs" between those different languages, cultures, places, peoples. I am showing my startling conclusions! It is about Glozel, Futhark Runes, Kharoshthi, Kurmali, LinearA, LinearB, Oscan, Camunic, Ancient Iberian Scripts, Issyk, Etruscan, Old Hungarian, Türk Script and their similar/same signs.

In copertina Statua di un togato proveniente dal sito archeologico di Rudiae per gentile concessione dei Prof. Francesco D'Andria e Katia Mannino Sullo sfondo: Affresco, proveniente dal peristilio di una domus pompeiana, relativo alla rissa del 59 d.C., nell'anfiteatro di Pompei, tra Pompeiani e Nocerini (Napoli, Museo Archeologico Nazionale).

On 25 March 2023, 110th anniversary of the Dinu Adamesteanu’s birth, in Potenza the National Archaeological Museum dedicated to whom, organized a celebration. The Romanian scholar was the first Lucan archaeologist superintendent (1964-1977). He investigated the Greek colonies of Siris/Herakleia and Metapontum along the Jonian coast and the indigenous settlements in Northern Basilicata, inhabited by peoples named “anellenici”. In this territory his main archaeological research was the excavation of the sanctuary dedicated to the deity Mefitis at Rossano di Vaglio, dating back to the Lucanian period (4th-3rd cent BC), and then witness of the Roman conquest (2nd-1st cent BC). The investigation involved geological issues, the architectural structures and the liturgical in￾struments to reconstruct the rituals, which took place in this sanctuary

Il primo incontro della IV edizione di ArcheoAperiMusica, svoltosi domenica 5 maggio 2024 al Museo Archeologico della Penisola Sorrentina "Georges Vallet", ha riscosso un grande successo. Il nuovo format, ideato per illustrare il museo e le sue peculiarità in modo più coinvolgente, ha conquistato il pubblico presente.

e)pro-'boar' is exclusively found in Italic *apro-. This form is continued by L. aper, U. (acc. pl.) apruf/ABROF. In addition, it is probably contained in the Sabellic or Venetic pseudo-gentilic name APROFENNIO (dat.), APROFENNIVS (CIL III, 1958, 2182, 2183, Solin/Salona, Dalmatia), APROFIN[IVS] (CIL XIV, 3653, Tivoli/Tibur, Latium et Campania), C APRVFENIO(S) (CIL I, 383, Fermo/Firmum Picenum,. In my view, APROFENNIVS is a governing compound meaning 'boar killer/hunter'. The root *g u̯ h en-'to kill' is otherwise only found in L. fendō 'to strike', probably from a secondary root *g u̯ h en-d h h1-/-dh3-. APROFENNIVS is accordingly the first Italic but non-Latin attestation of this root. While it could be argued that <NN> points to original -nd-, it is much more likely to preserve the unenlarged form of the root. Similar compounds, in which the first member equally denotes an animal, a (male) human being, or a monster, are Skt. vr̥ tra-han-(the epithet of Indra in the RgVeda), Gk. ἀνδρο-φόνος, σῠο-φόνος, -ον 'boar-slaying' (of a spear, Euripides, Fr. 495, 29); καπρο-φόνος 'killing wild boars' (of a dog, AP 9, 83), Early Brittonic TASCIOVAN[OS], king of the Catuvellauni 'badge slayer' (on coins), etc. This compositional mechanism undoubtedly created divine and heroic names already present in early Indo-European mythology. "Central Italic" onomastics virtually eliminated this kind of compounds, which, together with the lack of word -medial syncope, points to the Venetic origin of APROFENNIVS. Von Planta (1897: 45), however, contended that APROFENNIVS contained a derivative *aprofo-, endowed with the suffix *-b h o-that typically forms animal names. He further

A statue of Heracles with an Oscan inscription has been read:

núviiúí úpsiiuí
pr miínatuí úht
herek(l)úí brateí(s)

However, there are many reasons to think some of these readings are wrong.  It was not written well, with shallow marks, which deteriorate as it goes on.  Other problems include white paint added in an attempt at restoration of the letters.  I agree with many of the recent changes in reading (Estarán 2017), and all of them seem to fit the context.  She also considered the last word, the most difficult to read, likely an epithet of Herakles.  If the possible restoration of brateí to Clkiteí is right, it would create herek(l)úí [a]l[ki]teí (an adaptation of G. Alkeídēs).  This would make the most sense, since having a known name of H. on a representation of H. seems better than theorizing about a previously unknown Oscan name for him.

All nouns/names here are in the dative.  If pr > pr(u) is right, it being found between 2 names in the dative makes it likely it governed both.  For this type, it would make sense if there was 1 name in the nom. who made/gave the statue, 1 or more names in the dat. (of younger men/boys) for whom it was done, and 1 god/hero it was dedicated to.  If this was bought as a gift for 2 younger brothers, cousins, or sons, the poor attempt at writing could be due to a young man or inexperienced writer quickly preparing it for a gift.  Even if he intended to put his own name at the end, the problems with trying to form all the words (and/or space) would have made it simple to leave it off, since they’d know who the gift was from.  Together:


Oscan bronze Hercules:

núviiúí úpsiiuí
pr(u) miínatuí úpsi(iuí)
herek(l)úí [a]l[ki]teí

‘to Heracles Alcides, on behalf of Novis Opsis (&) Minaz Opsis’

Novios Opsios = Novis Opsis
Miinatus Opsios = Minaz Opsis


This also should be considered in context.  Heracles was half-god and had a mortal half-brother, Iphikles, who later died.  This is exactly the same as the story of the Divine Twins (Castor and Pollux).  Other aspects of his myths resemble older IE (skin of a lion and a club like Rostam’s leopard skin and mace; like Lleu Llaw Gyffes he received a name from or based on a woman who hated him).  In this way, his names could be old and found in other IE.  Although I’m certain [a]l[ki]teí here is directly < G. Alkeídēs, the fact that Heracles was supposedly originally named Alkeídēs (or Alkaîos) ties into other Italic evidence.  The IE Divine Twins / horse-twins were known by many names:  *H2alk- >> Celtic Alci, *pH2al- >> S. Palici, L. Palēs ‘pair who protect flocks/herds’, etc.  These are likely also the source of the Venetic names alkomnom et lonśikos ‘Alkomnom-and-Lonśikos’ on an inscription on a kantharos from Este, likely votive (Whalen 2024b).

alkomnomeθlonśikosenoxenesvilkenishorvionθetonasan
>>
alkomnom et lonśikos enogenes vilkenis horeionte donasan

‘Alkomnom-and-Lonśikos:  the Vilkenis family gave (this to them) willingly’

which makes 3 lines of 7 syllables.  These names mean :

Alkomnos ‘strong / valorous’, G. alkḗ ‘strength/prowess/courage/valor/protection’

Lonśikos ‘archer’, OBg. lǫkŭ ‘bow’ Li. leñkti ‘bow / bend’

it seems they represent the Divine Twins (archer and fighter/boxer ).


The spelling miínatuí seems to help understand the origin of *minwyos- ‘less’ > L. minor, neu. minus.  The *nw seems needed for weak *minwis- > Gmc. *minni(za)-z > Go. adv. mins ‘less’, adj. minniza ‘smaller / less’, ON minnr / miðr, OE min ‘small’, etc.  This also helps explain how LB me-wi-jo / me-wu-jo ‘less’ was influenced by *plewiyoh- ‘more’ (*nw is more similar to *w than *n alone, providing more of a reason for full “rhyme”).  If not in PIE, *nw was analogy from G. minúthō ‘lessen / become smaller / decrease’, mínuntha ‘short-lived’, L. minuō ‘lessen’, minūtus, etc.  How *nwy would change in Italic is not certain, but I think the best way to account for the data is *nwy > *nyy; then (either only here for *-inyy- or all *-Vnyy-, no other ex.), metathesis to create *miynyos-; then dissim. *y-y > *y-0 in *miynos-.  There is no other good way to account for *y disappearing here, and this sequence allows the odd V’s to be explained at the same time.  With no other ex. of PItalic *iyC, there is no reason not to think *iy > i in L. and *iy > i / ií in O. were regular.


Though I’m fairly sure this reading is right, due to the many problems, I want to consider all possibilities.  If only brateí would need emendation to Crateí, then [k]rateí ‘strong’ (an adaptation of G. kratús with -e- in most cases) might also work.

Arias Abellán, C. (ed.) 2006. Latin vulgaire-Latin tardif, VII. Actes du VIIème Colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif (Collección Actas, 54). Seville, Universidad de Sevilla. 572 p. Pr. € 25.00. Th e triennial Late and Vulgar Latin Conferences, initiated by József Herman in 1985, have led to a series of well-known and widely cited conference proceedings. Like its predecessors, this volume is intended to deal with late and vulgar Latin in all its aspects. It contains forty-four contributions (I exclude the introduction from this count); fifteen of these are in Spanish, thirteen in French, six in English, five in Italian, and five in German. Given this number of articles, I cannot discuss each of them in detail, but will restrict myself to brief comments and a more general judgment at the end of this review. Several papers concern methodology and other general topics. Molinelli argues that instead of talking about soldiers' Latin, Christian Latin, and so on, every text ought to be classified according to its provenance, its sociolect, its closeness to the spoken language (e.g. Augustine's sermons versus his other works), and its genre. Mańczak poses an old question: did archaic Latin develop into two distinct varieties, classical Latin and vulgar Latin, or did vulgar Latin originate from classical Latin? In other words, when did diglossia begin? Mańczak, looking at phonology and morphology, comes to the conclusion that vulgar Latin originates from the classical language. In my opinion, the problem is not so simple. Every language has different registers at all stages of its history, and there must have been an archaic vulgar Latin as well. It is probably true that there was no diglossia in the classical period as far as pronunciation and morphology are concerned, just as Katharevousa is pronounced in the same way as Dhimotiki-in fact, differences in pronunciation between high and low varieties in a diglossic milieu are comparatively rare. However, it seems likely that certain syntactic features of the early colloquial registers, absent in the written language of the classical period, remained in use and resurfaced later as vulgar Latin. A case in point is the present infinitive passive instead of its future tense equivalent in the accusative and infinitive construction. Herman points out that some 'late' phenomena are actually attested early on, even if only sporadically; in particular, he looks at the well-known replacement of the accusative and infinitive by quod/quia-clauses and at the monophthongization of au, which seems to have taken place twice (cauda > coda is early, cf. the preserved [k] in French queue, but causa kept the diphthong for a long time, cf. French chose with k > š /_a). B. Adamik asks why there are so few Romance languages in the eastern half of the Roman Empire. Th e answer must be that Latin was used by the government only for internal communication, while for external communication Greek was used. In the eastern parts, 'Romaniza

The epigraphic materials relevant to members of the gens Heia in Mediterranean trade centres (especially Delos) profile the social status and cultural attitudes of a Sabellian upper class within the frame of making the Roman world. Those materials are synchronically observed in the perspective of the double identity featuring Italic individuals, who acquired the Roman citizenship, in parallel to the self-consciousness manifested by literary authors prior to the Imperial period.

The discovery of a manuscript, in the archive of the Naples Museum, whose content is a clumsy copy of a lost Oscan inscription from Anzi in Lucania, offers an opportunity to collect both onomastic and epigraphic materials relevant to the Lucanian site, including its proper name in a comparative perspective. A particular attention is paid to obscure aspects of the modern history of the pre-Roman epigraphic remains, following the impact on the Oscan-Greek scholarship and, more generally, the interpretive paths of the Oscan inscriptions.

A manuscript, preserved in the Museo Archeologico in Naples, discloses a new fragmentary Oscan inscription from Anzi (ancient Anxia) in Lucania. The inscribed stone, after being copied, got lost since early 19th century. The new text is likely to belong to a funerary inscription, where personal names, relevant to an individual, and terms for public officers (of Roman origin) are recognizable. The list of public offices is reminiscent of the cursus honorum, common in 2nd century BCE Latin, Faliscan and Etruscan sepulchral inscriptions, whilst the personal names are comparable with the Oscan onomastics from the sanctuary of Rossano di Vaglio.

Marion Bolder-Boos Der Krieg und die Liebe-Untersuchungen zur römischen Venus Zusammenfassung: In der ausgehenden römischen Republik gehörte die Göttin Venus zu Roms bedeutendsten Gottheiten: sowohl Sulla als auch Pompeius hatten sie zu ihrer persönlichen Schutzgöttin erkoren, und Caesar feierte sie als seine göttliche Stammmutter. Die enorme Popularität der Venus wird oftmals mit ihrer Rolle als Mutter des Aeneas, dessen Mythos durch den zunehmenden Kontakt der Römer mit den Griechen im Verlauf des 2. Jh.s v. Chr. immer mehr an Bedeutung gewann, in Verbindung gebracht. Die römische Venus besaß jedoch auch Qualitäten, die sich von denen ihres griechischen Gegenparts, Aphrodite, deutlich unterschieden. Neben Verbindungen zu Liebe und Sexualität offenbart Venus etwa heilende Kräfte, die sie in die Nähe altitalischer Göttinnen wie Mefitis, Cloacina oder Libitina rücken. Auch kriegerische Charakterzüge sind nachweisbar. Im Folgenden sollen diese verschiedenen Züge der römischen Venus in republikanischer Zeit eingehender untersucht werden, um die Komplexität dieser bedeutenden Göttin zu erklären, die nicht nur durch griechische und etruskische, sondern auch italische und orientalische Einflüsse geprägt war, und die keinesfalls eine reine "Göttin der Liebe" darstellte. Summary: By the end of the Roman Republic the goddess Venus was one of Rome's most prominent deities: patron goddess of Sulla and Pompey, and divine ancestress of Caesar. The enormous success of Venus is often explained with her role as mother of Aeneas, who became increasingly important through the Romans' intensifying contact with the Greek world during the second century B. C. E. However, Roman Venus possessed qualities which do not correspond with those of her Greek counterpart Aphrodite. Apart from being connected to love and sexuality, she displays healing powers which link her to Italic goddesses such as Mefitis, Cloacina or Libitina, as well as a quite belligerent character. This paper seeks to explore these very different traits of Roman Venus in Republican times, trying to explain her complexity by analysing not only Greek and Etruscan, but also Italic and Near Eastern influences which may lead to a better understanding of this powerful Roman goddess who was by no means a mere "goddess of love".

Víctor A. Torres González, Los duunviros quinquenales de la Hispania romana: reflexiones sobre los testimonios de los magistrados locales con potestad censoria Enrique Melchor Gil, El patronato cívico en las ciudades del Occidente romano en época altoimperial: ¿crisis o renovación del sistema? .

Seit meinem ersten Versuch, aus dem Verlauf der frühen Grabungen und der Lo kalisierung der Funde zu einer Deutung der Bauten im Bereich des sogenannten Forums von Herkulaneum zu kommen,1 wurden mehrere Dokumente aus dem 18. Jahrhundert bekannt, die ein Wiederaufgreifen dieser Probleme sinnvoll erschei nen lassen. Neuere Untersuchungen haben Ergänzungen und Korrekturen beige tragen,2 die in Verbindung mit den Dokumenten Präzisierungen und Erweiterun gen der damaligen Aussagen erlauben. Den wichtigsten Beitrag liefern zwei jeweils in doppelter Ausführung überlieferte Pläne im Neapler Staatsarchiv, deren Kenntnis ich Carlo Franciosi verdanke, und die inzwischen in einer Publikation des Staatsarchivs über die archivalischen Quel len zur Grabungsgeschichte allgemein bekannt gemacht worden sind.3 Beide Pläne stammen von dem französischen Ingenieur Pierre Bardet de Villeneuve, der die Ausgrabungen in Herkulaneum von 1741 bis 1745 leitete.4 Es handelt sich um ei nen Grundriss der sogenannten Basilika mit einem Aufriss der nordwestlichen In nenwand, einmal mit französischer, einmal mit spanischer Beschriftung5 (Abb. 7), sowie um einen Teil des Stadtplans, ebenfalls in doppelter Ausführung, aber in beiden Fällen mit französischer Beschriftung.6 (Abb. 1 a,b) Bardets Stadtplan zeigt das Theater sowie die sogenannte Basilika zusammen mit den beiden gegenüber liegenden Gebäuden, ausserdem den "decumanus maximus" mit den an der Nordost-Seite angrenzenden Häusern und die Palästra mit den noch nicht wieder ausgegrabenen, an der Bergseite anschliessenden Gebäuden. Das obere Geschoss der Palästra ist auf einem aufgeklebten Blatt wiedergegeben, das Untergeschoss wird sichtbar, wenn man dieses Blatt umklappt. Die auf Bar dets Plan dargestellten Teile der Stadt waren zum Teil bereits bekannt; einige da von wurden bei den neuen Ausgrabungen von Amadeo Maiuri freigelegt.7 Die Grundrisse des Theaters und der drei Gebäude am Forum waren durch die franzö sischen Architekten Cochin und Bellicard bereits 1754 erstmals publiziert wor den.8 (Abb. 8) Der gesamte von Bardet wiedergegebene Komplex findet sich auch Die hier vorgelegte Untersuchung wurde ermög licht durch die grosszügige Unterstützung der Soprintendenza alle antichitä, der Biblioteca della societä napoletana di storia patria und des Archivio di stato in Neapel. Ihnen sei an dieser Stelle herzlich gedankt. Ausserdem bin ich Stefania