Ramesses II

The emergence of neo-banks and digital-only banks has highlighted the most evident shift in global banking operations, marking an evolution within the sphere of financial services. The main aim of the study is to provide better understanding of Neo banks and Digital only banks. This study explores the shift brought by these tech-centric financial institutions by concentrating on their capacity to improve access, effectiveness, and overall inclusion. The objectives of this research are to understand the growth patterns, operational frameworks as well as regulatory issues pertaining to neo-banks and digital-only banks. In addition, it evaluates their impact toward reducing the existing gap in the research of the neo banking. The study utilizes an exploratory methods approach, which allows aspects of quantitative surveys of various stakeholders such as investors, experts in banking, fintech, and various consumers. This research ensures inclusiveness with respect to respondent providing traditional or digital banks services alongside Fintech and regulators comprising 250 respondents. The results reveal that neo-banks and digital-only banks have transformed the banking industry by providing advanced AI integrated seamlessly into cost-friendly financial services.

Establecer la fecha del éxodo israelita de Egipto, relato contenido en el Antiguo Testamento (AT) de la Biblia, ha sido uno de los mayores retos para los investigadores de estudios bíblicos, historiadores y arqueólogos que consideran al menos un fondo histórico para este relato. Y es que el AT no menciona fechas ni nombres de reyes o faraones, y las señales o “pistas” que si proporciona en su texto, son muchas veces vagas, contradictorias, o sujetas a interpretaciones. Por tal razón, se han escrito numerosos (decenas de miles) libros, artículos y ensayos en los que se proponen teorías que por lo general no han sido satisfactorias, ni de aceptación universal.
Un meticuloso análisis del relato bíblico del Éxodo, y en particular de las señales o pistas que pudieran generar una respuesta válida al enigma de ¿Cuándo ocurrió el éxodo?, encuentra que existen al parecer, fragmentos en los que se mezclan dos versiones (tradiciones) de este suceso. Los especialistas en estudios bíblicos las conocen como versión “Y” (Yahvista o de Jehová) y versión “P” (Sacerdotal). Si se tratara de dos episodios de éxodo recordados como uno solo, las contradicciones aparentes del texto se pudieran explicar sin mayor problema.
El propósito de este ensayo, es el de proponer la existencia y presentar evidencia de dos relatos en el AT de diferentes épocas. sobre la salida, escape o huida de Egipto de israelitas que habían sido oprimidos y esclavizados, y su regreso a la tierra de Canaán.

Establishing the date of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, a story contained in the Old Testament (OT) of the Bible, has been one of the greatest challenges for biblical studies researchers, historians and archaeologists who consider at least a historical background for this story. And the fact is that the OT does not mention dates or names of kings or pharaohs, and the signs or "clues" that it does provide in its text are often vague, contradictory, or subject to interpretation. For this reason, numerous (tens of thousands) books, articles and essays have been written in which theories are proposed that have generally not been satisfactory or universally accepted. A meticulous analysis of the biblical account of the Exodus, and in particular of the signs or clues that could generate a valid answer to the enigma of when did the exodus occur?, finds that there appear to be fragments in which two versions (traditions) of this event are mixed. Specialists in biblical studies know them as the "Y" version (Yahwist or from Jehovah) and the "P" version (Priestly). If these were two exodus episodes remembered as one, the apparent contradictions in the text could be explained without much problem. The purpose of this essay is to propose the existence and present evidence of two stories in the OT from different times, about the departure, escape or flight from Egypt of Israelites who had been oppressed and enslaved, and their return to the land of Canaan. In this essay, the conventional dates used by most historians for Canaan and Egypt during the so-called Second Intermediate Period (2 nd IP), the New Kingdom, and the corresponding Egyptian dynasties are utilized.

Establishing the date of the Israelite exodus from Egypt, a story contained in the Old
Testament (OT) of the Bible, has been one of the greatest challenges for biblical studies researchers, historians and archaeologists who consider at least a historical background for this story. And the fact is that the OT does not mention dates or names of kings or pharaohs, and the signs or “clues” that it does provide in its text are often vague, contradictory, or subject to interpretation. For this reason, numerous (tens of thousands) books, articles and essays have been written in which theories are proposed that have generally not been satisfactory or universally accepted.
A meticulous analysis of the biblical account of the Exodus, and in particular of the signs or clues that could generate a valid answer to the enigma of when did the exodus occur finds that there appear to be fragments in which two versions (traditions) of this event are mixed. Specialists in biblical studies know them as the “Y” version (Yahwist or from Jehovah) and the “P” version (Priestly). If these were two exodus episodes remembered as one, the apparent contradictions in the text could be explained without much problem.
The purpose of this essay is to propose the existence and present evidence of two
stories in the OT from different times, about the departure, escape or flight from Egypt of Israelites who had been oppressed and enslaved, and their return to the land of Canaan.

During the New Kingdom and particularly during the 18th dynasty, Egypt's military policy was
drastically changed. The Hyksos occupation meant the end of Egypt's traditional indifference towards
neighbors, especially those beyond the northeastern frontier. Due to the inherent danger in the East, the 18th
dynasty had to reconstruct the entire military and administrative structure. Self-centered thinking had to give way to a more dynamic approach. To protect the Egyptian borders against another invasion, the
Egyptians came up with the idea of creating buffer zones along their borders. The purpose of the paper is to define and objectify buffer zones as a strategic concept during the New Kingdom, tracing the procedures of Egyptian buffer zone formation and the ways buffer zones were applied in regions outside the Nile Valley «northern east, western and southern borders», through the analyzing the reasons behind applying the idea in addition to determining the criteria under which certain areas were considered buffer zones from the beginning up to the end of the New Kingdom. And the paper further claims the importance of population control policies on buffer zone formation, discussing methods of population control «depopulation, assimilation, or taking over the traditional foreign spots» and observing their application in the northern east, western and southern borders. Through an analysis of archaeological evidence, this paper aims to examine the varying strategies employed by the ancient Egyptians to establish buffer zones, considering the geophysical characteristics, geopolitical significance and settlement patterns of each border. By highlighting
the distinctions among these Egyptian buffer zones, the study ultimately seeks to determine whether their implementation accomplished their intended objectives.

Postdoctoral investigation of the internal organization, production strategies, and socio-economic role of the workshops of Deir el-Medina through a multidisciplinary analysis of funerary assemblages. By treating funerary objects as evidence of coordinated artisanal practices, the research aims to identify workshop patterns, specialized crafts, and systems of production and exchange within the private market of New Kingdom Thebes.

During the Ramesside Period, military conflicts with Libyan groups assumed particular importance, especially during the reigns of Sety I, Merenptah, and Ramesses III. The historical records and reliefs of these warrior pharaohs, preserved at Karnak and Medinet Habu, provide detailed and valuable evidence concerning the campaigns conducted along Egypt’s western frontier. Moreover, both textual and archaeological data indicate that military confrontations with Libyan groups may also have taken place during the reign of Ramesses II. Drawing upon archaeological, iconographical, and textual evidence, this paper examines and analyzes the principal historical aspects of the Ramesside wars against the Libyans.

Conquérant, grand bâtisseur, père de centaines d'enfants, homme à la longévité hors du commun : RamsesII est l'une des personnalités les plus marquantes de l'Égypte antique. Ce pharaon, qui ne se prétendait pas seulement fils des dieux mais dieu à part entière, intrigue et fascine. Aux yeux de ses contemporains, il n'était guère soumis aux lois de la nature : il s'éteignit vers quatre-vingt-dix ans, à une époque où l'espérance de vie moyenne était plutôt de trente ans. Afin d'entretenir le culte de sa personne et de marquer l'Histoire, RamsesII fit construire des édifices grandioses. D'innombrables colosses et temples furent dressés à travers l'Empire égyptien. Ces prouesses architecturales sont autant de manifestations de la splendeur de "Ramses le Grand". Plus de trois millénaires nous séparent du règne de ce roi. Ses monuments et sa momie sont pourtant parvenus à traverser le temps, jusqu'à lui faire toucher du doigt l'immortalité.

“But in the field of history nothing is established for ever: the discovery of
new sources, or simply a new perspective on events, can call into question an almost official historical truth which has been long-accepted by everyone”.
Michael Benoit.

I am pleased to present this small study of an unusually peaceful episode in Hittite-Egyptian relations in honor of Gary Beckman, whose scholarship inspires and whose friendship I value. The marriage of a Hittite princess with the Egyptian name Maathorneferure to the Nineteenth Dynasty Egyptian king Ramesses II is recorded in royal correspondence 1 between the Egyptian king and Hattusili

The Deir el-Medina Who’s Who is an indispensable reference work dedicated to reconstructing the lives, family networks, and professional careers of the workmen who served on the royal necropolis gang during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasties. Through meticulous analysis of textual and archaeological evidence, the volume also refines the chronological succession of the necropolis’ key office holders — including the chief workmen, their deputies, the senior scribes and their assistants.
This fully revised second edition represents a major expansion of the original 1999 publication. It incorporates a substantial body of new textual and material evidence that has come to light in the intervening years, alongside a comprehensive re-evaluation of earlier data. As a result, the work identifies additional members of the necropolis gang, establishes previously unknown family lines, and significantly refines further the career chronologies of many individuals.
New to this edition is an in-depth analysis of the leadership of the necropolis gang during the early Twenty-First Dynasty, a pivotal period when activity in the Theban necropolis shifted from tomb construction to the safeguarding, reburial, and transfer of royal mummies to safer locations. Together, these enhancements make this volume an essential resource for scholars of Deir el-Medina, New Kingdom Egypt, Theban studies, and the social history of ancient Egyptian workmen.

© Institut français d'archéologie orientale -Le Caire BIFAO 120 (2020), p. 253-264 Frédéric Payraudeau, Sébastien Poudroux Varia tanitica II. Une nouvelle fille-épouse de Ramsès II Conditions d'utilisation L'utilisation du contenu de ce site est limitée à un usage personnel et non commercial. Toute autre utilisation du site et de son contenu est soumise à une autorisation préalable de l'éditeur (contact AT ifao.egnet.net). Le copyright est conservé par l'éditeur (Ifao).

Joseph (Yusuf/Yosef) is a central figure in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions. While traditionally approached as a religious narrative, many details of Joseph's story align closely with the historical and administrative realities of Middle Kingdom Egypt (circa 1878-1801 BCE). This study examines his trajectory-from arrival in Egypt as a foreigner to his rise as a high-ranking official managing the kingdom's grain reserves-through a historical and linguistic lens, incorporating Egyptian onomastics, social structures, and administrative practices. Additionally, later textual traditions, such as the Famine Stela, are analyzed as potential symbolic memories of earlier crises, providing indirect historical context.

El presente artículo examina las guerras libradas por los faraones del período ramésida (1295-1069 a.C.) en Nubia, a partir de un análisis conjunto de fuentes textuales, iconográficas y arqueológicas. Se propone que dichas campañas, conducidas principalmente para sofocar rebeliones, permitieron reafirmar la autoridad imperial de Egipto sobre sus territorios meridionales. El estudio contribuye a una comprensión del significado político e ideológico de la guerra durante la época ramésida a partir de una recapitulación de los conocimientos actuales sobre las campañas nubias del período y de un repaso por los testimonios procedentes de templos, estelas e inscripciones rupestres.

This article examines the wars conducted by the Ramesside pharaohs (1295-1069 BC) in Nubia through a combined analysis of textual, iconographic and archaeological evidence. It argues that these campaigns, carried out mainly to suppress rebellions, were part of a consistent policy aimed at reaffirming Egypt’s imperial authority in its southern provinces. The study aims to contribute to an understanding of the political and ideological dimensions of warfare during the Ramesside era, drawing on current knowledge of the Nubian campaigns and on evidence from temples, stelae, and rock inscriptions.

The traditional sequential ordering of Dynasties 19 and 20 in Egyptian history is challenged through a re-examination of the chronology of the Viceroys of Kush, particularly officials named Hori. Orthodox narratives use these viceroys to anchor the succession from Dynasty 19 to 20. This analysis collates all attested data for Viceroys Hori I, Setau, Kama, and Hori II, incorporating a revised chronological method ("drift-dating") and key monuments such as the Elephantine graffito (Year 6 of Ramesses III), the Cairo statue JE 36665 (Hori, son of Kama), and the Copenhagen statue AEIN 49 (dating to Merneptah). The resulting timeline reveals that the combined tenures of these viceroys span approximately 118 years and cannot be neatly contained within a strict 19th-then-20th Dynasty framework. The evidence suggests instead a significant temporal overlap between the two dynasties, with Dynasty 20 already ruling while late Dynasty 19 pharaohs (Merneptah, Seti II, Siptah) were still on the throne. The standard model of linear succession is therefore concluded to be untenable, replaced by a model of complex interweaving and concurrency.

Barry Curnock published a series of peer-reviewed papers from 2007 to 2024 examining evidence of the Old, Middle, and New Kingdom Hittites found in the annals of the Neo-Assyrian kings. These papers make a strong case for dating the Hittites to the Neo-Assyrian Era. As his papers were difficult to find, with Curnock's permission, I have compiled them into one PDF and posted them in my reference section.

“Piramesse, Sukkoth, and Migdol of the Exodus narrative are reasonably identified with locations known from ancient Egyptian archaeology and epigraphy …. Other locations in the itinerary, such as Etham, Pi Hahiroth, Baal Zephon, and especially the Re(e)d Sea, remain ambiguous or undiscovered”.
Stephen O. Moshier and James K. Hoffmeier.

Book of the Dead Spell 161 was a popular spell with a history of use spanning the mid-to-late 18th Dynasty through the Ptolemaic Period. Although BD 161 was frequently employed on portable objects such as coffins, sarcophagi, and papyri, it rarely appears in tomb programs. During the New Kingdom, the spell was used primarily as part of a widespread decorative scheme that adorned the external, long sides of royal and private coffins and sarcophagi. BD 161’s intericonic translation to funerary monuments and the majority of its programmatic applications occurred during the early Ramesside Period, which was a time of heightened creative inspiration and experimentation. However, the full scope of the spell’s monumental use has not been adequately explored or understood.

The aims of this talk are to identify the scope of the use of BD 161 in tomb programs, to elucidate the characteristics of the spell/vignette at each of the sites where it occurs, and to differentiate the BD 161 monumental traditions from those on other source types.

Like most archaeological sites, our understanding of Zawiyet Umm el-Rakham (ZUR) is driven by a series of questions which can be simple to pose, but less simple to answer: what, when, why, and how? The occasion of the conference on Ramesside Military Systems gives us the opportunity to review the work carried out at ZUR by the Liverpool University Mission, and its predecessors, and the extent that such questions have been satisfactorily answered.

International Conference “Aspects and Impacts of Ramesside Imperialism in the Levant and Nubia”

Date: December 12–13, 2025

Venue: The Institute for Egyptology and Coptology of Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich   

Organisers: Prof. Dr. Friedhelm Hoffmann, Dr. Mohamed Raafat Abbas

This study sheds light on the dynamic and static collapse causes of Ramses II pylon side by side an analytical study of the pylon construction system, causes such as, seismic loads, wind loads, the destruction of sandstone, by calculating the impact earthquakes and winds that have struck the pylon and relationship with construction stability also the impacts of bearing capacity, also the pressure force that generated by its loads over the foundation soil and relationship with infrastructure failure, a set of tests and analyzes were conducted on a deteriorated sample, the study found that the nubian earthquake force (27-28 BD) had led to a total failure of the upper half, with structural cracks, wind loads incapable to collapse the pylon before earthquakes but in the current situation can affect and associated with the extreme material weakness of infrastructure and the inability of soil to bear the loads, found that wind loads above the foundation level £F=2,570 kn/m, and from foundation £M=44550 kn/m, current bearing capacity founded is equal to 91.8 kn/m 2 , not suitable for its-loads it was also found that earthquake loads on the pylon = 437533.9 kn that demolished the pylon, and through sandstone testing showed low-coherent, presence of brown impurities, irregular extended and incoherence molecules, foundation soil at 3-4 metres shows solid severity crystal with gaps, high smoothness mud, sandstone was analyzed, found (Quartz 89.8%, Kaolinite 8.9%, Halite 0.9%, Anatase 00.5) hence sandstone was deteriorated due to the agricultural waters adjacent to the pylon.

This analysis evaluates the 1982/83 paper An Alternative to the Velikovskian Chronology for Ancient Egypt by David Rohl and Peter James, situating it within the broader debate over Egyptian and Near Eastern chronology. The document proposes a radical compression of the Third Intermediate Period (TIP) through extensive dynastic overlaps, re‑identifications of rulers, and synchronisms with biblical narratives, retaining some of Immanuel Velikovsky’s early placements while rejecting his later revisions. Working backward from the fixed anchor of 664/663 BC, the authors reposition key 21st–25th Dynasty figures, identify Ramesses II as the biblical Shishak, and equate the Amarna correspondence with the era of Saul and David. Strengths include the use of secure late TIP anchors, recognition of genuine political contemporaneity, and attention to anomalies in the conventional sequence. However, the proposed compression conflicts with multiple independent chronological controls, including astronomical data, stratified archaeology, radiocarbon dating, and cross‑cultural synchronisms, and its biblical correlations require wholesale re‑dating of the Late Bronze Age. Subsequent scholarship has refined TIP overlaps but retained the conventional New Kingdom framework, and the authors themselves later diverged into distinct models. The paper remains a significant early expression of “New Chronology” thinking, illustrating both the appeal and the evidential challenges of large‑scale chronological revision.

The colossal granite head housed in the British Museum (EA 15) is officially attributed to Amenhotep III, with a prevailing scholarly narrative asserting that it was later usurped by Ramesses II (an act that modern curators have ‘corrected’) [Appendix 1]. This paper challenges that attribution, arguing that the head's physiognomic traits indeed match Ramesses II, and most likely did from inception.  We argue that the usurpation narrative reflects Eurocentric projections of political rivalry and iconoclasm rather than ancient Egyptian cultural realities of reverence and continuity (Budge 1895). Through comparative morphological analysis of securely attributed statuary of Amenhotep III and Ramesses II, we demonstrate the material implausibility of converting one ruler's facial schema into the others as entirely impractical and overwhelmingly unsupported.  Additional contextual and historical evidence; such as the findspot’s archaeological circumstances, early post-excavation attributions with Ramesside stylisation further supports the identification of the head as that of Ramesses II and alteration patterns are insufficient for the alleged change in identity. We also suggest that the reassignment may have served to sidestep the implications of an African-presenting Ramesses II within a regrettable dispensation of intensifying anti-African Eurocentric historical narrative revision (Bernhal), where such features are more widely accepted in selected monarchs only; in this case Amenhotep III. We argue that the statue's original association with Ramesses II reflects a tradition of dynastic continuity and respect, not iconoclasm and usurpation.  The study highlights a growing need to revisit attributions of Ancient Egyptian monarchs; particularly those who found attribution during a time when bias was intense in Egyptology.

“When translation of the final poetic strophe is corrected to account for these on the basis of more recent knowledge, it becomes clear from this,
and supporting evidence at the temple of Amun in Karnak, that the text
is not describing Merneptah’s past conquests but events that took place
during his predecessors’ reigns”.
Patrick Clarke.

The text of the final poetic strophe of the famous stele of the pharaoh Merneptah (item JE 31408, the Cairo Museum) appears to mention Israel. With few exceptions, the majority of archeologists date this text and Merneptah’s reign to the 1200s bc in the Conventional Egyptian Chronology. This would place both this pharaoh and his stele in the biblical time of the Judges. An analysis of this Egyptian text indicates that Merneptah’s reign should instead be dated to 913–903 bc; a movement of three centuries. Furthermore, the stele offers tantalizing clues to the identity of the biblical Shishak. All this has huge ramifications for biblical chronology, bringing us closer to a satisfying correlation of established secular history with the inerrant biblical timeline.

According to the textbooks, Egypt's Nineteenth Dynasty flourished in the thirteenth and the early part of the twelfth centuries B.C. Nonetheless, a great body of evidence, routinely ignored in mainstream publications, suggests that the entire New Kingdom belongs in the first millennium B.C., and that the Eighteenth Dynasty, beginning in the middle of the eighth century B.C., was followed by the Nineteenth Dynasty around 600 B.C. I do not intend here to examine all of the evidence pertaining to this-an endeavour which would occupy many volumes. What I wish to do in these pages is highlight a few of the most important chronological indicators, and to examine in some detail just two personalities from the end of the Nineteenth Dynasty; namely Seti II and the "Great Chancellor" Bay. These I hope to show played a crucial role in the turbulent events which marked the early period of Perisan rule in Egypt, during the first half of the fifth century B.C. Egypt's New Kingdom arose out of the ashes of the Hyksos War. As the Egyptians in the south battled the Hyksos, the Mitanni, or People of Mita, based in northern Mesopotamia, battled against the Old Assyrians. In 1990 Gunnar Heinsohn identified the Mitanni with the Medes, conquerors of the Imperial Assyrians in the seventh century BC. The present writer concurs with this identification, which is based on a multitude of indicators. And indeed, if the Mita(nni) are not the Medes, then no evidence for the existence of a Mede Empire can be found in the archaeology of the Near East. 1 But bringing the Mitanni down into the eighth and seventh centuries BC has profound consequences for the history of the entire ancient world. For one thing, it means that Egypt's Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties must be brought forward by the same measure, with the Eighteenth Dynasty occupying the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. and the Nineteenth Dynasty being placed in the sixth century-and most likely coming to an end with the Persian occupation of Egypt in 525 B.C. And, by apparent coincidence, this is exactly where Immanuel Velikovsky placed the Nineteenth Dynasty in his much-maligned Ramses II and his Time (1978). Ramses II and his Time was heavily criticized both by establishment academia and by Velikovsky's own supporters, and there can be no doubt that the book contains significant errors. Nonetheless, the central hypothesis-that the Nineteenth Dynasty belonged in the sixth century B.C.-was, in the opinion of the present writer, absolutely correct. In the latter volume Velikovsky argued that Ramses II's son Merneptah was the same person as Apries, the unpopular sixth century pharaoh overthrown by his general Amasis. The latter, we are told by Herodotus, seized control of the country in a coup d'etat, though he permitted Apries to remain on the throne for a while as a puppet ruler. 2 Eventually however the pharaoh was put to death and Amasis placed the crown on his own head. Amasis died shortly before the Persian forces of Cambyses overran the country. Precisely in accordance with Velikovsky's reconstruction we find that towards the end of Merneptah's reign a shadowy figure named Mose, or Ahmose, who seems to be the real power behind the throne, rises to prominence. This period is followed by the accession of pharaoh Amenmesse, and it has been surmised that Mose was the same person as Amenmesse. In the words of R. O. Faulkner, "Mose was apparently a nickname of the king then ruling," and "It is assumed 1 The apparent non-existence of the Mede Empire has now become a major problem for mainstream academia and the "problem of the Medes" was the central theme of a conference held at Padua in 2001. Papers included, M. Roaf, "The Median Dark Age"; R. Schmitt, "Die Spracher der Meder-eine grosse Unbekannt"; and John Curtis, "The Assyrian Heartland in the period 612-539 BC." According to Roaf, "This survey of the evidence, both textual and archaeological, for the Medes between 612 and 550 BC has revealed almost nothing. Media in the first half of the sixth century is a dark age." "Continuity in Empire (?) Assyria, Media, Persia:

Ahmed Kamal was a pioneer native Egyptologist who made significant contributions to the study of the ancient Egyptian language, particularly through his comparative analysis of Egyptian hieroglyphs and Arabic. Kamal’s efforts were groundbreaking, especially his assertion of linguistic connections between ancient Egyptian and Semitic languages. His methodology involved transliterating hieroglyphs into Arabic letters, making the study of ancient texts accessible to Egyptians. This approach was reflected in his twenty two- volume dictionary, which provided explanations in both Arabic and French, and listed Arabic words
corresponding in meaning and pronunciation to hieroglyphs. Kamal’s objective was to raise public awareness among ordinary Egyptians, nabling them to read and study their history and heritage in Arabic. Despite facing resistance from non-Egyptian archaeologists who
lacked knowledge of Arabic, Kamal’s work had a lasting impact on subsequent scholars such as Antoine Zekry and Ahmed Naguib. Zekry, for instance, followed Kamal’s transliteration methodology in his own works, further promoting the use of Arabic in Egyptology. Kamal also highlighted the cognitive linguistic links between ancient Egyptian and Arabic, albeit unintentionally, demonstrating the survival of ancient Egyptian loanwords in modern Egyptian Arabic. His efforts to establish Egyptology for Egyptians were met with significant challenges due to the colonial environment dominated by British and French control. Nonetheless, Kamal’s legacy remains influential, marking a crucial step in the recognition and appreciation of Egypt’s ancient linguistic heritage by its own people.

It is my understanding that Scripture provides some important clues to help identify the location of the Red Sea crossing and that a failure to hone in on these clues by some scholars has led to incorrect sitings for the Red Sea Crossing. This paper identifies the often overlooked important clues frequently missed by some scholarly proposals. Clue One: Three days from Ramesses to the Red Sea (Exodus 12:37, 13:20) Clue Two: Identifying a track usable by Israel's ox-carts and Pharaoh's chariots, taking one through the midst of a body of water on a dry land corridor. Clue Three: An East Wind blows away the water, exposing a land corridor in the midst of the sea, for Israel to cross over on.

“The vivid Old Testament saga of the 10 plagues that devastated the land of Egypt and its people (Exodus 1-12) has intrigued some to seek rational explanations for a chronicle of disasters that befell one population yet spared another. Indeed, biblical scholars in a 21st century translation of the Old Testament concede that from an historical standpoint, the first nine plagues resemble natural events well known in the Middle East, save for their patterns and rapid succession”.
N Joel Ehrenkranz and Deborah A Sampson.

A fragment of a standing statue of the goddess Sekhmet was recently re-identified in the storerooms of the Museo Egizio, Turin. This brief note introduces the fragment and explores its history within the museum's collection, with special attention to its past use as a replacement for the missing foot part of the statue of Hathor/Isis Cat. 694.

Alle Kollegen und Kolleginnen, die zu dieser Publikation beigetragen haben, waren über den viel zu frühen Tod unseres Freundes Rainer Hannig zutiefst erschüttert. Eigentlich war dieser Band als Festschrift geplant, und wir hatten ihm zu seinem letzten Geburtstag schon das Inhaltsverzeichnis überreicht. Leider hat das Schicksal sich dagegen gewandt, und es ist eine Gedenkschrift daraus geworden, die uns dankbar und voller Respekt an sein beeindruckendes Lebenswerk und seine sehr oft uneigennützige wissenschaftliche Unterstützung erinnern soll.

seitens des dafür verantwortlichen Schreibers, was sich auch an seiner Handschrift ablesen läßt, die alles andere als elegant oder geübt wirkt. Einige der Textlücken können weitgehend mithilfe der anderen Versionen geschlossen werden, auch wenn dabei stets zu berücksichtigen ist, daß es im Verlaufe der Traditionsgeschichte des Hymnus zu varianten Lesungen gekommen sein mag, die erst durch besser erhaltene Exemplare bestätigt oder widerlegt werden können. Insofern eignet der hier präsentierten Rekonstruktion eine gewisse Vorläufigkeit. Das Leipziger Exemplar wurde im Winter 1928/29 von Georg Steindorff im Antikenhandel von "Theben" erworben, es hat keine verbriefte archäologische Provenienz. Die Annahme seiner ursprünglichen Verfertigung und anschließenden Verwendung qua Rezitation im Thotkult von Deir el-Medineh ist deshalb gleichfalls nichts weiter als pure Spekulation. Ebenso wenig hat das Oxforder Exemplar eine entsprechende Herkunftsangabe. Lediglich die archäologisch dokumentierten Parallelen aus den Deir el-Medineh-Grabungen des IFAO in Kairo legen diese lokale und kultische Einbindung nahe. Die paläographisch verlässliche Datierung literarischer Ostraka aus Deir el-Medineh steckt bekanntlich noch in den Kinderschuhen, auch wenn in den letzten Jahren hier gewisse Fortschritte erzielt worden sein mögen. Verf. bleibt aber sehr skeptisch, hier auf absehbare Zeit sicheren Boden unter die Füße zu bekommen. In diesem Beitrag soll deshalb nur eine grobe Zeitmarge in die Ramessidenzeit veranschlagt werden.

Status: FeedbackWelcome" Link: https://www.academia.edu/129336604/Deciphering_Eratosthenes_Phantom_Pharaohs_Phruoro_Amuthartaeus_and_the_Greek_Transmission_of_Late_New_Kingdom_History

Eratosthenes of Cyrene's king list, preserved through Syncellus, contains enigmatic names like *Phruoro* and *Amuthartaeus*-long dismissed as fictional. This paper argues these are corrupted transmissions of genuine Late New Kingdom rulers: **Ramesses VI (Nebmaatre-Meryamun)**of the 20 th Dynasty and **Psammuthis (Manetho, Afr. the 23 rd Dynasty)**. By cross-referencing Demotic-Greek phonetic shifts, monumental evidence, and Manethonian fragments, we restore these "phantom pharaohs" to history and demonstrate how Hellenistic chronographers preserved kernels of Egyptian tradition.

The current model of understanding of poli cal dynamics through the 18th Dynasty of Egypt concentrates on external stresses and events, with an abrupt internal religious schism in the later stages that led to interven on and resump on of previous power arrangements. This folio aims to demonstrate how internal developments were the more prominent factors, and how tensions evolved gradually, rather than erup ng in one problema c rebellion.

Rifaud a reçu une plus grande attention et a suscité l'intérêt de la communauté des égyptologues. Plusieurs articles lui ont été consacrés 1 , ainsi qu'une monographie publiée en 2014 3 , coordonné par le Musée Royal de Mariemont, avant même une exposition en 1998 4 et une thèse soutenue en 2015 5 . Le cadre privilégié pour de telles recherches est constitué par le Fonds Rifaud conservé à la Bibliothèque publique et universitaire de Genève, l'une des plus intéressantes collections de documents inédits en raison de la quantité et de l'importance des données qui la composent. Il s'agit d'un corpus de documents qui ont été retrouvés au moment du décès Jean-Jacques Rifaud, dans la chambre qu'il occupait à Genève, rue Winkelried n o 6 6 . Des lettres, des souvenirs personnels, des comptes et des dessins constituent un matériau hétérogène à partir duquel nous pouvons obtenir un grand nombre d'informations. Ces manuscrits représentent concrètement la possibilité de développer une perspective privilégiée sur la redéfinition des débuts de l'égyptologie, se plaçant au carrefour entre la naissance de la discipline, la création des collections égyptologiques les plus importantes, les études prosopographiques et la recontextualisation archéologique. Dans son ensemble, l'étude de ce fonds n'en est qu'à ses débuts. Né à Marseille le 28 novembre 1786, Jean-Jacques Rifaud fut l'un des collaborateurs du consul français Bernardino Drovett au service duquel il a travaillé pendant une longue période en Égypte, en particulier à Louqsor. Grâce aux études réalisées sur le Fonds Rifaud, nous savons que pendant sept années (1817-1823) Rifaud a principalement consacré son activité de fouilles dans l'enceinte sacrée de Karnak, travaillant également à Médamoud et, plus tard, à Gourna et Coptos. Il participa à de nombreux travaux, en étroite collaboration avec un grand nombre de chercheurs :

This essay provides the arguments for a new assessment of Pharaoh Horemheb. It begins with his humble origins and demonstrates that Horemheb had no relationship with the Thutmosid Dynasty. It highlights Horemheb’s decisive role in the Amka Affair and how he punished the traitors of Egypt. This leads to Horemheb’s emergence as the founder of a powerful dynasty. Finally, this new perspective on Horemheb provides the formerly missing link for aligning the absolute chronology of the Near East for the 14th and 13th centuries BC. As a consequence, this suggests that Ramesses II began his reign in 1290 BC.