Political Identity

Ernesto Laclau sees populism not as a specific essential and valorized quality of political phenomena but as a ubiquitous aspect of culture. Political practice in this view is an activity that always spans a continuum between two poles: the institutional pole based on specific difference, and the populist pole, dominated by the logic of equivalence. When a democratic society particular social aspirations and claims cease to be adequately assured, the so-called democratic subject yields to the folk subject. The mechanism proceeds as follows: if various social claims, previously articulated within particularistic interest groups, circles, confessional communities, societies, parties, etc., are not met, they begin to seek ways to strengthen their own voice by creating chains of equivalence, that is, a kind of common, solidarity-based identification with the unfulfilled demands of other groups. The populist Evangelical discourse discussed in the article, reconstructed via empirical material taken from social media, seems to be a perfect illustration of a characteristic shift from a particular theological and confessional discourse towards a discourse that integrates other nonconfessional social demands.

En 1990, al cumplirse cien años de la Revolución del Parque, Hilda Sabato publicaba en Punto de Vista una breve intervención sobre aquel alzamiento cívico-militar considerado un parteaguas de la historia política argentina. Allí formulaba una pregunta de gran capacidad heurística: ¿el episodio fue prólogo de un derrotero que conducía de la formación de la Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) y la demanda de democracia electoral hasta la reforma de 1912 y la llegada del radicalismo al poder en 1916? ¿O fue más bien el epílogo de un ciclo de disputas entre dirigencias partidarias que recorría toda la etapa abierta con la sanción de la Constitución nacional en 1853? Su respuesta, más inclinada por el "epílogo", matizaba el planteo de Natalio Botana, que por entonces se estaba volviendo clásico. El orden conservador (1977) había conceptualizado un régimen de hegemonía gubernamental que habría funcionado entre 1880 y 1916, articulado por el control del Partido Autonomista Nacional (PAN), sobre los mecanismos institucionales. En esa lectura, 1890 aparecía como "impugnación revolucionaria" que dio lugar a una "oposición externa", pero sin llegar a quebrar la unidad del régimen. Sabato, en cambio, veía en el Parque el último estertor de una cultura El "momento 1890" …

Boundaries: resources and discourses During South Africa's first democratic elections from 26 to 29 April 1994, I travelled with my family to observe the process in the eastern Transvaal (now the Northern Transvaal province) in the area around Hoedspruit and Timbavati. Hoedspruit is a tiny farming town that also services the air force base located nearby. It is the centre of a strong White right-wing contingent of the Afrikaner Weerstandbeweging. As we entered the town, we could see the prominent posters for ...

(In English – bellow) Статья рассматривает государства как ведущие элементы текущего этапа макроэволюции/большой истории Земли, которая к тому же хорошо совмещается с системной теорией Н. Лумана, в которой различённые типы автопоэтических систем фактически представляют этапы развития всего активного на поверхности Земли. Анализ теории Н. Лумана в части стабильности государств показывает ее дефицит для понимания воспроизводства легитимности поддерживаемого государством социального порядка. Статья предлагает расширение теории с различением в государствах подсистемы воспроизводства доверия-когнитивной подсистемы (которая ответственна за воспроизводство культурной гегемонии по Грамши). Функционирование когнитивной подсистемы среди прочего охватывает и многие аспекты гражданской религии государства, того сакрального комплекса, который лежит в основе государственного политического единения. Получает подтверждение часто возникающее положение об аналогичности политических идеологий и путей спасения (здесь спасение понимается как расширение соответствующего понятия христианской теологии на секулярные контексты). Статья приводит к заключению, что механика воспроизводства доверия в государстве, которая во многом основана на его гражданской религии, занимает важное место в государственном автопоэзисе, который влияет на положение государства в соответствующей экосистеме Земли. ***Abstract: The article considers states as leading elements of the current stage of Earth’ Macroevolution / Big History, which also fits well with the system theory of N. Luhmann, in which the different types of autopoietic systems actually represent the stages of development  everything active on the surface of the Earth. The analysis of N. Luhmann's theory for cases of state stability shows its deficiency in terms of understanding the reproduction of the legitimacy of the social order supported by the state. The article proposes the theory development with a distinction in states of the subsystem of trust reproduction (which is associated with Gramsci’s cultural hegemony) – the cognitive subsystem. The functioning of the cognitive subsystem, among other things, covers many aspects of the civil religion of the state, the sacred complex that underlies the state political unity. The article supports a frequently occurring proposition about the analogy of political ideologies and paths to salvation (here salvation is understood as an extension of the corresponding concept of Christian theology to secular contexts). It also concludes that the mechanics of trust reproduction in the state, which largely covered by its civil religion, is important for the state autopoiesis, which affects the position of the state in the corresponding ecosystem of the Earth.

This paper presents the third computational validation of the Social Resonance Model (SRM), the quantitative component of the Politomorphism theoretical framework. SRM measures the degree to which a political symbol succeeds in mobilizing public space, integrating four variables: Viral Velocity (V), Affective Weight (A), Semantic Drift (D), and Network Coverage (N).

Social media platforms play an increasing role in politics, facilitating the circulation of populist texts disseminated by politicians, official campaign media, and user-generated content, all of which contribute to voters’ perceptions of politicians and political issues. The networks and affordances of social media platforms allow for the development of an individualized, affective connection with voters, which is a particularly important strategy for far-right politicians, who are often stigmatized. Furthermore, social media enables the circulation of user-generated materials in a form of digital political participation, allowing citizens to respond in real-time to political developments. While digital political participation ostensibly offers the potential for the expression of marginalized perspectives, digital texts predominantly emphasize and enforce existing hierarchies, particularly the supremacy of whiteness. This panel explores visuals and memes circulated on social media ...

Я писал, что антивакцинаторство-одно из проявлений социальной деградации, в последние 30 лет охватившей все слои российского (и украинского) общества-в том числе увы, даже биологов (не говоря про врачей). Это невыгодно выделяет страну что из 1го, что из третьего мира, см.статью в Nature Medicine). Для объяснения этого я предполагал, что, как пресёкшаяся любовь сменяется столь же сильной ненавистью, гибель социализма с его культом науки и знания вызвала аномально мощный откат и социальную деградацию. Текст посвящён проверке этого предположения.

This thesis investigates the structural mutation of political-theological influence in the United States, tracing a trajectory from twentieth-century institutional gatekeeping to the contemporary era of decentralized algorithmic hegemony. While historical frameworks have long fixated on the "hidden power" of established religious organizations-specifically the Society of Jesus-or the secretive, informal networking of groups like the Fellowship Foundation ("The Family"), this research argues that the true mechanism of contemporary power has migrated into the digital substrate of surveillance capitalism. By analyzing the 2016 electoral rise of Donald J. Trump, this study demonstrates how data-driven political consulting, exemplified by Cambridge Analytica, functioned as a disruptive force that successfully bypassed traditional religious hierarchies. Utilizing the OCEAN personality model and massive-scale data extraction, these digital apparatuses operationalized latent psychographic vulnerabilities, weaponizing existential anxieties to reconfigure the American religious electorate. Through a synthesis of sociological network theory, political theology, and computational psycholinguistics, this thesis posits that algorithmic micro-targeting does not merely serve as a campaign tool; it operates as a rival, secularized liturgy that actively fragments the domestic family unit, hollows out the authority of local congregations, and transforms lived theology into an automated instrument of partisan tribalism. Ultimately, the research concludes that the very systems championed by populist movements as defenders of tradition are being structurally dismantled from within by the invisible, formless currents of behavioral capture.

The chapter analyses the Hobbesian conception of glory. This passion
embodies the tendency for empowerment and social competition of the modern self, whose motive will be defined as the “desire for recognition”. Hobbes places at the core of his analysis of the human passions the need for recognition, conceived as a never-satisfied desire, as it depends on an endless escalation in the quest for power: the glorious self asks the other self to be recognized as superior, but is unwilling to meet the equivalent request from his partners. Increasingly dependent on the confirmations of others, the individual consciousness is condemned to a condition of dis-
tressing anxiety and insecurity about its own value. A conflict of “social unsociability” arises, dragging all human beings into a restless competition for honors, producing an endemic state of mental war. My investigation is guided by the relationship between the questions of glory and war. Particularly, I try to show how Hobbes exemplarily captured the “dark side” of the struggle for recognition. At the same time, my reading highlights the ambivalences of the Hobbesian argument that seem to open up glimpses towards a more positive reconsideration of the passion which will become the leitmotif of Kojève’s rehabilitation of the Hobbesian glory.

La política en red se ha convertido en un espacio central para la producción, circulación y disputa de significados políticos. Más que simples canales de comunicación, las plataformas digitales configuran entornos donde interactúan actores políticos, audiencias participativas y dinámicas algorítmicas que fragmentan mensajes, aceleran su circulación y privilegian contenidos emocionalmente intensos. En este contexto, tres objetos adquieren relevancia: los memes, las identidades digitales y las narrativas políticas. Los memes han dejado de ser expresiones marginales del humor digital para consolidarse como recursos de crítica pública, movilización simbólica y propaganda política, capaces de conectar emociones colectivas con referentes del entretenimiento popular. Paralelamente, las redes sociales han transformado la construcción de identidades políticas mediante dinámicas de personalización, cercanía y autenticidad. Finalmente, las narrativas digitales condensan significados complejos en consignas, fragmentos y fórmulas discursivas "meméticas", fácilmente compartibles, que contribuyen a estructurar relatos políticos de resonancia emocional y cultural. A partir de distintos casos iberoamericanos, este texto explora cómo estos procesos reconfiguran la esfera pública contemporánea. Este trabajo constituye la presentación editorial del número especial “La política en la red: memes, identidad y narrativa digital” de la revista Más Poder Local.

The rapid expansion of hydraulic fracturing — fracking — across the United States has generated a significant grassroots resistance movement that cuts across conventional political lines, uniting environmental activists, rural landowners, and public health advocates around shared concerns about water contamination, seismic risk, and corporate accountability. This column examines the anti-fracking movement as a case study in place-based activism, drawing on anthropological frameworks for understanding the relationship between land, community, and political identity. The piece argues that anti-fracking activism offers a distinctive model of coalition-building that challenges the urban-rural divide that characterizes much progressive organizing in the contemporary United States.

This column takes a step back from specific cases to examine the foundational question of activist motivation — why people engage in collective political action at personal cost, and what anthropological frameworks best account for the range of answers that question receives. Drawing on social movement theory, political anthropology, and ethnographic accounts of activists across a range of contexts, the piece examines the relationships between identity, ideology, community, and strategic calculation in activist decision-making. The column argues that reductive accounts of activist motivation — whether cynical or celebratory — consistently underestimate the complexity of what moves people to act collectively on behalf of others.

During the early Middle Ages, the idea of empire in Europe remained deeply rooted in the political  and ideological legacy of the Roman Empire. Following the transformation of the Roman world in Late Antiquity, the rulers of the Byzantine Empire continued to present themselves as the sole legitimate Roman emperors, preserving imperial institutions, administrative traditions, and a political ideology grounded in the
notion of universal Roman authority.  This conception of a single and indivisible empire was fundamentally challenged in the year 800,
when the Frankish ruler Charlemagne was crowned emperor in Rome by Leo III. The coronation created an unprecedented political situation in which two rulers simultaneously claimed imperial authority within the
framework of the Roman imperial tradition. This paper examines the coronation of Charlemagne in 800 and its implications for the question of imperial legitimacy in relations between the Carolingian and Byzantine
worlds. Rather than interpreting the coronation solely as a ceremonial event or a political initiative of the papacy, the study situates it within the broader ideological and diplomatic context of early medieval imperial
politics. The emergence of a Western emperor not only altered the political landscape of Europe but also raised fundamental questions concerning the nature of imperial authority, the relationship between empire and papacy, and the legitimacy of competing imperial claims. Particular attention will be devoted to the ways in which the Carolingian political elite constructed and justified Charlemagne’s imperial title.  Carolingian narrative sources, including the Royal Frankish Annals, portray the coronation as the restoration of imperial authority in the Latin West and emphasize the role of the Frankish ruler as protector of the Church and defender of Christendom. Within this ideological framework, Charlemagne’s imperial dignity was presented not as a rupture with the Roman past but rather as a continuation of Roman imperial authority adapted to the political realities of the early medieval West. At the same time, the role of the papacy in the coronation ceremony introduced a new dimension to the problem of imperial legitimacy. The act of coronation performed by the pope could be interpreted both as an acknowledgment of Charlemagne’s political supremacy in the West and as an attempt by the papacy to assert its authority as a central mediator in the creation of imperial power. From the perspective of Byzantium, however, the appearance of a second emperor in the West posed a significant ideological and diplomatic challenge. The Byzantine court continued to uphold the traditional Roman conception of a single universal empire and regarded the imperial office as indivisible. The existence of another emperor claiming authority within the Roman tradition therefore threatened the ideological foundations of Byzantine imperial legitimacy. Byzantine sources and diplomatic correspondence reveal a reluctance to recognize Charlemagne’s imperial title, reflecting the importance of
preserving the exclusivity of the Roman imperial office. These tensions between the two imperial courts shaped the diplomatic relations between the Carolingian and Byzantine worlds during the early ninth century. The question of imperial recognition remained unresolved for more than a decade, illustrating the extent to which imperial legitimacy was embedded not only in political power but also in ideological and symbolic frameworks. A partial resolution of the conflict was eventually achieved in 812, when the Byzantine emperor Michael I Rangabe acknowledged Charlemagne’s imperial title.  Nevertheless, this recognition did not imply acceptance of the Frankish ruler as a Roman emperor in the Byzantine sense, thereby preserving the ideological distinction between the two imperial traditions. By analysing the political discourse surrounding Charlemagne’s coronation and the subsequent diplomatic interactions between the Carolingian and Byzantine courts, this paper argues that the emergence of a Western emperor should not be understood simply as the revival of the Roman Empire in the West. Rather, it represented the formation of a new imperial model that coexisted with the Byzantine imperial tradition while simultaneously challenging its claim to exclusive Roman legitimacy. The resulting tension between the two courts illustrates how the concept of empire in the early medieval world was shaped through processes of ideological negotiation, political rivalry, and diplomatic accommodation. In this sense, the coronation of Charlemagne can be interpreted as a crucial moment in the redefinition of imperial authority in medieval Europe and as a key episode in the broader history of competing claims to the Roman imperial legacy.

On 20 February 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court held that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) does not authorise the President to impose tariffs. On the same day, the White House terminated IEEPA duties, maintained the suspension of de minimis treatment, and invoked Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 to impose a 10% import surcharge for 150 days. It is tempting to read the ruling as the end of Trump’s ‘Liberation Day’ regime. This essay argues the opposite. Court Day was less a reset than a shock that exposed Trump’s second-term governing logic. Tariffs, market access, and alliance reassurance operate as policy options: instruments whose value lies not only in the pressure imposed, but in the right to reprice, suspend, and reissue that pressure under changing legal and diplomatic forms. I call this option-value statecraft. Operationally, it is visible in rapid statutory substitution, built-in reversibility, and the monetisation of predictability. The result is a volatility premium that allies and rivals pay through litigation risk, deferred investment, supply-chain duplication, and insurance politics among middle powers. For Australia, the task is transaction-proofing: hardening commitments where possible, pricing U.S. policy volatility into planning, and building alternatives without rupture.

Este trabalho nasce de uma interrogação persistente sobre o significado histórico e político do 28 de Maio de 1926 e sobre o destino do conjunto de ideias que, nesse momento, se apresentaram como promessa de regeneração da vida pública portuguesa. Ao longo de décadas, o pronunciamento militar foi fixado na memória colectiva sobretudo como mito fundador do Estado Novo. Com maior ou menor sofisticação, essa leitura acabou por obscurecer o conteúdo político concreto do movimento inicial, as suas fracturas internas e, sobretudo, a derrota das soluções alternativas que nele se anunciaram. O ponto de partida deste ensaio é a constatação de que o chamado «espírito do 28 de Maio» não foi uma construção retrospectiva, mas uma realidade politicamente enunciada e debatida no curso dos acontecimentos. Associado à figura do general Gomes da Costa, esse espírito exprimia uma rejeição profunda da partidocracia republicana e uma proposta distinta de representação política, baseada no município, no sindicato e nos corpos intermédios da sociedade, com exclusão da mediação partidária. Tratava-se de um projecto que pretendia restaurar a autoridade do Estado sem abdicar da representação da pluralidade social nem das liberdades essenciais. A rápida neutralização desse projecto-consumada com o afastamento de Gomes da Costa em Julho de 1926-marcou um ponto de viragem decisivo. A partir daí, a Ditadura Militar evoluiu no sentido da concentração do poder, abrindo caminho à afirmação de Oliveira Salazar e à construção de um regime centralizado que, embora apropriando-se da retórica da , se afastou progressivamente do seu impulso original. A Constituição de 1933 e a institucionalização do partido único selaram essa transformação. É neste quadro que se inscreve a trajectória do Integralismo Lusitano e, mais tarde, do Movimento Nacional-Sindicalista, conhecido pela designação popular de. Longe de constituírem epígonos dos fascismos europeus, estes movimentos representaram a tentativa mais consequente de manter viva uma concepção municipalista, orgânica e antitotalitária da representação política. A sua repressão e proibição revelam, de forma particularmente nítida, a incompatibilidade entre esse projecto e a natureza efectiva do. Ao acompanhar este percurso-da promessa inicial à sua derrota política-procurei compreender como um movimento que se apresentou como regenerador da República acabou por servir de fundamento simbólico a um regime que lhe negou os princípios essenciais. O destino dos é, neste sentido, menos um episódio marginal do que um revelador privilegiado: nele se cruzam as tensões entre revolução e reforma, entre descentralização e estatismo, entre autoridade política e liberdades. Este ensaio não pretende reabilitar nostalgias nem construir genealogias artificiais. Visa, antes, restituir complexidade a um momento decisivo da história contemporânea portuguesa, mostrando como outras vias foram pensadas, discutidas e proscritas. A morte do espírito do 28 de Maio não foi um acidente inevitável, mas o resultado de escolhas políticas concretas. Abrangê-las é condição necessária para compreender o regime que delas resultou.

J. M. Q.

Abril de 2026

There are only a few scholars who have dealt with the view on human rights of Max Weber (18641920) so far. One of the main reasons is that he did not write the systematic work on human rights. But it does not mean that he was not interested in the subject of human rights. Weber was rather so much interested in some problems of human rights, such as religious toleration, religious liberty, freedom of conscience, equality before the law, and suffrage. In particular, like his colleague Georg Jellinek (18511911), he showed interest in the subject regarding the origin of human rights and was engaged in it. The purpose of this paper is to discuss Weber’s view on the origin of human rights, especially, on the historical and theoretical origin of freedom of religion. Three points made clear in this paper are as follows. The first is that there was a close relationship between the emergence of freedom of religion and the Protestant sects’ doctrines. Weber often stressed the influence of thei...

If John II Komnenos has remained in the shadow of his father Alexios and his son Manuel, this is certainly not due to his insignificance as an emperor. It is rather due to the fact, already noted elsewhere in this volume, that unlike the other two great Komnenian emperors, John II did not have a Byzantine historian focusing on his reign. Both the histories of Kinnamos and Choniates, the main Byzantine accounts of John's reign, begin with the statement that the narration of the emperor's deeds will be brief, because the authors had not witnessed the events of this period. 1 Nonetheless, modern-day historians have paid due attention to the information of both Byzantine and non-Byzantine sources in an effort to illuminate the foreign and military policies of the imperial city-state of Constantinople under John II during the first half of the twelfth century. 2 In Georg Ostrogorsky's view, John II should indeed be seen as the greatest of all Komnenian emperors, in accordance to the statement of Niketas Choniates, 3 because his successful campaigns increased the prestige of Constantinople as well as its military power, and expanded imperial rule in the East and the Balkans. 4 On the other hand, Ioannis Karayannopoulos claimed that the emperor's foreign policy failed because his military goals were obviously ill-chosen. Instead of concentrating his warring activity on the reconquest of Asia Minor from the Seljuk Turks by seeking to secure the cooperation, or at least the neutrality, of the Christian powers of the Crusader states and the Armenian principality of Cilicia, he chose to pursue an ambitious policy on many fronts, which the state's financial and military capacity at the time could not support. 5

Purpose: This study observes Instagram memes by immigrant Copts (Egyptian Christians) to investigate the cultural identity portrayal, the most prominent themes and the co-cultural communication orientations they adopt within their diasporic context. It highlights how social media platforms allow Copts to express identities beyond stereotypical media representations. Design/methodology/approach: A systematic quantitative content analysis was conducted, using a sample of 450 Instagram memes that were tagged with #copticmemes. A codebook, based on co-cultural theory, literature on cultural identity, and a review of Coptic memes, was developed to analyze language, cultural identity portrayal, prominent themes, and communication orientations. Findings: Immigrant Copts primarily portrayed their cultural identity on Instagram memes through Coptic cultural elements, followed by a blend of Coptic and American/Western identities. Most prominent themes included Egyptian (pop) culture and social norms, Coptic social norms, and church prayer. Among memes depicting relationships with dominant Western culture, Assertive Accommodation was the predominant communication orientation, followed by Nonassertive Assimilation. Practical implications: Media practitioners can use these insights for a better understanding of immigrant Copts. Immigrant Coptic media creators can gain a awareness of their relationship with the dominant western culture through the Article Note: This article underwent double-blind peer review.

Las opiniones emitidas en esta publicación son responsabilidad única y exclusiva de los autores, y no expresan necesariamente el punto e vista del Instituto de Investigación Económica Aplicada o del Min isterio de Planificación, Desarrollo y Gestión. Se permite la reproducción de este texto y de los datos contenidos en el mismo, siempre que se cite la fuente. Queda prohibida la reproducción para fines comerciales.

La vida política de Venezuela ha cambiado mucho durante los últimos años. Muestras de esta transformación son la desintegración de los partidos democráticos tradicionales, el desmantelamiento de las instituciones públicas y cinco elecciones consecutivas en un período de dos años. El promotor y líder de esta revolución es el presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez Frías, y su arma más efectiva ha sido su discurso político-electoral. Este artículo sostiene que la eficacia del discurso de Chávez surge de la simplicidad mítica de su narrativa —que puede describirse fácilmente en el nivel semionarrativo— y de la pasión que impregna el discurso en su conjunto. El resultado de aceptar el discurso de Chávez es quedar atrapado en un "juego psicológico". Nuestra tesis principal es que el discurso de Chávez nace y triunfa al ignorar un discurso político preexistente.

This study proposes and tests a novel theoretical mechanism to explain increased self-disclosure intimacy in text-based computer-mediated communication (CMC) versus face-to-face (FtF) interactions. On the basis of joint effects of perception intensification processes in CMC and the disclosure reciprocity norm, the authors predict a perception-behavior intensification effect, according to which people perceive partners’ initial disclosures as more intimate in CMC than FtF and, consequently, reciprocate with more intimate disclosures of their own. An experiment compares disclosure reciprocity in text-based CMC and FtF conversations, in which participants interacted with a confederate who made either intimate or nonintimate disclosures across the two communication media. The utterances generated by the participants are coded for disclosure frequency and intimacy. Consistent with the proposed perception-behavior intensification effect, CMC participants perceive the confederate’s disclos...

Our understanding of the structure and development of society is constantly evolving. As knowledge accumulates and new methods of inquiry emerge, older models and concepts are revisited. Consequently, many older concepts are acquiring new meaning and content. This study attempts to present a dynamic model that integrates the seemingly incompatible concepts of elitism, ethnogenesis, and structural-demographic analysis. It emphasizes the use of mathematical tools from game theory, catastrophe theory, and cybernetic disciplines to confirm (or refute) conclusions drawn from statistical data.

Somnath Batabyal's Red River (2024) is a poignant exploration of immigration, identity, and belonging set against the turbulent socio-political landscape of Assam in the 1980s and 1990s. This research article examines how Batabyal's novel portrays the immigrant experience, particularly that of Bengali Hindus, through the lens of personal and collective trauma, xenophobia, and the quest for belonging. By weaving together fictional narratives with historical realities, Batabyal captures the complexities of Assam's immigration debates, spotlighting the human cost of separatist movements and anti-immigrant sentiments. Drawing on scholarly reviews, historical analyses, and postcolonial theories, this article analyzes the novel's depiction of immigrants as both victims and agents within Assam's contested socio-political space. It argues that Red River challenges monolithic narratives of Assamese identity by foregrounding the immigrant's perspective, thus contributing to a nuanced understanding of migration and its intersections with nationalism, ethnicity, and belonging.

The country needs and, unless I mistake its temper, the country demands bold, persistent experimentation. It is common sense to take a method and try it. If it fails, admit it frankly and try another. But above all, try something." Who said this? Donald Trump? The words sound strikingly contemporary. One could easily imagine Trump quoting them while defending a risky strategic move-such as the strike against Iran-arguing that bold action and trial-and-error leadership are better than hesitation. But these words were spoken nearly a century ago by Franklin D. Roosevelt in a speech in 1932, during the depths of the Great Depression. Roosevelt was describing a governing philosophy deeply embedded in the American tradition: pragmatism. If a policy fails, try another. If that fails, try again. What matters is not ideological purity but practical results. This mindset shaped the reforms of the New Deal and has influenced American policymaking ever since.

The development towards the mainstreaming of extremism in European countries in the areas of immigration and integration has taken place both in policy and in discourse. The harsh policy measures that were implemented after the 2015 refugee crisis have led to a discursive shift; what is normal to say and do in the areas of immigration and integration has changed. Anti-immigration claims are today not merely articulated in the fringes of the political spectrum but more widely accepted and also, at least partly, officially sanctioned. This study investigates the anti-immigration claims, seen as (populist) appeals to the people that centre around a particular mythology of the people and that are, as such, deeply ingrained in national identity construction. The two dimensions of the populist divide are of relevance here: The horizontal dimension refers to articulated differences between "the people", who belong here, and the "non-people" (the other), who do not. The vertical dimension refers to articulated differences between the common people and the established elites. Empirically, the analysis shows how anti-immigration views embedded in processes of national myth making during and after 2015 were articulated in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 2019. The results indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys a nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socio-economic fairness.

Salt and Saffron by Kamila Shamsie resents the compendium confused accurate appraisal of tradition, change, and nationalism that has relevance to division, disjunctive differences, and globalisation. In Salt and Saffron, the commemorative narrative indicates postcolonial effects and connections; reconfiguration with identity transformation, pre-partition and pre-colonial transfers are shown. Aliya's life illustrates the migrant's identity, global citizenship, feministic viewpoints of worlding, and self-adjustment in an Americanized culture. The relationship between glocalization, globalisation, and national consciousness has demonstrated the underlying verisimilitude. The narrative's characters depict the current acceleration and conventional ideas in relation to postcolonial viewpoints. In Salt and Saffron, the reconciliation of appropriation and abrogation in contemporary postcolonial power relations is described. In addition, the contextualization of the narrative is examined in order to provide a new positioning for persistence and emerging family dichotomous perspectives and evaluations. This study is qualitative in nature only. Through Orientalism, Occidentalism, and diasporic experiences, this article analyses the underlying verisimilitudes. The adoption of a new identity, the rejection of parental beliefs, and the abhorrence of one's own cultural background and origins are explored in depth. Infrequently, the hegemonic cultural reconstructions obstruct the indigenized indigenous origins movement and displacement of postcolonial period multitudes. It has been examined that the new generation has a major link to global processes, cultural intelligences relevant to conventional inclinations, avenues for perplexity, and the submersion of the protagonist's reality in Alya's Salt and Saffron.

Este texto desarrolla la Teoría de la Naturalización del cannabis, un concepto acuñado por el autor a partir de su investigación previa "Economía popular y solidaria entorno a la nueva industria del cannabis: Caso Ecuador" (2020). Mientras aquel primer trabajo analizaba el fracaso de la legalización en el país, esta teoría propone un modelo alternativo: la reintegración de la planta al tejido comunitario, regulada por acuerdos entre personas y no por la burocracia estatal. Se introducen conceptos como la "comunidad cannábica originaria", el "RUC VERDE" y el "orden comunitario", anclados en la ontología indígena del Katsa Su y en las prácticas culturales afrodescendientes.

La sessió de la Comissió d’Estudi sobre el Racisme Institucional i Estructural (CERIE) s’obre a les deu del matí i deu minuts. Presideix Jessica González Herrera, acompanyada de la vicepresidenta, Basha Changue Canalejo, i de la secretària, Najat Driouech Ben Moussa. Assisteix la Mesa el lletrat Antoni Bayona i Rocamora. Hi són presents Ferran Pedret i Santos, pel G. P. Socialistes i Units per Avançar; Aurora Madaula i Giménez, pel G. P. de Junts per Catalunya, i María Elisa García Fuster, pel G. P. de VOX en Cataluña. Assisteixen a aquesta sessió Esther Mayoko Ortega, professora de la Universitat Tufts-Skidmore Spain; Fernando Macías, investigador del Centre d’Estudis Gitanos, i Antumi Toasijé.

Hrvatsko grboslovno i zastavoslovno društvo osnovano je 2006. godine. HGZD je član The Croatian Heraldic & Vexillological Association was established in 2006. HGZD is a member of Fédération internationale des associations vexillologiques Confédération internationale de généalogie et d'heraldique

The essay analyzes Uganda’s precarious “late Museveni” period, which is marked by an aging president, extreme personalization of power, and growing militarization. It shows how decisionmaking has shifted from formal institutions to an inner circle centered on Museveni’s family, and especially his son, who controls key military structures and openly pursues succession. Rising repression, ethnicized patronage, and the dominance of Western-Uganda elites intensify tensions with marginalized groups such as the Baganda. Looking beyond the 2026 elections, the essay argues that Uganda’s transition will likely be shaped by the first family, the army, ethnic dynamics, and regional powers, with significant risks of instability.

Sosyal sorumluluk işletmeler için olduğu kadar bireyler için de önemli konulardan bir tanesidir. Bugünlerde insanlar yakın çevreleri için olduğu kadar tüm insanlık için de bir şeyler yapmak istemektedirler. Bu çabalar sağlıklı bir iş yerinde çalışmak, daha temiz bir havada yaşamak, daha temiz sular içebilmek, hayvanları korumak, göçmenleri dikkate almak, insan hakları ihlallerine karşı çıkmak, doğaya daha az atık bırakmak ve daha az enerji harcama konularını içermektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı üniversite öğrencilerinin küresel sosyal sorumluluk algılarının sosyo-demografik özelliklere göre değişim gösterip göstermediğinin tespit edilmesidir. Çalışma bir vakıf üniversitesi sosyal ve beşerî bilimler fakültesi öğrencilerinden kolayda örneklem yöntemiyle seçilen 309 kişinin katılımıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Çalışmada Başer ve Kılınç (2015) tarafından geliştirilen "Küresel Sosyal Sorumluluk Ölçeği" kullanılmıştır. Çalışma sonunda öğrencilerin küresel sosyal sorumluluk algıları yüksek seviyede bulunmuştur. Çalışmada kadın öğrencilerin küresel sosyal sorumluluk algıları erkeklere göre anlamlı seviyede yüksek bulunmuştur. Yine, bir STK'ya üye olanların küresel sosyal sorumluluk algıları üye olmayanlara göre ve sosyal sorumluluk kavramını bilenlerin bilmeyenlere göre küresel sosyal sorumluluk algıları anlamlı düzeyde daha yüksek bulunmuştur.

Sosyal sorumluluk isletmeler icin oldugu kadar bireyler icin de onemli konulardan bir tanesidir. Bugunlerde insanlar yakin cevreleri icin oldugu kadar tum insanlik icin de bir seyler yapmak istemektedirler. Bu cabalar saglikli bir is yerinde calismak, daha temiz bir havada yasamak, daha temiz sular icebilmek, hayvanlari korumak, gocmenleri dikkate almak, insan haklari ihlallerine karsi cikmak, dogaya daha az atik birakmak ve daha az enerji harcama konularini icermektedir. Bu calismanin amaci universite ogrencilerinin kuresel sosyal sorumluluk algilarinin sosyo-demografik ozelliklere gore degisim gosterip gostermediginin tespit edilmesidir. Calisma bir vakif universitesi sosyal ve beseri bilimler fakultesi ogrencilerinden kolayda orneklem yontemiyle secilen 309 kisinin katilimiyla gerceklesmistir. Calismada Baser ve Kilinc (2015) tarafindan gelistirilen “Kuresel Sosyal Sorumluluk Olcegi” kullanilmistir. Calisma sonunda ogrencilerin kuresel sosyal sorumluluk algilari yuksek seviyede b...

The contemporary global order (circa 2026) is defined by systemic volatility, hybrid conflict, information warfare, moral pluralism, artificial intelligence-driven disruption, economic weaponization, and institutional legitimacy crises. Traditional leadership archetypes rooted in rigid law, dominance hierarchy, or purely compassionate reform appear insufficient to navigate the complexity of the current geopolitical landscape. This paper argues that among major civilizational archetypes-including Zeus (Greek), Odin (Norse), Ra (Egyptian), Yahweh (Judaic), Allah (Islamic theological model), Jesus Christ (Christian reformative archetype), and Rama (Hindu dharmic order archetype)-the strategic and philosophical model represented by Krishna provides the most adaptive and systemically resilient framework for leadership in 2026. Drawing primarily from the Mahabharata and the Bhagavad Gita, this research frames Krishna not as a theological figure but as a political-philosophical archetype embodying strategic realism, situational ethics, psychological mastery, narrative intelligence, and detached action. The paper proceeds by: 1. Defining the 2026 geopolitical environment. 2. Establishing evaluative leadership criteria. 3. Comparing civilizational archetypes. 4. Demonstrating Krishna's strategic superiority in conditions of moral complexity.

L’articolo discute il problema dell’identità del magister Dalphinus, professore di ars dictaminis, menzionato insieme a Boncompagno da Signa nel Liber florum di Boto da Vigevano, risalente al 1234. Attraverso il confronto con l’Ars epistolaris ornatus di Goffredo de Everseley, altro dictator della seconda metà del XIII secolo, si confuta l’ipotesi che Dalfino sia un eteronimo di Boncompagno sulla base di precisi riscontri testuali. Emerge, contestualmente, un rinnovato quadro dell’insegnamento retorico a Modena e a Bologna.

The 2005 terrorist attack in London shook British multiculturalism to its foundations and meant a turning point in the relationship between British Muslims and the state. The actions of the four British-born bombers turned British Muslims, and British Pakistanis in particular, into suspects who needed to show their allegiance to British values. The memoirs by Sarfraz Manzoor, Yasmin Hai and Zaiba Malik emerge as attempts to reverse this twisted rhetoric and claim that Britishness and Islam are not incompatible. This article argues that the hostile media environment in the aftermath of 7/7 interpellated these three authors, journalists by profession, to publicly share their lives in order to become representatives of moderate British Muslims. Even though their memoirs devote few pages to discussing 7/7, their emotional response to this event acts as a catalyst for the writing process itself.

Review of Rogue Elephant: How Republicans Went from the Party of Business to the Party of Chaos by Paul Heideman (Verso Books, 2025)

Trumpism is often cast as a personalist project representing no coherent capitalist interest. But it is also the product of splits within the ruling class and a new power bloc uniting the tech-military complex, crypto-capital, and extractivists.

In der wissenschaftlichen Abschlussarbeit von Nick Thoben mit dem Titel „Zwischen Staatsstreich und Vernichtungskrieg: Der Stab der Heeresgruppe Mitte als Schaltzentrale des militärischen Widerstands 1941–1944“ wird die herausragende Rolle dieser militärischen Dienststelle für die Opposition gegen das NS-Regime analysiert. Die Arbeit füllt eine Forschungslücke, indem sie die Heeresgruppe Mitte (HGr. Mitte) nicht nur als Randerscheinung des 20. Juli 1944 betrachtet, sondern als eigenständiges und zentrales Oppositionszentrum systematisch aufarbeitet.