Processes of Radicalization and Deradicalization

The number of people incarcerated for extremist actions has grown over the past decades. The resulting prospect of prison radicalization has contributed to widespread risk responsibilitization among prison staff. Low-level correctional officers now perceive themselves as being directly responsible for detecting radicalization on their units. Consequently, radicalization has become a meaningful topic for prison staff, one which shapes their daily actions and perceptions. However, officers' understandings of radicalization may not conform with accepted definitions. Through 131 semistructured interviews with Canadian correctional officers, we demonstrate how radicalization functions as a floating signifier in prison, influencing officer thought and behavior in meaningful ways while eluding easy definition. Officers redefine radicalization to fit interpretive frames around religion and race, gang membership, and mental health, irrespective of whether stereotypical extremists exist in a given prison. We demonstrate how radicalization, when operating as a floating signifier, can significantly influence officers' perceptions and front-line prison operations.

We examine the relationship between prison subcultures and prison radicalization based on semistructured qualitative interviews with 148 incarcerated men and 131 correctional officers from four western Canadian prisons. We outline several imported features of the prison subculture that make incarcerated people resilient to radicalized and extremist messaging.

This article examines the strategic necessity of "De-Hamasification" as the primary condition for a stable post-conflict reality in the Gaza Strip. Utilizing Comparative Policy Analysis, the study evaluates the transition from military victory to civil governance by examining diverse deradicalization models. Crucially, the research moves beyond Western historical precedents, such as the Denazification of Germany, to analyze contemporary Middle Eastern models of countering violent extremism (CVE) practiced in the Arab world. By analyzing regional governance and ideological reform, the study provides a conceptual framework for dismantling Hamas’s socio-political infrastructure. The findings conclude that a systemic ideological deradicalization success requires a synchronized four-pillar supporting strategy: security stabilization, a viable political horizon, the establishment of an alternative civil administration, and a comprehensive economic reconstruction.

Note: This English abstract is based on the original Hebrew publication: "דה-חמאסיזציה: התנאי ליום שאחרי", available at: https://www.inss.org.il/he/publication/de-hamasification/

Burkina Faso has been facing violent attacks from jihadist insrugent groups for several years. The current military government is trying to find new ways to unit the citizens and strengthen the country so it can defend itself against these threats. One of the strategies they use is called "Islamic mobilization as a civic ethics". The military government used Islamic values as a tool to unite people and as a moral basis for supporting civilian militias fighting rebel groups to maintain the country's sovereignty. This was done by emphasizing principles such as brotherhood, courage, honesty, mutual protection, and the obligation to defend the community. Therefore, the government considers "defending the country" a moral and religious responsibility for Muslim citizens. Since the majority of Burkina Faso's citizens are Muslim, this message is considered more acceptable and relevant to their daily lives. In practice, this method is very effective because a society that was previously divided by ethnic and political differences now has a common value that can be used to rebuild a sense of togetherness. This concept can be explained through Ibn Khaldun's Asabiyyah on group solidarity. According to him, a country becomes strong when its citizens have a high sense of solidarity and feel like a united group with the same goals. However, if this sense of solidarity is weak, the country will be fragile. In the case of Burkina Faso, the government is trying to revive Asabiyyah by using Islamic values as the basis for national identity. If people share the same values, they are more likely to unite, trust each other, and be willing to work together to protect the country from the threat of jihadists.

This paper reviews the nexus between criminal activity and terrorism. This interaction is often called the 'crime-terror nexus' because of the links between criminal enterprises-including gangs and criminal cartels. Transnational organized crime, terrorism, irregular warfare waged by criminal armed groups, and 'intelligence-led' state responses to their interactions are discussed.

This study examines messenger credibility in preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE), comparing lived experience (i.e. former extremist and victims of terrorism) messengers to professional experts using experimental data from a representative German sample (N = 2004). Findings suggest institutional messengers may be more credible due to professional expertise, challenging assumptions about lived experience credibility. Replicating a UK study with a refined design, this research enhances understanding of P/CVE messenger credibility, offering key insights for policy and P/CVE communication strategies.

The September 11, 2001, attacks on New York and Washington created a surge in scholarly interest in terrorism and extremism. However, there have been few comprehensive examinations of the role played by religious leaders in countering threats against state and society. Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the Iraqi Shia spiritual leader, emerged during the US invasion and occupation as a prominent figure promoting tolerance, rejecting extremism, and calling for peace among sectarian groups and political parties. This article explores how Sistani has opposed violent extremism, particularly after the Islamic State conquered parts of Syria and Iraq. Since 2017, Sistani has aided Iraq's post-ISIS recovery by urging the government to bring militias under state authority, advocating for national unity, and seeking reforms to bolster the country's sovereignty and stability. The study examines Sistani's fatwas and public statements, showing that by mobilizing his followers and leveraging his moral authority, the grand ayatollah has helped mitigate sectarian tensions and quell violence. It concludes with a discussion of the succession process, as Sistani has reached his mid-90s.

The comprehensive counter-radicalization efforts by Warith Deen Muhammad to
reform the Nation of Islam, a group of African American converts, constituted a
watershed in this Muslim minority’s experience. The rationale for this chapter is
to understand how this religious minority managed to elude extremism. Therein,
I mainly look at the approach these people have elaborated since 1975 under the
instigation of Warith Deen Muhammad to circumvent erstwhile doctrinal
rigidities. To this end, I investigate spokespersons’ declarations and the
available literature reflecting their stances, attitudes, and reactions conducive to
the newly adopted mindset of deradicalization observed among these converts
over the last four decades. From a social-psychological perspective, I speculate
that deradicalization in the case under consideration has been motivated by
identity valorization. Then, postulating that deradicalization can be a process
whereby individuals or groups, of their own accord, relinquish extremist
ideology, I analyze the strategy of valorization pursued by this minority and
argue that it has worked out innovative practices that cut with the minority’s
fundamentalist past. It turns out that Warith Deen Muhammad initiated a
process of self-deradicalization. The findings also show how he sought
reintegration into mainstream society, demonstrating that reconversion in one’s
own culture could provide the pathway for a moderate religiosity.

Radicalisation which leads to violent extremism has been a worrisome phenomenon which has assumed global dimension and has engaged the attention and concern of governments, civil society, security agencies and institutions. The violent aspect of radicalisation has greatly decimated populations, maimed innocent citizens and destroyed unqualified number of property. This negatively affects the social-economic and political development of affected nations. Religion which occupies a central position in human life becomes a medium of propagating this socio-political conflict into a moral one. This research surmises that the misuse of Religion is executed by those whose motivations and aims have a predominant religious influence is rooted in the misinterpretation of theological epithets, or it could be the result of extreme forms of delusion that may alter reality, and thus subject an individual or a group of people to distorted versions of religious facts and episodes. The research uses ...

REHABILITATION OF ADHERENTS AND VICTIMS OF RADICAL IDEOLOGY: ISSUES OF EFFICIENCY
Azizi R.
The article examines the effectiveness of religious rehabilitation in the context of the fight against violent extremism and terrorism. The author draw attention to the fact that religious figures and institutions play an important role in working with adherents of radical ideology, but it is necessary to have basic knowledge about the religious and cultural roots of the people they work with in order to recognize signs of radicalization.
The article also emphasizes the need to understand the difference between ordinary cultural and religious manifestations and manifestations of extremism. In general, the article draws attention to the relevance of the issue of religious rehabilitation and the possible consequences of its application.
Keywords: radicalism, extremism, rehabilitation, deradicalization, secular state.

There is a growing recognition in academia of the perceived reliance of terrorist groups
on Organized Crime activities and groups in contemporary times to finance its
operations. To better understand the alleged nexus between organized crime and terror
financing, this dissertation explored the activities of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
(AQIM) as a case study. AQIM is most suitable for this research as it is an ideal
example of a terror group with the exact rhetoric. The study established that, indeed
there is a level of interdependence between organized crime and terrorism in the Sahel
and the reason for such an alliance was critically evaluated.
Despite being declared as a terrorist organization by major international powers
since 2007, the tendency of the group to resort to kidnapping, smuggling, arms
trafficking and extortion to fund its global jihad has attracted an increased scrutiny from
scholars and the international community. Touching on key academic debates,
historical accounts and the evolution of AQIM, the research has observed that, the
close and often mutually beneficial relationship between organized crime and terrorism
in the Sahel was largely influenced by successful international war and sanctions on
terror as well as a clampdown on legal ways of financing. This nexus, the dissertation
concludes is one of the important causative agents of the growing insecurity in the Sahel
region.

“Inclusive Circulation of Exclusive Values for Justice Reform in the Sahel: A review of: Transnational Islam: Circulations of Religious Ideas, Actors and Practices Between Niger and Nigeria. Edited by Elodie Apard, Ibadan & Leiden: French Institute for Research in Africa and African Studies Centre, IFRA- Nigeria & ASC-Leiden, 2020 [i-xi, – 218 pages].”

This master's thesis discusses the role of the Presidency of Religious Affairs in countering terrorist organizations that exploit religion and violent extremism. In that sense, it focuses on the role of the institution in preventing, countering radicalization, and deradicalization and its activities in this regard. It is argued that the Presidency of

Targeted violence and violent extremism are on the rise in the United States and law enforcement personnel, specifically police officers and sheriffs’ deputies, are often the first line of defense in countering targeted violent extremist infiltration and recruitment attempts in their communities (https://www.splcenter.org/year-hate-extremism-2022). Law enforcement often have little training to effectively identify and intervene with these new challenges of individuals who are at-risk of radicalization, are being, or have already been radicalized; as well as to protect against community and policing infiltration attempts by violent extremist groups trying to gain access to vulnerable community members and to police training and weapons.

The International Center for the Study of Violent Extremism (ICSVE) is an internationally recognized and respected think tank for their research regarding the processes of radicalization, disengagement, deradicalization, rehabilitation and reintegration; prevention and intervention strategies; counter narrative videos and first-person video recorded interviews of over 800 terrorists and violent extremists. In 2022, ICSVE was awarded a US Department of Homeland Security Targeted Violence and Terrorism Prevention Grant (Grant No: EMW-2022-GR-00076) to provide a comprehensive, evidence-based series of virtual and in-person multi-media trainings and follow-up briefs addressing law enforcement responses to violent extremism. The goal was for the trainings to be delivered to law enforcement and security professionals across the country and in the Washington, D.C. area to educate and prepare them for a new era of violent extremist radicalization and recruitment.

Creative and need-based approaches using multimedia presentations were developed by ICSVE based on actual case studies and research interviews to help police understand the psychosocial forces involved in radicalization to violent extremism, to prevent contributing to radicalization and to analyze psychosocial and policing perspectives on actual case studies of violent extremist events. The trainings took a whole-of-society view, taking into consideration systemic and developmental factors that make individuals highly vulnerable to recruitment, addressed the rise in online indoctrination and recruitment and the obstacles to detection for police and the factors which make exiting difficult for those already in such groups.

The project had two main objectives. The first objective was to provide American law enforcement with training and information that can be used to prevent violent extremist infiltration in their communities immediately and the second to provide proof of concept for the future development of a multimedia curriculum which can be disseminated to police and sheriff’s departments across the country and internationally as a virtual and perhaps even an asynchronous continuing education and training program.

Activities included developing six multi-media training modules delivered for law enforcement personnel followed by dissemination of related summary notes and research articles to all participants. Pre and post tests were administered, and the results were analyzed to verify that learning objectives were met. Likewise, the researchers collected participants' reviews of the materials, trainers, and suggestions for future trainings.  Additionally, 5-10 law enforcement participants from each training group were involved in short interviews to review the trainings, learn what was most useful for police, how to increase their accessibility and suggestions for improvements.

Toplumda yalnizlasan bireyin ana akim dusuncelerden koparak toplumun kabul etmedigi dusunceleri kabul etmesi veya daha da ileri giderek siddet icerikli eylemleri benimsemesi ile sonuclanan sureci kapsayan radikallesme olgusu, son yillarda en cok tartisilan kavramlardan biridir. Devletler, radikallesme ile mucadele konusunu oldukca onem vermektedir cunku radikallesme sadece ileriye donuk degil ayni zamanda geriye de gidebilen bir surectir. Diger bir deyisle radikallesme bir noktaya kadar onlenebilir, engelleneniler ve geriye dondurulebilir bir surectir. Radikallesme surecleri bize teror orgutlerine katilan kisilerin katilim sebepleri ile ilgili ipuclari verirken orgutten ayrilan kisilerin tekrar ilimlastirilmasi icin de isik tutmaktadir. Irak ve Suriye’deki catismalarin yarattigi basarisiz devlet ortamindan yararlanan teror orgutleri, savasci sayilarini on binlerce kisiye cikartmislardir. Bu donemde, cok sayida yabanci savasci degisik teror orgutlerine katilmak icin yasa disi sekilde...

The threat posed by current or former members of the military joining right-wing extremist groups is an issue of growing concern – evidenced by arrests and disrupted terrorist plots across Western Europe and North America. Using interviews with individuals who are both former extremists and have military experience, this article provides a basis for understanding the ways in which military service intersects and interacts with far-right extremism. By focusing on what we term the operational dimensions of the overlap between right-wing extremism and the military service, this article advances a novel framework for understanding how right-wing extremists navigate military institutions, such as recruitment during and after service, and using both covert and overt measures to reveal or conceal their beliefs, as well as recruit others. This study also illustrates how the timing of military service can impact susceptibility or resilience to radicalisation based on specific unit dynamics and planned or unplanned exits from service. Finally, this article discusses how these findings can produce practical recommendations for military institutions, while highlighting the need for more research on the topic.

Violence Prevention Network (VPN) consists of a group of experienced specialists with many years of successful practice in extremism prevention, deradicalisation and reduce-hate-crime work. Various federal ministries, statelevel justice departments and institutional partners have worked with VPN from its inception in 2001. They value the "Taking Responsibility-Breaking away from Hate and Violence" programme that VPN has developed and implemented in prisons and in community work. VPN's main target groups are young people from different backgrounds who have committed hate crimes motivated by bias, inclined either towards right-wing extremist ideology or forms of radical Islam. anti hate crime and deradicalisation interventions | results of recent good practice studies 1 A Two studies in Germany: 'Towards Preventing Violent Radicalisation' (TPVR, 2011) and: 'Media Interaction … and Preventing Adolescent Violence and Extremism' (LIPAV, 2011) 1 The TPVR and LIPAV Good Practice research project aimed at analyzing exemplary social-therapeutic approaches of group work with hate crime offenders from rightwing and Muslim fundamentalist backgrounds in Germany. Using a qualitativeempirical design of open, non-thematic methods, as biographical-narrative and focussed-narrative interviews with participants and facilitators, group discussions and participative observation, the study (a) elaborates criteria according to which good practice in the field of deradicalisation and reintegration may be recognised, and (b) analyses the crucial impact factors of the analyzed intervention method. It also puts them into perspective with recent research on violence, terrorism and hate crime (see Lützinger, Section D)-in particular the 2010 study of the Federal Criminal Justice Agency and other recent qualitative studies. Further, reference is made to the evaluation of Federal Model Projects from the current 'Federal Programme' of antiextremism work in Germany (see Diversity 2010, Section B).

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This research paper focuses on young or juvenile Islamic State (IS) returnees, assessing what sets juvenile returnees apart from adult returnees or the broader population of young criminals, and scoping the potential venues and challenges in their rehabilitation and reintegration. The authors conclude that rehabilitation and reintegration efforts for juvenile violent extremist offenders (including those returning from IS-territory) need to be based on two underlying assumptions: the importance of age and attitudes. Young children (zero to nine years old) who are born in IS-territory or brought by their parents at a very young age, should first and foremost be viewed as victims. For older children, other factors such as indoctrination, training and potential involvement in violent activities are more likely to play a role, demanding an approach that goes beyond the victim-perspective. Professionals need to determine to what extent these children have been socialised into IS-culture and whether they cope with their experiences more internally or externally. To direct rehabilitative efforts for them, it is even more essential to assess their attitude towards violence and to what extent they have accepted IS' norms and behaviors, compared to adult terrorist returnees. In the end, the authors conclude that it is not necessary to reinvent the wheel, especially where numbers of terrorism convicts in general, and juveniles in particular are low. But rehabilitation is considered to work best when tailored to individual needs, and policymakers need to take into account the very distinctive needs of juvenile offenders as a separate class of offenders while respecting all relevant international law and human rights standards in the fight against terrorism.

This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Bipasha Sultana Entitled: Threatening the Body Politic: Negotiating the boundaries of national belonging for Canadian foreign fighters and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality.

This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Bipasha Sultana Entitled: Threatening the Body Politic: Negotiating the boundaries of national belonging for Canadian foreign fighters and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Media Studies) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality.

Former extremists and terrorists (‘formers’) are seen as key messengers and mentors in preventing and countering violent extremism ‎‎(P/CVE). Their assumed effectiveness rests on their unique, intrinsic source credibility due to their biography. Having ‘walked the ‎walk’ and ‘talked the talk’, it is widely assumed that such individuals are ideal to present counter messages. Formers are typically ‎viewed as more credible and effective messengers in contrast to other messengers, in particular the police, when targeting ‘hard to-‎reach’ audiences. This study presents findings from an experimental survey that tested whether far-right former extremists and police ‎officers are perceived as credible sources in P/CVE communications among the general population and among a far-right milieu. ‎Challenging wide-held assumptions in the P/CVE field, the present study found that far right former extremists are perceived as ‎neither credible nor lacking credibility among the general population, nor are they perceived as credible among a far-right milieu. ‎Further, police officers were found to have the highest credibility in P/CVE communication. The paper outlines policy options for ‎engaging with former extremists in P/CVE: detailing ways to embed former extremists with messengers who have institutional ‎expertise.‎