Political Campaigns

Bu çalışma, grafik tasarım eğitimi kapsamında reklam kampanyası tasarım
süreçlerini kuramsal bir çerçevede incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Günümüz
iletişim ortamında reklam kampanyaları; hedef kitle analizi, strateji geliştirme,
yaratıcı fikir üretimi ve mecra planlama aşamalarını içeren çok aşamalı tasarım
süreçleri olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Bu kapsamda araştırmada reklam
kavramı ve kampanya oluşturma aşamaları, grafik tasarım üretim süreçleriyle
ilişkilendirilerek değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışma, nitel araştırma yaklaşımı
temelinde literatür incelemesi ve betimsel analiz yöntemi kullanılarak
yürütülmüştür. Reklam kampanyalarının basılı, açıkhava, hareketli ve dijital
mecralarda nasıl yeniden üretildiği incelenmiş; tipografi, renk, kompozisyon
ve görsel hiyerarşi gibi temel tasarım unsurlarının reklam iletişimindeki işlevi
analiz edilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgular, grafik tasarımın reklam kampanyası
süreçlerinde salt biçimsel düzenleme ile açıklanamayacağını; araştırma, strateji
geliştirme ve mecra odaklı düşünmeyi içeren bütüncül bir iletişim tasarımı
alanı olarak ele alınması gerektiğini göstermektedir. Reklam kampanyası
tasarım süreçlerinin grafik tasarım eğitimi içinde bütünlüklü biçimde
değerlendirilmesi, tasarım öğrencilerinin stratejik düşünme, mecra uyarlama
ve kavramsal üretim becerilerinin gelişimine katkı sağlamaktadır. Bu çalışma,
grafik tasarım eğitimi bağlamında reklam kampanyası tasarımının kuramsal
ve mesleki önemine odaklanmaktadır.

Öz: Günümüzde bilgisayar destekli tasarım ve animasyon programlarının teknik olanakları sayesinde hareketli olarak tasarlanan afişler, yaygın olarak kullanılmaktadır. Grafik tasarımın hareket unsuru ile birleşimiyle tasarlanan hareketli afişlerin sahip olduğu dinamizm, mesajı hedef kitleye oldukça dikkat çekici bir şekilde ileterek iletişimi güçlendirmektedir. Afişlerde yer alan hareketli ve hareketsiz öğelerin bir arada uyumlu ve dengeli tasarlanması, mesajın hedef kitleye iletilmesi açısından önem taşımaktadır. Hareketli afişlerin üretim sürecinde de denge, vurgu, ritim, hiyerarşi gibi grafik tasarım ilkelerine uygunluğu göz önünde bulundurulmaktadır. Tiyatro afişleri, sahnelenen bir eserin hedef kitleye duyurulmasını sağlayan bir grafik tasarım ürünüdür. Çocuk izleyici kitlesine sahip olan çocuk tiyatrosu hem eğlendirici hem de eğiticidir. Çocuk oyunlarının içeriğinin yanında, afiş tasarımlarının da çocuğa görelik ilkelerine ve çocuk gerçekliğine uygun olması gerekmektedir. Grafik tasarımcı, çocuğa göre bir afiş tasarlayabilmek için, çocukların gelişim özelliklerini ve beğenilerini yakından tanımalıdır. Bu araştırmada; tiyatro, çocuk izleyici kitlesinin özellikleri ve afiş tasarım unsurları üzerine literatür taraması yapılmış ve çocuk tiyatrosu afişlerinin tasarımlarında bulunması gereken özellikler belirlenmiştir. Elde edilen Kesit Akademi Dergisi - 4 www.kesitakademi.com 589 Alman Schauburg Tiyatrosu Çocuk Oyunu Hareketli Afişlerinin Grafik Tasarım … bulgular ışığında, Alman Schauburg Tiyatrosu çocuk oyunlarının hareketli afiş tasarımları; grafik tasarım ilkelerine göre incelenmiştir. Özgün ve ortak bir tasarım diline sahip olduğu görülen bu bir dizi hareketli afişte; görsel, tipografik ve hareketli unsurların kullanımı, grafik tasarımın temel ilkeleri açısından ele alınmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Afiş, çocuk tiyatro oyunu afişleri, grafik tasarım, hareketli afiş tasarımı, Schauburg tiyatrosu.

Tugasan ini memerlukan penghasilan satu poster kempen pilihan raya digital bagi calon Barisan nasional (BN) kawasan Kimanis, Sabah iaitu Datuk Mohamad bin Hj alamin. Poster ini ireka bentuk menggunakan platform Canva dengan menerapkan model Pengetahuan, Sikap dan Amalan (KAP) sebagai teras komunikasi kempen

Tugasan ini membincangkan penghasilan sebuah poster kempen pilihan raya digital bertemakan “Undi Bijak, Masa Depan Kita”. Kempen ini bertujuan meningkatkan kesedaran masyarakat, khususnya golongan belia, tentang kepentingan menjadi pengundi yang berpengetahuan, bertanggungjawab dan aktif dalam proses demokrasi. Penghasilan poster ini berasaskan model Pengetahuan, Sikap dan Amalan (KAP) bagi memastikan mesej yang disampaikan bukan sahaja memberi maklumat tetapi turut mempengaruhi sikap serta tindakan masyarakat. Elemen pengetahuan diterapkan melalui galakan untuk memahami manifesto calon dan menyemak kesahihan maklumat. Elemen sikap pula menekankan tanggungjawab sebagai pengundi dan penghormatan terhadap perbezaan pandangan politik. Seterusnya, elemen amalan diterapkan melalui seruan untuk keluar mengundi dan mendapatkan maklumat daripada sumber yang sahih. Penggunaan reka bentuk yang ringkas, visual berkaitan pilihan raya dan warna patriotik membantu meningkatkan keberkesanan penyampaian mesej kempen kepada khalayak sasaran.

This narrative review examines how campaign posters featuring candidate photographs influence voting behavior by synthesizing evidence from facial impression research and visual cognition. When policy information is scarce, such posters can shape voters’ first impressions (e.g., perceived competence, trustworthiness, and approachability), which may in turn affect both vote choice and voter turnout. Prior research has reported associations between facial attractiveness and trait inferences (e.g., perceived competence and trustworthiness) and candidates’ evaluations and electoral performance in information-scarce settings. The review also discusses how lighting direction and shading contrast can alter impression formation, and it identifies manipulable poster-design variables such as facial prominence (the proportion of the face in the image), facial expression, lighting, and retouching. Considering recent amendments to Japan’s Public Offices Election Act, including standardized poster specifications and decorum-related provisions, this review proposes key outcomes for future experimental and observational studies—voter turnout, vote choice, and information-seeking intent—and outlines research challenges specific to Japan.

ABSTRACT
This study explores the transformative power of rhetoric in shaping American political discourse by analysing the oratory of Martin Luther King Jr. and John F. Kennedy. Both leaders, emerging from different social positions, used distinctive rhetorical strategies that continue to influence democratic thought and practice. The objectives of this research were fourfold: to critically analyse the rhetorical strategies of King and Kennedy with respect to ethos, pathos, and logos; to examine how identity, race, religion, politics, and personal background shaped their persuasive power; to situate their speeches within the civil rights struggle, Cold War tensions, and national aspirations of 1960s America; and to compare their rhetorical legacies in influencing civil rights and political leadership. Methodologically, the study employed a qualitative comparative analysis of primary speeches alongside secondary scholarly interpretations, with attention to rhetorical devices, thematic patterns, and socio-historical context. The results reveal that King’s prophetic, moral rhetoric, rooted in biblical imagery and nonviolent philosophy, complemented Kennedy’s presidential tone of rationality, pragmatism, and aspirational nationalism. Both leaders reflected and shaped the cultural currents of their time, leaving enduring legacies that continue to inform American civil rights advocacy, political communication, and global democratic discourse.

Nunca habíamos estado tan conectados. Nunca habíamos estado tan solos.

Este libro examina una de las transformaciones más profundas y silenciosas de nuestra época: el desplazamiento de las relaciones humanas hacia el ecosistema digital, y el precio neurológico, psicológico y social que ese desplazamiento está cobrando. Desde la neuroquímica del like hasta la clínica del ghosting, desde la identidad adolescente bajo la mirada del algoritmo hasta la adicción diseñada en Silicon Valley, cada capítulo articula tres perspectivas complementarias para construir una comprensión rigurosa y profundamente humana del mundo relacional contemporáneo.

Una obra para quien quiere entender qué le está haciendo la pantalla a sus relaciones —y qué puede hacer al respecto

Empowering young decision-makers isn't just beneficial, it's essential for India's democratic future. India's youth, over 65% of the population, carry enormous potential to shape the nation's political landscape. Yet, systemic hurdles, financial struggles, and the stereotype of inexperience often sideline them from decision-making. Even so, youth activism, digital campaigns, and emerging young leaders are redefining political engagement. This paper delves into their evolving role in governance, spotlighting both challenges and breakthroughs. It highlights figures like Moji Riba in Arunachal Pradesh, Chirag Paswan's rise, and K. Annamalai's transition from IPS officer to BJP leader. Beyond elections, young voices are driving change through activism and digital platforms. To boost youth participation, the study advocates for lower candidacy age, legislative youth quotas, financial backing for young leaders, and stronger political education.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of EISA. EISA is a non-partisan organisation which seeks to promote democratic principles, free and fair elections, a strong civil society and good governance at all levels of African society. EISA gratefully acknowledges the generous financial support for this project from the German Foreign Office.

Un desafío para los estudiosos de la opinión
pública y las redes sociales es buscar las bases simbólicas de la política,
construir una teoría crítica de la política capaz de dar cobertura teórica
a los nuevos movimientos sociales, iniciativas ciudadanas y, en general,
a todas aquellas corrientes favorecedoras de la “desestatización”
de la política.

We experimentally analyze the eect of the endogenous choice of sanctioning institutions on cooperation and migration patterns across societies. In our experiment, subjects are allocated to one of two groups, are endowed with group-specic preferences, and play a public goods game for 30 periods. Each period, subjects can move between groups and, at xed intervals, can vote on whether to implement formal (centralized) sanctioning institutions in their group. We compare this environment to one in which only one group is exogenously endowed with sanctioning institutions. We nd that subjects' ability to vote on institutions leads to (i) a more ecient partition of subjects between groups, (ii) a lower migration rate, (iii) an increase in overall payos, and (iv) a decrease in both inter-and intra-groups (payo ) inequality. Over time, subjects tend to vote for sanctioning institutions and contribute to the public good.

El proceso electoral de México en el 2018 estuvo marcado por la
coyuntura de la posverdad, en la que lo racional y lo objetivo cedieron
terreno a lo emocional o las creencias formadas en los electores a
partir de medias verdades o informaciones falsas.

Urban agrarian legal conflicts in Indonesia started to arise following state land governance policies and the acceleration of land asset certification, raising questions about land rights and legal protection for long-term residents. During the 2024 Surabaya mayoral election, tensions intensified as PT Kereta Api Indonesia (PT KAI) accelerated land-asset certification, affecting residents in several urban neighbourhoods. The dispute over the legal certainty of land rights entered the electoral arena and was politicised by political elites as a strategy to mobilise support and secure electoral victory. This article examines how agrarian legal conflict is politicised as political capital and how affected residents interpret and respond to limited political choices when their right to the city is under threat. A qualitative approach was employed through field observation, document analysis, and in-depth interviews conducted in three affected sub-districts in Surabaya: Petemon, Gundih, and Pacar Keling. The analysis integrates the theory of political representation developed by Hanna Pitkin with the perspective of fiqh siyasah concerning ‘adl (justice), maslahah (public welfare), and political legitimacy as articulated by Abu al-Hasan al-Mawardi. The findings reveal three patterns of political responses among affected residents: political apathy due to weakened channels of representation; clientelistic co-optation through neighbourhood governance networks, such as RT/RW, accompanied by promises of compensation; and electoral resistance expressed through support for the empty-box option. Politicising agrarian legal conflict proved effective as political capital, leading to a procedural electoral victory. However, from a fiqh siyasah perspective, political legitimacy cannot be determined solely by electoral success but must also reflect justice and the protection of public welfare. This study contributes theoretically by employing fiqh siyasah as an analytical framework to evaluate the gap between procedural electoral victory and normative legitimacy in urban agrarian conflicts.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye Kızılay Derneği'nin 2024 yılı Kızılay Haftası kapsamında hazırladığı dört afişi eleştirel göstergebilimsel bir yaklaşımla çözümlemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Afişler, yalnızca estetik ya da bilgilendirici görsel ürünler olarak değil; kültürel, ideolojik ve duygusal anlamlar üreten söylemsel yapılar olarak ele alınmıştır. Araştırma nitel yöntemle yürütülmüş; Saussure'ün gösteren ve gösterilen modeli, Barthes'ın düz anlam, yan anlam ve mit çözümlemesi ile Peirce'ın ikon, indeks ve sembol sınıflandırması temelinde çok katmanlı bir çözümleme gerçekleştirilmiştir. Amaçlı örnekleme yöntemiyle seçilen dört afişte yer alan figür, sembol, renk, tipografi ve metinsel unsur; düz anlam ve yan anlam düzeylerinde çözümlenmiş, bu göstergelerin izleyiciyi hangi değerler etrafında konumlandırdığı incelenmiştir. Bulgular, Kızılay afişlerinin yalnızca yardım çağrısı yapan grafik tasarımlar olmadığını; gönüllülük, dayanışma, aidiyet ve kurumsal sadakat gibi değerleri doğallaştıran ideolojik anlatılar ürettiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Özellikle hilal sembolü, çocuk figürü ve duygusal sloganlar aracılığıyla birey, kurumsal yapıya duygusal bağlılık temelinde konumlandırılmakta; izleyici eleştirel bir özne olmaktan ziyade aidiyet temelli bir destekçi olarak inşa edilmektedir. Bu yönüyle çalışma, sosyal sorumluluk temalı görsel iletişim ürünlerinin yalnızca mesaj ileten araçlar değil; aynı zamanda toplumsal gerçekliği kuran, değer üreten ve kolektif hafızayı biçimlendiren ideolojik söylem alanları olduğunu göstermekte ve Türkiye bağlamında afişlerin eleştirel göstergebilimsel çözümlemesine özgün bir katkı sunmaktadır.

Social media platforms have become central arenas for election campaigning, pushing political actors to adapt to their attention‐driven logics. One prominent strategy is visual personalization, reflecting the platforms’ person‐centered, image‐driven design. This study offers the first large‐scale, cross‐national analysis of how political parties across 23 EU countries strategically employed two dimensions of visual personalization— individualization and privatization—on Facebook during the 2024 European Parliament election campaign. It examines how their digital campaign output was shaped by two party‐level factors (populist vs. non‐populist status; government vs. opposition) and two country‐level factors (electoral systems; degree of authoritarianism). Based on a manual content analysis of 14,553 posts, we find that individualization was far more common than privatization and that party‐level characteristics exerted stronger influence than country‐level contexts. Populist and governing parties used more individualization. Privatization was more prevalent among non‐populist parties and in more liberal environments. These findings challenge assumptions about populist and authoritarian communication styles and make a theoretical contribution by demonstrating that visual personalization is a multidimensional phenomenon whose specific dimensions respond differently to structural incentives. Our results underscore the need to analytically separate individualization and privatization and to account for their distinct contextual drivers when assessing political personalization in digital environments.

Judging by its plain cover, one might hold the Polish philosopher Anna‑Teresa Tymieniecka’s 1966 Why Is There Something Rather than Nothing? Prolegomena to the Phenomenology of Cosmic Creation to be but a small, esoteric Eastern European text from the Cold War days. Once cracked open, it reveals to us one of the most important hidden apertures or Borgesian bobbins of postwar phenomenology. The title iterates the great metaphysical question associated with Leibniz and Heidegger, yet with a turn of her figures Tymieniecka shifts the problem from metaphysical astonishment toward cosmic genesis and creative becoming intimated by aletheic graphe.

El capítulo analiza si el clima político populista y polarizado de México en 2024 se tradujo en expresiones de incivilidad dentro de los debates presidenciales. Desde una concepción de los debates como formatos de deliberación democrática mediada, se sostiene que éstos favorecen el voto informado, la comprensión política y el intercambio racional de argumentos, aunque el populismo contemporáneo —caracterizado por antagonismo, polarización y transgresión discursiva— podría erosionar dichas funciones. A partir de un análisis multimodal del primer debate presidencial mexicano de 2024, se examinan variables verbales y no verbales como ataques personales, lenguaje adversarial, tono hostil, expresiones faciales, gestos desafiantes y corporeidad asertiva. Los resultados muestran niveles bajos de incivilidad y una escasa presencia de ataques personales o comportamientos agresivos. Aunque la candidata oficialista exhibió mayor lenguaje agonístico de “nosotros contra ellos”, predominó en general un tono civil y relativamente positivo entre los contendientes. El capítulo concluye que, pese al contexto populista y polarizado del país, los debates mexicanos preservaron su carácter deliberativo y una tradición de civilidad política, posiblemente debido a incentivos estratégicos, restricciones institucionales y normas consolidadas de debate.

The worldwide newspaper The Times does not change its principles even in XXI century. Its managing editor George Brock (1981-2008) considers that we do not have to expect that even such a respectable newspaper as The Times will be able to maintain status quo. He states: "Every newspaper tries to change a chemical process without exploding a laboratory. A newspaper should match with society's character and a reader's taste". The Times was the first newspaper that chose this title. It was established on January 1, 1785. At that period it was named as "The Daily Universal Register". In 1788 it was renamed as "The Times of Universal Register". Later, the title was shortened and the newspaper was called simply "The Times". In 1981 The Times faced a hard period. It was losing readers and advertisement income. Namely at that period Rupert Murdoch's News International bought The Times and The Sunday Times from Thomson. The acquisition followed three weeks of intensive bargaining with the unions by company negotiators, John Collier and Bill O'Neill. After this, Murdoch made the decision to modernize The Times and save the British newspaper industry from "gloomy" Medieval darkness. Notwithstanding great competition, The Times, that is the origin of print media, still manages to be traditional and modern at the same time.

This scientific research is intended to analyze the political television spots determining the effects generated by the frames (Issue and Strategic) and discursive functions (Acclaiming, Defending and Attacking). Political spots of the campaign for governor in the state of Nuevo Leon, Mexico are analyzed.

The 2024 UK general election has been widely described as the country's first "TikTok election", reflecting the platform's growing role in political campaigning, particularly among younger audiences. This article examines how Labour and the Conservative Party adapted political communication to TikTok's platform affordances through the use of popular culture, pop culture, and digital vernaculars. Empirically, the article draws on a content analysis of 175 videos posted by both parties between 30 May and 4 July 2024. Analytically, it conceptualises these practices through the lens of cultural vernacularisation and affective orientation, focusing on the hybridisation of symbolic (message-first) and pre-symbolic (vibe-first) communication. The findings show that while both campaigns relied on cultural mediation, Labour more consistently employed humour-driven, transgressive, vibe-oriented formats, whereas Conservative content more often combined cultural framing with explicit claims, warnings, and evaluative judgements. The article argues that TikTok campaigning does not signal the erosion of political meaning, but its reconfiguration through hybrid communicative architectures in which affective orientation and symbolic articulation operate together. More broadly, the study highlights how platform-native campaigning reshapes the conditions under which political communication reaches electorates who are increasingly disengaged from traditional political channels, such as young voters. Keywords. TikTok, elections, digital campaigns, pop culture, digital vernaculars. ES Del mensaje al vibe: TikTok y la comunicación política afectiva en las elecciones británicas de 2024

This study investigates users engagement on Twitter around presidential elections. While existing studies using Twitter investigate citizen engagement in the United States, there is limited work on online citizen engagement during elections in other contexts. As a result, we draw on the 2018 election in Brazil, one of the most contentious and polarizing elections in recent history. Overall, we look at the extent to which citizens come into contact with diverse ideological perspectives, and the extent of polarization among citizens. We investigate polarization within the network of retweets, as well as the role of media on serving as a broker between polarized users. We found that, in Brazil, the right-wing political network, although more homogeneous and polarized, proved to be less cohesive than the left wing political network, which in turn was more heterogeneous, by containing the largest proportion of neutral users. In addition, we found that traditional media still plays a neutral and bridging role among polarized networks, contradicting the common sense belief that the traditional media is also politically oriented. This maybe should already be expected, after all, when the traditional media is criticized by people from both sides, in a polarized matter, it is probably because it is not serving the interest of any of them.

Sometimes under the pressure of the context we find ourselves in, other times as a result of social dynamics, and in some other situations as a natural outcome of technological evolution and transformations, communication, in all its forms, undergoes multiple changes. Viewed synchronically or diachronically, communication, especially political communication, stands out for its effervescent and fervent nature, for its rhetorical play, and for the persuasive style that (not rarely) turns the transmission of information into a spectacle. The perpetual changes and technological progress in recent decades require a thorough understanding of how political information reaches the public, influences them, and compels them to act. Thus, Antonio Momoc's research is a detailed analysis, conducted with exceptional rigor, of the current political communication context. It is an exploration of how online resources, social networks, and artificial intelligence operate, which frequently aim solely at manipulating the general public. Published in 2023, the work is of current interest as it is anchored in the reality of our times, addressing "contemporary issues and phenomena in communication studies, political science, online communication, political communication, media education, and journalism" 1 (p. 17), as the author himself states in the "Introduction". The research presents, in an explanatory manner and with an objective tone, the transformation of political journalism from being an informer and servant of the public interest into an "opinion distorter" and manipulator. Against the backdrop of the digital revolution, where the main means of communication is the internet, the author observes that profit has become the driving force of political life, which is why political communication is turning into a manifestation of populism, disinformation, and bias, assisted by algorithmsfactors that contradict and threaten the very notion of democracy and the free market. Following a coherent and demonstrative approach, the work is structured into three chapters that address "the functions and effects of communication in the socio-political domain during communication campaigns in parliamentary or presidential elections, viewed in relation to the mass media system and democratic political institutions" 2 (p. 17). Each chapter contains four subchapters, highlighting key elements of each topic. The beginning of the research provides a comprehensive overview of the concept of political communication, the relationship established between it and its mediumthe internet-, and the gradual replacement of traditional media with digital alternatives, which will lead to an alarming transformation of the actors involved, their ideas, and their desire to control the masses. The author highlights that this "pairing" of political communication and the internet generates worrying effects, as the goal is to embellish reality to influence public opinion. Since the author's approach is practical and rooted in reality, the value of the presented data is enhanced by the examples provided: political communication in the United States from the late 20th century to the 21st century, as well as the "Americanization and digitalization of political life in post-communist Romania" 3 (p. 29), and the impact of the pandemic on internet and television consumption. The impact of the data presented in the first chapter is elaborated upon in the second chapter, titled "Populism" which addresses the "deviations" introduced by the online environment: "disinformation, propaganda, polarization and hate speech, strategies of informational and asymmetric 1 Original quote: "problematici și fenomene de actualitate din științe ale comunicării, științe politice, comunicare online, comunicare politică, educație media și jurnalism" (p. 17). 2 Original quote: "funcțiile și efectele comunicării în domeniul social-politic în campanii de comunicare în alegeri parlamentare sau prezidențiale, privite în relație cu sistemul mass-media și cu instituțiile politice democratice" (p. 17). 3 Original quote: "americanizarea și digitalizarea vieții politice din România post-comunistă" (p. 29).

The increasing influence of digital media has significantly transformed political campaigning in India. Political parties increasingly use social media platforms, online advertising, and digital communication strategies to connect with voters, disseminate political messages, and shape public opinion. The 2018 Karnataka Assembly Elections marked a significant moment in the evolution of digital political campaigning in India, as parties actively employed digital tools to engage with voters across the state. This study examines the digital campaign strategies used during the 2018 Karnataka Assembly Elections through a qualitative research approach. The research focuses on how political parties utilized social media platforms, digital communication techniques, and online engagement strategies to influence voter perception. The study relies on thematic analysis of campaign content, party communication strategies, and digital messaging used during the election period. The findings indicate that digital media played an important role in shaping political narratives, mobilizing supporters, and increasing political engagement among voters. The study highlights the growing significance of digital campaigning in contemporary electoral politics in India.

On October 4, 2026, voters in Bosnia and Herzegovina will cast between three and seven ballots simultaneously. No other democracy in Europe demands this of its citizens. And no other democracy in Europe so reliably fails to produce a functional government after its elections are over. Thirty years after Dayton, BiH remains the only country on the continent where an election produces not a winner, but a starting pistol for months-sometimes more than a year-of post-election negotiations. The system doesn't malfunction. It performs precisely as designed: to prevent any single ethnic group from dominating, and in so doing, to prevent anyone from governing. The October 2026 elections will not break that pattern. But they carry three specific variables-the forced removal of Milorad Dodik from Republika Srpska's political stage, unresolved electoral technology procurement, and the expiration of Siniša Karan's shortened presidential mandate-that make this the most consequential BiH election since 2006.

The rapid expansion of social media and AI has transformed electoral communication and reshaped how citizens access information, engage in political discourse and evaluate the credibility of elections. In this paper, the way digital platforms impact electoral integrity is analyzed through political content diffusion, misinformation circulation and evolving campaign strategies. Using global examples from North America, South America, Europe, Africa, Asia and Oceania-including India-it shows how digital ecosystems can catalyze participation on the one hand and diminish democratic trust on the other. Conceptual models are used to illustrate relationships among the use of social media, AI-generated content and voter perceptions. Evidence is synthesized from theories in communication, behavioral research and policy reports by various international organizations such as International IDEA, UNESCO, UNDP and national election authorities. It argues that the credibility of elections in the digital age depends not only on technological safeguards but also on institutional transparency, public digital literacy and platform accountability. In ending, it summarizes some policy implications for election management bodies and governments from around the world.

DESDE LAS CIENCIAS ANTROPOLÓGICAS y los estudios sociales especializados en procesos políticos, Rosalía Winocur y Roberto Gutiérrez rompen con el esquema tradicional, impuesto, de entender a la ciudadanía, la participación y los derechos como una serie de atributos jurídicos, estáticos y estables, contenidos en disposiciones legales y obligadamente comprendidos de la misma manera por juristas y, en consecuencia, así debería ser para una ciudadanía homogénea y controlada desde arriba. El libro es resultado de una investigación básica e inédita que permite con su análisis abrir nuevas sendas de explicación y articularlas con otros métodos y fuentes de información para enriquecer el panorama de la participación en la ciudad. El objetivo es conocer y tipificar las modalidades de participación civil y política de los ciudadanos en el Distrito Federal. Se estudia la participación que se da en diversos ámbitos sociales: el comunitario, el político y el institucional. Aunque en realidad el libro va más allá. Nos da una idea completa de las representaciones que los capitalinos tenemos sobre la ciudadanía. Nos ofrece una imagen certera de los derechos y las responsabilidades que asumen o no los propios ciudadanos, y nos presenta las formas en que la gente participa y cómo las interpreta. Finalmente, nos dice lo que los ciudadanos consideran acerca de los medios, los partidos y los institutos electorales. 1 Rosalía Winocur y Roberto Gutiérrez, Participación civil y política en el Distrito Federal, una perspectiva cultural para su análisis e interpretación, Instituto Electoral del Distrito Federal (iedf),

Las elecciones federales para la presidencia de la República del 1 de julio de 2012 en México se realizaron en un clima de relativo respeto, limpieza y transparencia institucional a diferencia de otras fases electorales anteriores de la historia moderna del país, que se caracterizaron por la presencia del fraude (“mapachería”, clientelismo, “embarazo de urnas”, “ratón loco”, “taqueo electoral”, robo de votos, “carro completo”, etc.) y la violencia electoral. En este sentido, el voto de la población fue ejercido con bastante libertad y pulcritud, sin sufrir grandes alteraciones en el respeto al ejercicio individual de su predilección electoral o experimentar manipulación fraudulenta de los resultados.

In the field of civil war studies, there is a consensus that the risk of war decreases as income increases. Nevertheless, such consensus has not been reached in the field of civil resistance and unarmed revolutions. This paper proposes a curvilinear framework positing two opposite trends in economic development. On the one hand, it increases the state resources for preventing illegal displacement and makes revolt costly for rebels. Conversely, it boosts resources needed for civil resistance. Utilizing independent sources on revolutions and employing parametric and non-parametric methods, we have identified robust support for the inverted “U-shape” relationship between income level and the risk of unarmed revolutions. This finding reconciles the discrepancies observed in previous studies and provides a different perspective on the “middle-income
trap.”

Definition Data-driven microtargeting refers to the granular targeting of voter groups and even individual voters through online ads and other more subtle appeals, based on comprehensive data as well as an accurate interpretation of it through psychological or other profiling methods and models (Kruschinski & Haller 2017). Political microtargeting can be defined as a particular political communication strategy located in the intersection of a) segmentifying specific voter groups (and even individuals), b) tailoring messages according to these segments and, c) conveying messages to these groups (or individuals) (van Dalen 2024). Since microtargeting is deployed to interact with different individuals in large groups, it can work most efficiently through digital and algorithmic means. Data-driven microtargeting in politics, therefore, is a method of digitally (or algorithmically) modified propaganda based on digital traces, detailed data and profiling that does not only target specific voter segments but also constantly tests effectiveness of this communication based on digital means (Baldwin-Philippi 2017; Lavigne 2022). Datadriven microtargeting can also be defined as a type of personalized political communication based on digital data and means (Decker 2025).

Cette thèse interroge la reconfiguration de la campagne électorale libanaise lors des élections législatives de 2018 à l’aune de l’essor des réseaux socionumériques, en particulier Facebook, après une interruption du processus électoral depuis 2009, sous prétexte d’instabilité politique. Elle analyse les pratiques électorales numériques de huit partis politiques dans un système confessionnel structuré par de fortes dynamiques partisanes, communautaires et territoriales, opposant principalement deux partis émergents issus de la société civile, se revendiquant non confessionnels, Sabaa et Citoyens et Citoyennes dans un État, regroupés au sein de la coalition « Tous une nation », à six partis traditionnels au pouvoir représentant les principales communautés religieuses du pays, musulmanes et chrétiennes : le Hezbollah (chiite), le Courant patriotique libre (chrétien), le Courant du Futur (sunnite), le Mouvement Amal (chiite), les Forces libanaises (chrétien) et le Parti socialiste progressiste (druze).

S’inscrivant dans les débats scientifiques relatifs aux effets de l’innovation numérique sur les rapports de pouvoir et la démocratie, cette recherche met en lumière le cas d’une démocratie de consensus « fragile », telle que celle du Liban, contribuant ainsi à décentrer un regard largement focalisé sur les démocraties occidentales stabilisées. Elle examine dans quelle mesure l’essor de Facebook, conjugué à l’émergence de partis issus de la société civile, est susceptible de reconfigurer les pratiques électorales et les dynamiques politiques de la campagne libanaise, à travers la mise à l’épreuve de trois hypothèses : l’hybridation médiatique de la campagne, le caractère plus innovant des pratiques numériques des partis émergents par rapport aux partis traditionnels, et la dépendance de la popularité en ligne à des dynamiques hors ligne plutôt qu’aux seules métriques numériques.

L’analyse repose sur une méthode quali-quantitative combinant des entretiens menés avec des partis politiques et l’exploitation de données issues de Facebook, collectées en partenariat avec l’Université Harvard dans le cadre du programme Social Science One, une première en France. Elle s’appuie précisément sur huit entretiens semi-directifs réalisés avec des responsables partisans impliqués dans la campagne numérique, ainsi que sur une analyse de contenu portant sur 1 338 publications diffusées sur Facebook durant le mois électoral à partir des pages des partis. Cette analyse est prolongée par l’examen des métriques de popularité (mentions « J’aime », partages et commentaires) issues des publications des partis, auxquelles s’ajoutent celles de 551 publications provenant des pages de 16 candidats, soit deux candidats par parti, permettant de comparer, pour chaque parti, le taux d’interaction par publication et le pourcentage des interactions totales à ceux de ses candidats, distingués selon leur position hiérarchique ou leur expérience électorale.

This paper explores the development of the present perfect aã and its correspondent formations in MG and its dialects. It is argued that the appearance of the MG perfect aã has filled a morphological gap in the verbal system, the functions of which were previously encoded by an "overloaded" aorist or pluperfect.

Based on the theory of personalized politics, this study examines the inaugural electoral campaign seen on TikTok during the March 2021 elections for the 24th Knesset, providing a detailed analysis of online personalism. It offers a multimodal perspective focusing on parties and individual politicians in three political echelons (Parties-Leaders-Candidates); political output data and users' engagement metrics; and personalism types (individualization/privatization) on individual politicians' videos. The findings reveal a nuanced political platform. When discussing political content (output), TikTok stands out from other social media platforms by creating a depersonalized environment where political parties excel over individuals. This is achieved through a clever strategy that involves youth groups managing the accounts to actively engage with users, and to maximize the platform's potential. Centralized personalism is evident within the party's internal dynamics. Regarding engagement, TikTok replicates the patterns of personalized politics observed on other social media platforms with a clear mode of centralized personalism patterns of engagement. When discussing personalism types, we have distinguished a hybrid third category of personalized videos that integrate elements of both individualization and privatization and are linked to the distinctive affordances of TikTok. This study highlights how TikTok serves a dual purpose in political campaigns by engaging with younger demographics and strengthening established party frameworks. The implications suggest a complex interaction between traditional political dynamics and new media platforms, emphasizing the complex adaptation of political communication in the digital age.

Esta pesquisa, de caráter exploratório e qualitativo, se insere tanto nos Estudos de Linguagem, quanto nas pesquisas em Comunicação Digital. Isso porque o objetivo principal é desvelar o ethos dos seguidores do presidente da República, Jair Bolsonaro, no Twitter. Para tal, foram analisadas 94 bios do Twitter (biografias) dos seguidores a fim de mapeá-los e caracterizá-los. Ao final, foi possível observar a existência de dois grandes grupos: 1) apoiadores – seguidores que manifestam claramente o apoio ao presidente em seus perfis e 2) imprecisos – seguidores que não endossam, mas que acompanham o presidente no Twitter.

“Polarización sentimental. Consideraciones ciudadanas tras las elecciones” (2025) en Conjeturas Sociológicas, 38 (13), Universidad de El Salvador, pp. 199-235.
ISSN: 2313-013X.

RESUMEN

Estamos en tiempos donde las emociones irrumpen oficialmente en la política, en una época que se apela a la polarización afectiva, en un momento donde prevalecen discursos exaltados y prácticas contradictorias en el mundo. Este texto presenta y debate en torno a la polarización política, ideológica, afectiva y sentimental. Además, presenta el estudio de caso de las emociones hacia las candidaturas presidenciales en México en 2024, a través de entrevistas sobre el tema,que expresan la mirada y el sentir ciudadano. Las entrevistas se aplicaron en septiembre tras las elecciones en la Ciudad de México, ello con objeto, de ejercitar imaginarios sociales, memorias colectivas recientes, experiencias y expectativas sentimentales personales y colectivas en torno al tema. Con ello se esboza el panorama de sentimientos a través de la declaración emocional tras la contienda electoral, acompañada de argumentos y reflexiones; lo cual dibuja ya de un modo quizás más tranquilo y realista, aunque sin desconocer el sentir, las percepciones emocionales dirigidas hacia las candidatas y el candidato. En conclusión, hay esperanza y seguridad entre el electorado de la candidata ganadora  Claudia  Sheinbaum,  ante  el  enojo,  miedo  y  tristeza  del  electorado  de  las candidaturas opositoras.

“Elecciones en México 2024: contexto social, candidaturas y clima emocional” (2025) en Polis, 21 (1), Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana Unidad Iztapalapa, pp. 149-201.
ISSN: 2594-0686.

RESUMEN

Alrededor  de  una  convocatoria  electoral  sobresalen  varias  cuestiones,  entre  las  centrales está la valoración del contexto social y la percepción del clima emocional, así como, las expectativas “racionales” y “emocionales” de la ciudadanía ante las candidatu-ras, partidos o coaliciones, sus programas y proyectos de país. Este trabajo se centra en estos temas en México y en los comicios del año 2024. Ello a través de varias encuestas de opinión que esbozan un panorama preelectoral de cultura política y opinión pública acorde con los resultados electorales, así como, entrevistas al respecto. Aunque existe diversidad de opinión, hay una tendencia, por un lado, hacia una consideración positiva de  la  economía  personal  y  del  país,  presente  y  futura;  por  otro  lado,  un  señalamiento  de la persistencia y aumento de la inseguridad; además del beneplácito con los apoyos sociales del gobierno; y finalmente, una atmósfera socio emocional de esperanza; a lo cual se añade la caracterización y valoración positiva de la candidata oficialista en lo personal y en lo político.

#EndSARS, an instance of social activism in Nigeria, was a reaction to police brutality and misgovernance. This study examines how users of Nigerian Twitter (now known as X) draw on various discourses to challenge police brutality and (re)construct their ascribed identities while simultaneously evaluating the actions of the Nigeria Police Force and those of the Nigerian government. Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen’s Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (2001), as well as James Martin and Peter White’s Appraisal Framework (2005), served as the theoretical framework. The findings revealed the (re)construction of four identity categories, namely paroxysmic, solidaristic, non-violent resistance and violent resistance. Paroxysmic identity mirrored deep-seated anger among the protesters. Solidaristic identity concerned empathy towards victims of police brutality. Non-violent resistance identity revealed the resilience, courage and audacity to challenge the dominant group, while violent resistance identity involved violent attitudes in reaction to police brutality. The study concludes that social media is a veritable tool for holding dominant groups to account and is a force for change in 21st-century society.

Social media proved to be a crucial tool in election campaigns for the first time following Barack Obama’s victory in 2008. He was one of the first candidates to strategically communicate with voters via the Internet. In Poland, the 21st century has ushered in constant contact between politicians and voters, with social media being the most effective tool for this purpose. Today, every female and male politician announces their actions through numerous channels, actively shaping their desired image. This analysis focuses on the self-presentation of Polish female candidates for the European Parliament for the 2024–2029 term, as shaped through social media. I will examine the campaigns of four representatives from the political parties that secured mandates and currently represent Poland in the European Parliament. Their campaign materials shared on social media will be analyzed from visual, semantic, and interactive perspectives. The goal is to categorize the dominant image-building narratives in their campaigns and relate the candidates’ political images to existing cultural archetypes of femininity.

en junio de 2023, no solamente supuso el fin del denominado "Grupo Atlacomulco", una red de familias que, a través del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (pri) detentaron el poder durante más de 70 años en esta entidad, sino que también dio lugar al surgimiento de una nueva clase política, encabezada por el "Grupo Texcoco", el cual, a partir de 2018 logra las condiciones políticas para obtener el triunfo en el gobierno estatal. El nuevo grupo que asumió el poder en el Estado de México se conformó y desarrolló en el marco del proceso de la democratización de México y al amparo del crecimiento de la principal fuerza política de la izquierda partidista de la década de los noventa del siglo pasado, el prd, así como por el ascenso electoral intempestivo de del partido Movimiento de Regeneración Nacional (Morena), que después de cuatro años de obtener su registro, en 2014, consiguió ganar la presidencia de la República. En este sentido, el propósito de este trabajo es hacer un análisis de la trayectoria política y electoral que recorrió el "Grupo Texcoco" y sus principales dirigentes para acceder al poder en el Estado de México, pero de forma particular, para ganar la gubernatura, frente a un partido, el pri, que llevaba en el gobierno más de 70 años. Este trabajo se presenta como un estudio de caso (Arzaluz, 2005; que ejemplifica de forma singular un cambio político complejo en un contexto subnacional con significativas influencias de carácter nacional donde se analiza la interacción de diferentes variables: actores (liderazgos políticos y fuerzas partidistas), estructuras de poder, procesos electorales y la creación de nuevas coali-

Previous studies have found that the increase in the proportion of youth in adult population can lead to an increased risk of political violence. However, studies of the influence of the 'youth bulges' on the intensity of non-violent protest activity have hardly been conducted. We hypothesize that 'youth bulges' could influence the rise of non-violent protests as well. We find that though in the absence of controls, there is a statistically significant negative correlation between the proportion of young people in the total adult population and the intensity of non-violent protests this correlation turns out to be positive after the introduction of controls for per capita GDP, urbanization, non-autocratic political regime and the proliferation of education.

En Latinoamérica la forma predominante de gobierno es la presidencialista, siendo esta la forma en que los representantes del ejecutivo ostentan la calidad de dirigentes nacional electos por medio del sufragio universal de aquellos ciudadanos con capacidad jurídica plena de ejercer el deber político del voto, calidad que adquieren en la mayoría de los países del mundo a partir de los 18 años. El presente capítulo busca identificar la posición ideológica que tienen los electores debutantes producto de la educación cívica proveniente de agentes socializadores y formadores como la escuela, la familia y los medios de comunicación. En lo que corresponde a la metodología del estudio, esta se apoya de herramientas cualitativas, ya que se realizará una revisión documental. Los objetivos del presente estudio consisten determinar el conocimiento cívico base de los electores primerizos al momento de alcanzar la edad apta y legal para ejercer el derecho al voto, así como diagnosticar las causas principales y la motivación del voto que tiene un elector primerizo en el ejercicio del sufragio universal.