Political Subjectivity

Para ello, primero se problematiza los alcances y las limitaciones de los acercamientos disciplinares de la psicología a esta categoría en la actualidad, para luego reflexionar sobre algunos atisbos teórico-epistemológicos que puedan servir de insumo para la elaboración de un aparataje teórico que atienda desde una mirada psicopolítica el problema de la ciudadanía.

Wie kann kritischer sozialwissenschaftlicher Unterricht heute aussehen? Malte Suhr schließt an die Kritik der politischen Ökonomie von Karl Marx sowie zeitgenössische gesellschaftstheoretische Erweiterungen und Aktualisierungen an und entwickelt systematisch einen neuen fachdidaktischen Ansatz. Dabei beschränkt er sich nicht nur auf erkenntnis-, gesellschafts- und bildungstheoretische Grundlagen, sondern liefert auch Schlussfolgerungen für die Planung von Unterricht. Die Berücksichtigung des polit-ökonomischen Paradigmas schließt eine Lücke in der politik- und wirtschaftsdidaktischen Theoriebildung – und leistet gleichzeitig eine ausstehende methodisch-didaktische Konkretisierung kritischer politischer Bildung.

Bu çalışma, modernist anlatı döneminde yapısal bütünlüğe ulaşan şiirsel sinemanın yalnızca edebi veya görsel öykünmelerden ibaret olmadığını, zaman kavramı üzerine inşa edilen felsefi bir yapı olduğunu göstermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu amaç doğrultusunda, filozof Gilles Deleuze'ün sinema taksonomisinde modernist anlatının karşılığı olan zaman-imge kavramı, teorik çerçeve olarak benimsenmiştir. Araştırmada amaçlı örneklem yöntemiyle seçilen Yaban Çilekleri, Hakkâri'de Bir Mevsim, Sonsuzluk ve Bir Gün, Hayat Ağacı ve Uzun Bir Günden Geceye Yolculuk filmleri incelenmiştir. Söz konusu filmler, zaman-imgenin temel kavramları olan saf optik ve sessel durumlar, herhangi-mekânlar ve kristal-imge bağlamında nitel araştırma yöntemleriyle, kuramsal film analizi modeli kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Elde edilen bulgular, incelemeye konu olan şiirsel sinema örneklerinde karakterlerin duyu-motor bağlarının koparak eylemsiz birer gözlemciye dönüştüğünü, mekânların coğrafi işlevlerini yitirerek şiirsel üretim alanlarına evrildiğini ve edimsel ile virtüel (sanal) arasındaki sınırların kalkmasıyla zamanın kristalleştiğini göstermektedir. Sonuç olarak, şiirsel sinemanın tesadüfi bir biçimsel tercih değil, temel unsuru zaman olan yapısal bir inşa olduğu saptanmış ve her zaman-imge filmi şiirsel olmasa da şiirsel yapıya sahip bütün filmlerin birer zamanimge filmi olduğu tespit edilmiştir.

The effect of Harlem Renaissance on the African-American community and the world at large cannot be overemphasised. The movement came as a result of the marginalisation between the whites and the blacks. This paper aims at proving the value and recognition posed by the authors of the Harlem Renaissance on African-Americans and the entire black race through their themes, settings, language, subject matter and style, using research materials from libraries, research journals, published books, information from the internet and anthologies containing all the poems of Langston Hughes and Claude McKay analysed in this research work. This research work shows explicitly the positive effects of the activists and writers of the Harlem Renaissance and how they used their works to fight for the African-Americans thereby boosting their confidence and giving them the literary power to find their voice, the voice which is still used today for the safeguarding of their rights and recognition of their literary prowess.

Resumen: Este artículo analiza cómo las tomas de terreno ocurridas en Osorno durante el estallido social de 2019 dieron lugar a formas de organización espontánea que emergieron en un contexto marcado por la ausencia de dispositivos organizativos consolidados y por una institucionalidad local débil para sostener procesos de acción colectiva. Se examina cómo, bajo condiciones de incertidumbre y cambio acelerado, las familias movilizadas lograron activar respuestas situadas basadas en marcos emocionales compartidos y redes contingentes, configurando modos de coordinación rápidos y flexibles que hicieron posible la ocupación del terreno. Mediante una metodología cualitativa -que incluye diez entrevistas semiestructuradas y un análisis de prensa local-se exploran las condiciones que posibilitaron la reactivación de este repertorio de acción colectiva. Los resultados evidencian que la revuelta abrió una ventana de oportunidad para la movilización autónoma, impulsada por transformaciones emocionales y cognitivas que dieron lugar a nuevas formas de organización. Estas se caracterizan por principios de igualdad, el uso intensivo de redes sociales y un fuerte componente de trabajo comunitario. Se propone interpretar estas experiencias como expresiones de una agencia situada, que desafía las rutas institucionales de acceso a la vivienda y resignifica el territorio como un espacio político.

La bibliografía académica ha definido el cuidado desde diversas disciplinas científicas y distintos enfoques. Se le ha considerado como un derecho, como un tipo de trabajo o como una ética particular. El objetivo de este texto es registrar el cambio conceptual en la discusión del cuidado en el contexto académico de habla inglesa en los últimos cincuenta años (1970-2020). Para ello, recurro al sistema de coordenadas de la socialidad, que es una herramienta especializada en la comparación de teorías y conceptos. Como resultado, identifico tres momentos en la discusión: la ética del cuidado, que busca revalorar la experiencia femenina; la crítica interseccional, que pugna por sumar la variable del poder a los análisis; y la globalización de los cuidados, que se orienta a la manera en que el cuidado adquiere una escala global en su organización y análisis.

The linkage between foreign policy and hegemony is admitted but has not been systematically analysed in the study of Turkish foreign policy. One of the key reasons for this is the absence of analytical tools that conceptualise the linkage between foreign policy and hegemony. In response to this gap, this study presents postfoundational/post-structural analytical tools to study the linkage. In addition, it applies those tools to analyse the far-reaching transformation in Turkish-American relations in the context of Turkey’s search for a new subjectivity in world politics. It argues there have been two main periods in Turkish-American relations since the AK Party came to power: an era of “lack of understanding” between the years 2002 and 2006, and the era after the parties had come to a “new understanding” since 2006.

Contemporary democratic theory frequently grounds political legitimacy upon rational consensus, procedural neutrality, and constitutional stability. Deliberative and liberal democratic frameworks commonly assume that political conflict can be moderated through communicative reason and institutional mediation. This paper argues that such models remain insufficient because they underestimate the constitutive role of antagonism, exclusion, and political resistance within democratic life. Drawing upon postfoundational political theory and related critical approaches to democracy, the study develops a critique of philosophical democracy as a project that seeks to stabilize democratic legitimacy through rational closure. The paper contends that every democratic order necessarily produces exclusions that cannot be fully resolved through deliberative procedures alone. Against consensus-oriented theories, this study proposes a dissensual understanding of democracy in which legitimacy emerges through ongoing contestation and the political enactment of equality. Political resistance is interpreted not merely as a symptom of democratic crisis but as one of the constitutive conditions of democratic renewal. The paper further examines contemporary transformations of democratic life under conditions of digital governance, algorithmic visibility, surveillance capitalism, and artificial intelligence. It argues that technological systems increasingly shape political participation and public visibility while introducing new forms of exclusion and depoliticization. Through historical and contemporary examples including the suffragette movement, civil rights struggles, Occupy Wall Street, Black Lives Matter, and climate activism, the paper demonstrates how democratic equality has historically expanded through dissensual interruption rather than institutional consensus alone. Ultimately, the study argues for a theory of democratic openness in which legitimacy depends upon preserving institutional and political spaces for contestation, resistance, and collective transformation. Democracy survives not through final closure but through its continued openness to what remains excluded, unrecognized, and politically unfinished.

Die Jahre nach 1840 in den deutschen Staaten stellen eine Periode der modernen politisch-ideologischen Ausdifferenzierung dar: Konservatismus, Liberalismus, Republikanismus, Sozialismus, Anarchismus, Kommunismus. Mitunter kam es zu heftigen Auseinandersetzungen, die das jeweilige Profil schärften. Festzuhalten ist allerdings, dass Sozialismus und Anarchismus, gar Kommunismus, in jedem Fall Minderheitenströme bildeten. Vor und während der Revolution von 1848 waren sie von marginaler Bedeutung. Mit Blick auf die spätere Wirkungsgeschichte ergibt sich mitunter ein anderer Eindruck, aber eine Kontextualisierung sollte beide Ebenen zu trennen vermögen. Hinsichtlich Sozialismus, Anarchismus und Kommunismus stellt sich zudem die Frage nach deren Avantgarden, also nach ihren frühen Fürsprechern. Denn Proletarier, d. h. Handwerksproletarier und die kleine Zahl von Industrieproletariern, die von diesen Bewegungen ebenso angesprochen wurden, wie sie von ihnen ausgingen, waren aufgrund ihrer Diskriminierung bildungsfern sozialisiert. Sie bedurften der Fürsprecher oder nahmen an, bestimmter Fürsprecher zu bedürfen. Und umgekehrt: Bestimmte Fürsprecher nahmen an, dass sie benötigt wurden. Karl Grüns sozialistisches Bekenntnis aus dem Jahr 1845, für das Proletariat zu handeln, "also in seinem Namen", und zwar deshalb, weil es "weder Bewußtsein, noch Recht" habe, 1 folgt genau dieser Logik. War Grün mit diesem Vorsatz repräsentativ für eine ganze Reihe von jungen, unangepassten Intellektuellen? Machten sich die, die sich plötzlich zu Advokaten und Programmatikern des Proletariats aufwarfen, damit nicht vor allem zu Sprechern in eigener Sache, d. h. ihrer Erfahrungen und Erwartungen? Versuchten sie, eigene Ansprüche zu verwirklichen, etwa die auf Theorie

This paper will delve into current authoritarian political phenomena based on theoretical approaches that articulate psychoanalysis and contemporary political theory languages, and on the idea of “panic mass”. Our main assumption is that the current general weakening of signifiers related to master -or Names-of-the-Father-, approached from the disruption outlined by Lacan through the mathema of Capitalist Discourse, places us on a new scenario where the split subject does not tend to inscribe himself into social bonds, but, exposed without caution to the superego imperative to enjoy, connects and forms panic masses.

This paper is concerned with the question of how to ethnographically account for race as a complex knowledge formation and political reality. I focus on South Africa which occupies a special place in global scientific debates on race and human origins – historically as well as presently. From the early twentieth century onwards, paleoanthropology, physical anthropology and genetics were preoccupied with the study of indigenous populations in order to draw general conclusions on human evolution and biological differences (and hierarchies) between groups. These genealogies of knowledge resonate in various ways in contemporary research. At the same time, the bureaucratic and ‘culturally’ defined race classification of apartheid heavily relied on common-sense notions of race and this has contributed to their ongoing persistence. While not fully congruent with each other, these ‘cultural’ and ‘biological’ classification practices are nevertheless closely intertwined. In the post-aparthei...

RESUMEN. Adoptando la concepción foucaultiana del «gobierno» como «conducción de conductas», y mediante un estudio esquemático de los «dispositivos biopolíticos» activados por el régimen franquista en sus diez primeros años de existencia -desde 1939 hasta 1951-, pretendemos aquí señalar el surgimiento de un tipo de subjetividad propia de la posguerra española, a saber, la del «homo patiens». Para ello, y en primer lugar, trazaremos un breve pero necesario esquema metodológico, al tiempo que intentaremos explicar el significado de ciertos términos capitales en nuestra exposición. A continuación esbozaremos un breve análisis de los más importantes «dispositivos biopolíticos» activados en el primer franquismo. Y por último trataremos de definir, en base a lo anteriormente expuesto, los trazos idiosincrásicos de ese tipo de subjetividad a la que nos hemos referido más arriba: la del «homo patiens».

This essay proposes a unified theory of sovereignty grounded in inversion rather than hierarchy, showing how power operates not through vertical dominance (master over slave, king over subject) but through recursive reversals that destabilize the very subject who claims authority. Beginning with Hegel's master-slave dialectic, where each position secretly contains its opposite, the essay follows this oscillation through three cultural articulations: Rūmī's dissolution of the "I" into the empty set ("I ≠ I, I = ¬I, and thus I = ∅"), Shakespeare's Richard II who becomes king precisely by unkinging himself, and Velázquez's Las Meninas, a visual machine in which sovereignty appears only through absence, reflection, and inversion. These trajectories converge in Lacan's geometry of inversion, particularly the slide-rule analogy and the recursive relation between the unary 1 and objet a, which formalizes sovereignty as a structural void around which subjects circulate. Through mathematical notation, topological diagrams, and symbolic analysis, the essay argues that sovereignty is not a possession but a recursion, not a throne but an inversion point, not an identity but a dynamic cut. It concludes by asking whether power exists anywhere except in the space where the "I" cancels itself; and whether the sovereign has ever been anything more than an echo inside this recursive geometry.

در زبان فارسی، واژه "نگهدار" هم به معنای «نگه‌داشتن» و هم به معنای «نگاه کردن» به‌کار می‌رود و در واقع از آن گرفته شده است. این واژه نه تنها به معنای حفاظت و «نگه-بانی» است، بلکه می‌تواند به معنای توقف و ممانعت از تغییر نیز باشد چرا که واژه‌ی نگه‌داشتن به صورت بسیار متداول به معنای جلوگیری و ایست هم به کار می‌رود. در این معنا، مفهوم نگاه به عنوان یک وسیله برای توقف جریان طبیعی زمان و حفظ وضعیت موجود به کار گرفته می‌شود.  ترکیب «خدا نگهدار!» و معادل آن یعنی.«خداحافظ!» به زیبایی این مفهوم  یعنی ارتباط میان نگهداشتن و حافظه را نشان می‌دهد. در اینجا کلمه خدا.دالی است که از عرش تا فرش نفوذ میکند. دقت کنید که کلمه کدخدا به معنی صاحب خانه است. (کد یعنی خانه و کدبانو یعنی نگاه بان خانه در غیاب کدخدا.)