Semantic Typology

Resumen: Durante las últimas décadas, el estudio de la semántica espacial ha experimentado un fuerte desarrollo gracias a las investigaciones de orientación tipológica, que han permitido constatar la inadecuación explicativa de algunos supuestos lingüísticos y cognitivos tradicionales. En este contexto, nuestro trabajo tiene como objetivo principal describir las formas de expresión en mapudungun de las escenas estáticas, en particular, de las relaciones topológicas, parte central de la conceptualización del espacio. Con este fin, se utilizó el Topological Relations Pictures Series de Bowerman y Pederson, un grupo de 71 imágenes que presentan relaciones espaciales para contextualizar la verbalización de expresiones locativas, el que fue respondido por siete hablantes nativos de mapudungun. Como resultado, se reconocen tres construcciones locativas básicas, que se diferencian respecto del uso de: un verbo locativo general (mülen 'haber, estar') o verbos específicos (v.gr. anün 'sentar' , konün 'bajar'), y una adposición con sentido locativo general (mew) versus adposiciones específicas (v.gr. wente 'encima' , pu 'dentro'). Se identifican, además, las escenas que gatillan el uso de los distintos marcadores lingüísticos, y se discute el significado de estos hallazgos para las tipologías de predicados locativos.

This paper revises the findings of Dekier (2021) concerning the syncretism and containment of indefinites in light of their semantic implausibility and empirical inadequacy, compared to the alternative semantic approach of Degano & Aloni (2025), and argues against the omnipotence of a nanosyntactic approach to coexpression phenomena. The paper also addresses the diachronic predictions of Nanosyntax and discusses the structure of lexical entries more generally. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics is a peer-reviewed open access journal published by the Open Library of Humanities.

Ogni enunciato, per quanto astratto nella propria superficie semantica, porta in sé le impronte di una geometria. Non si tratta di una metafora ornamentale: la categoria dello spazio attraversa l'intera architettura delle lingue naturali come una nervatura portante che...

In French sentences of the type "Il a bu dans un verre.", the prepositional phrase is often considered to express the source of the movement of the liquid. Yamada (1998a, 1998b, 2005, 2006) asserts that this prepositional phrase has properties between "place" and "means". I argued in Hiratsuka (2006) that the prepositional phrase is a locative complement. The sentence "Où boit-il du whisky ?" is not used to ask from what vessel he drinks, because the interrogative où is used to get information on the "location", while the locative complement "dans un verre" gives only information on the "configuration". To use a drinking vessel, we place the vessel and a part of our body, or a tool such as a straw, in a certain configuration, and then transfer the liquid from the vessel into our mouth. The vessel is represented as a "place", a "source", or a "means", according to languages, because we are obliged to select one aspect of this complicated process of drinking from a vessel, in order to give an expression to the role played by the vessel.

フランス語の“Il a bu dans un verre.”のような文の前置詞句はしばしば飲み物の移動の起点を表すとされる。山田（1998a，1998b，2005，2006）は，この前置詞句が「場所」と「道具」の中間領域に位置するものと主張している。筆者は平塚（2006）でこの前置詞句が場所補語であることを論じた。“Où boit-il du whisky ?”がどの容器で飲んだかを問うのに用いられないのは，疑問詞où が「位置情報」を問うものであるのに対して，前置詞句dans un verre が「配置情報」しか表していないからである。飲み物の容器を使用するには，容器と身体の一部，あるいはストローのような道具を，ある一定の配置にして，飲み物を容器から口の中へと移動させる。飲み物の容器が，言語によって，「場所」・「起点」・「手段」として表現されるのは，容器が果たしている役割を表現するためには，容器を使って飲み物を飲むという複雑な事象の中からある一面を選択しなければならないからである。
キーワード：フランス語，“boire”，“dans”，飲み物の容器，通言語的変異

The adjective different is used with from normatively and frequently. But, it is well known that it can be used with than, and, in British English, to. In other words, the standard of difference can be marked as source, standard of comparison, or goal. As far as I have examined, many languages mark the standard of difference as source (ex. English: different from ...) or as accompaniment (ex. Japanese: ... to chigau, lit. "differ with ..." ). The expressions like different than ... are limited cross-linguistically. Few languages mark the standard of difference as goal, and this happens more often with adjectives than with verbs, which prefer marking as source:
English: different from/to ..., but differ from ...
Spanish: diferente/distinto de/a ..., but diferir de ...
Welsh: gwahanol i ..., but gwahaniaethu oddi wrth ...
To explain this bias, I hypothesize that difference is understood metaphorically as distance and the distance is assessed by either of the following two operations: (1) the object which is distant from the standard is represented as moving away from it; (2) the distance between the object and the standard is scanned mentally either (a) in the direction from the standard to the object or (b) in the opposite direction. (1) is relatively dynamic in the sense that the object is represented as moving, therefore prefers lexicalization as a verb, while (2) is relatively static, therefore prefers lexicalization as an adjective. The marking of the standard as source can be motivated by either (1) or (2a) but the marking as goal can be motivated only by (2b). This explains why the marking as goal is observed especially with adjectives and the marking as source is preferred with verbs.
Keywords: difference, metaphor, fictive motion, mental scanning, verb/adjective

形容詞different はfrom と用いるのが規範的であり，また頻度も高い。しかし，実際には，than とも用いられ，またイギリス英語の場合にはto とも用いられることが知られている。つまり，差異の基準は，起点，比較の基準，着点として標示されうるのである。筆者が調査した範囲では，差異の基準の標示については，起点型（英語のdifferent from）と同伴型（日本語の「... と違う」）の言語が多い。比較型（英語のdifferent than）は通言語的に限定されている。着点型（英語のdifferent to）の言語はまれであり，しかも，形容詞において見られるのであり，動詞の場合には起点型になる傾向にある。
英語：different from/to .... に対して differ from ...
スペイン語：diferente/distinto de/a ... に対して diferir de ...
ウェールズ語：gwahanol i ... に対して gwahaniaethu oddi wrth ...
この偏りを説明するために，以下の仮定をした。差異はメタファーにより距離として理解される。この距離を認識するために二つの操作のいずれかが行われる。（1）基準から遠い対象は，基準から離れていくものとして表示される。（2）対象と基準の間の距離が心的に走査される。走査の方向には，（a）基準から対象へという方向と，（b）その逆がある。（1）は，対象が動くものとして表示されているという意味で，より動態的であり，それゆえ動詞として語彙化されやすい。それに対して，（2）は，より静態的であり，形容詞として語彙化されやすい。起点型は，（1）によっても，（2a）によっても動機付けされるが，着点型は，（2b）によってしか動機付けされない。これにより，着点型が特に形容詞において見られ，動詞においては起点型になる傾向があることが説明される。
キーワード： 差異，メタファー，虚構移動，心的走査，動詞/ 形容詞

Many languages use verbs of ignition and extinction to mean to turn on and off electrical appliances: French allumer/éteindre, Japanese tsukeru/kesu, etc. These verbs, which were used for combustion-based light sources, came to be used for electric lamps. From this usage, they were generalized to apply to electrical appliances in general. In this process, electric lamps functioned as the prototype of electrical appliances.
There are also many languages which use verbs of opening and closing to express the same acts: French ouvrir/fermer, Chinese kāi/guān, etc. This usage is based largely on the following mechanism: the acts of turning on and off electrical appliances are represented metonymically by those of starting and stopping the flow of electric current, which, in turn, are conceptualized metaphorically as those of opening and closing a valve.
There are other means to express the acts of turning on and off electrical appliances: verbs with other meanings, phrasal verbs, prefixed verbs. Esperanto is an exceptional case in that it coined a new single verb ŝalti to mean the turning on of an electrical appliance. The concept of turning on an electrical appliance is abstract to some degree, which forces natural languages to resort to some strategy to express it.
Keywords: electrical appliances, verbs of opening and closing, metaphor, metonymy, artificial language and natural language

多くの言語において，電気器具のつけ消しを表すのに，火をつけたり消したりすることを表す動詞を用いる（フランス語 allumer/éteindre，日本語「つける/ 消す」など）。これは火による照明器具について用いられた動詞が電灯に転用され，それが電気器具一般に拡張されたものと考えられる。この過程で，電灯は電気器具のプロトタイプの機能を果たしたと考えることができる。
同じ行為を表すのに開閉を表す動詞を用いる言語も多く存在する（フランス語 ouvrir/fermer，中国語「开/ 关」など）。これは，以下の機序に大きくよっている。すなわち電気器具のつけ消しをメトニミーにより電気を流したり止めたりすることで表し，それをメタファーにより電気の通り道の開閉に見立てたのである。
それ以外にも，別の意味の動詞，句動詞，接頭辞付きの動詞を用いる方法がある。エスペラントは電気器具をつけることを表すために新しい単一の動詞を用意している点で特異である。電気器具をつけるという概念はある程度抽象的であり，これを表現するには自然言語は何らかの方略に訴えるのである。
キーワード： 電気器具，開閉を表す動詞，メタファー，メトニミー，人工言語と自然言語

Speakers of many languages around the world rely on body-based contrasts (e.g., left/right) for spatial communication and cognition. Speakers of Yupno, a language of Papua New Guinea's mountainous interior, rely instead on an environment-based uphill/downhill contrast. Body-based contrasts are as easy to use indoors as outdoors, but environment-based contrasts may not be. Do Yupno speakers still use uphill/downhill contrasts indoors and, if so, how? We report three studies on spatial communication within the Yupno house. Even in this flat world, uphill/downhill contrasts are pervasive. However, the terms are not used according to the slopes beyond the house's walls, as reported in other groups. Instead, the house is treated as a microworld, with a "conceptual topography" that is strikingly reminiscent of the physical topography of the Yupno valley. The phenomenon illustrates some of the distinctive properties of environment-based reference systems, as well as the universal power and plasticity of spatial contrasts.

Much prior research has investigated how humans understand time using body-based contrasts like front/back and left/right. It has recently come to light, however, that some communities instead understand time using environment-based contrasts. Here, we present the richest portrait yet of one such case: the topographic system used by the Yupno of Papua New Guinea, in which the past is construed as downhill and the future as uphill. We first survey topographic concepts in Yupno language and culture, showing how they constitute a privileged resource for communicating about space. Next, we survey time concepts in Yupno, focusing on how topographic concepts are used to construe past, present, and future. We then illustrate how this topographic understanding of time comes to life in the words, hands, and minds of Yupno speakers. Drawing on informal interviews, we offer a view of the topographic system that goes beyond a community-level summary, and offers a glimpse of its individual-level and moment-to-moment texture. Finally, we step back to account for how this topographic understanding of time is embedded within a rich cognitive ecology of linguistic, cultural, gestural, and architectural practices. We close by discussing an elusive question: Why is the future uphill?

In the first part of my paper, I render the notions of argument raising and A-dependencies and show that case licensing in the upper clause is neither a necessary precondition of raising nor its universal trigger. There are languages with raising constructions, where case is licensed in the complement clause. Hyperraising, i.e. raising out of embedded complement clauses is widespread outside the languages of the Standard Average European type and is attested in some European languages including Bulgarian. In the second part of the paper, I offer a parametrization of six European languages with raising constructions and show that these languages are not uniform: some of them including English primarily encode the control versus raising distinction lexically, while other including Russian and Danish are mixed raising languages that developed productive raising constructions with added morphosyntactic markers.

The case of Heritage Piedmontese in Argentina has received little attention thus far from the scientific community. Moreover, while most contributions have concentrated either on sociological aspects of language maintenance and language shift or on the outcomes of contact with Spanish, contact between different varieties of Piedmontese in the heritage language scenario has never been investigated. After selecting a number of variables with multiple variants in different dialectological areas of Piedmont, we compared our fieldwork materials with the supposed baseline varieties of each speaker, retrieved through the analysis of autobiographical narratives. The results allow for a preliminary dialectological characterization of Heritage Piedmontese as a variety of High Piedmontese, which also reflects the most numerous social group in demographic data. Typical features of this variety are also displayed by speakers who claim origins from other areas, revealing an incipient stage of dialect Leveling which, due to sociolinguistic causes, has probably not reached the stages of Leveling and focusing that characterize koineization in Peter Trudgill's theory.

The introductory study deals with two main topics that are relevant to the given special issue: a) changes which the research in the study of the conceptualisation of motion events, space and time and the ways and means of their expression in language in general and in specific individual languages has introduced into the study of language acquisition — both first and second/foreign, and the characteristics of such research. In addition to the global context, it also goes over the domestic Czech linguistic tradition of research in this field and contemporary Czech studies; b) the current state and needs of teaching Czech as a foreign language and its resources for more extensive empirically based research, especially the acquisition corpora resource. For the first subtopic, the study provides an overview of the development of interest in teaching Czech as a foreign language abroad and at home. In both areas, there is a growing interest in teaching Czech or the need to teach it to sp...

The paper deals with derivational processes: meaning and syntactic functions of deverbal nouns in the literary and spoken Evenki. Three affixes are considered: -kīt (nominalization with the meaning of the place of the action, or of an abstract action), -ďĀk (nominalization with the meaning of the place of the action), and -wūn (derived nouns with -wūn have the meaning of the result of the action, of the instrument, an abstract noun meaning, etc.). It is mentioned in grammars and vocabularies that -kīt shows a quite regular polysemy 'place of action' vs 'abstract noun'; This polysemy is based on real uses in newspapers (the 'abstract noun' meanings found in the texts are often not listed in the dictionaries). The affix -ďĀk can have only the 'place of action' meaning in both written and spoken texts. The affix -wūn has a lot of nominal meaning; the 'abstract noun' meaning is found both in the literary and in the spoken language. This meaning is widely mentioned in dictionaries and grammars. All of the three affixes occur in the prenominal adjective / modifier position with the modification function. Cases of functioning of these three affixes as adjectives / modifiers are hardly mentioned in the dictionaries, and especially in the grammars, whereas you can find the nouns with -ďĀk, -kīt, -wūn in the noun modifier function in literary texts regularly. In this function, the nominalization loses important morphological properties of a noun, such as ability to bear a possessive or reflexive affix. The nominalization in the noun modifier position can optionally agree with the noun it modifies in case and/or number: this is a characteristic feature of Evenki adjectives. In spoken texts, we have found only -wūn nominals in the modifier position; overall, these nominals demonstrate case/gender agreement more often than nominals with -kīt and -ďĀk. We can conclude that the modifier use of deverbal nouns with -wūn and especially with -ďĀk and -kīt as adjectives is an innovation, and that the spoken Evenki preserves more archaic grammar rules than the newspaper (literary) language. These data also confirm the claims of G. M Vasilevich and I. Nikolaeva that nouns and adjectives are not two distinct categories in Evenki: they are not fully differentiated neither in the lexicon, nor in grammar. Not only a considerable amount of stems are, following G. M. Vasilevich, "undifferentiated", or under-differentiated, but the number of such affixes is also increasing.

Работа посвящена одному типу русских дистрибутивных конструкций с двумя вопросительно-относительными местоимениями вида кто куда, кто о чем, когда как со значением 'Разные X характеризуются разными Y'. Мы показываем, что конструкции без правого предиката образуют особую разновидность, отличную от косвенных дистрибутивных вопросов и квазирелятивов по своим семантическим, прагматическим, синтаксическим, сочетаемостным и коммуникативным свойствам. Опираясь на корпусные данные, мы показываем исторические механизмы их возникновения и современное употребление, а также описываем самые частотные варианты их реализации. Главный вывод работы состоит в том, что частотность употребления, синтаксические особенности и степень идиоматизации разных вариантов исследуемых конструкций имеют семантические, коммуникативные и прагматические основания. Ключевые слова: вопросительно-относительные местоимения, дистрибутивная конструкция, корпусная лингвистика, прагматика, русский язык, семантика, фразема Благодарности: Исследование частично поддержано грантом Министерства науки и высшего образования № 075-15-2020-793 «Компьютерно-лингвистическая платформа нового поколения для цифровой документации русского языка: инфраструктура, ресурсы, научные исследования». Мы благодарим анонимных рецензентов за ценные замечания к черновой версии статьи. Для цитирования: Апресян В. Ю, Копотев М. В. Автономные дистрибутивные конструкции с вопросительно-относительными местоимениями в русском языке.

У статті проаналізовано особливості вербалізації образного складника концепту ДЕРЕВО. Аналіз проводився на матеріалі циклу міфів про кипарис новогрецькою мовою. Встановлено, що досліджуваний концепт переважно вербалізується лексемами «дуб», «гай», «роща», «деревина», «кипарис», «дерево». Лексема «дуб» характеризується прикметниками на позначення величавості, давності та мудрості. Лексема «кипарис» пов'язана зі скорботою й трауром, символізує відродження та життя після смерті, а також має глибинну християнську символіку.

Languages of the world universally encode spatial relationships between objects. However, speakers employ a variety of different language-specific expressions, which may encode culture-specific information about objects and/or different spatial concepts. We ask whether aspects of the encoding of spatial relations across languages nevertheless show common underlying spatial concepts as reflected in the distributions of spatial expressions over spatial sub-types. We examine a set of hypothesized distinctions within the spatial relational concepts of Containment and Support across three typologically distinct languages: English, Hindi, and Mandarin. We find support for two related hypotheses concerning common patterns of variation in (a) speakers' use of select "basic" spatial expressions, and (b) languages' inventory and distribution of expressions across hypothesized Containment and Support subtypes. The results underscore the presence of strong universal similarities in both the extension of basic spatial expressions across relations and in the principles governing the diversity of expressions available for encoding particular relations.

Understanding aesthetic moods in classical Chinese poetry is essential for decoding Chinese aesthetics and can significantly benefit culturally and aesthetically inspired creative fields. However, research on how these aesthetic moods are perceived and deconstructed is limited. To address this gap, this study quantitatively identified 18 distinctive aesthetic mood clusters in classical Chinese poetry by empirical methods including natural language processing (NLP). These clusters were paired with relevant tools: mood-eliciting images, the circular valence-arousal model, and diary episodes associated with specific poems. The outcomes were developed into a website that serves as a practical database, visualizing the granularity of aesthetic moods expressed in classical Chinese poetry and relevant elements for mood-focused research and practice.

En este trabajo se analizan dos perspectivas de estudio comparativo de la diversidad lingüística: la tipología gramatical-funcional y la tipología semántica. Ambas se basan en una posición universalista empíricamente anclada por lo que se sitúan en una posición intermedia del continuum cuyos polos están representados por el antiuniversalismo y el universalismo. La principal diferencia entre ellas reside en considerar a las funciones semánticas y pragmáticas o equivalentes funcionales como punto de partida (tipología gramatical-funcional) o como punto de llegada (tipología semántica) en el análisis de la diversidad a través de las lenguas. Comparamos ambas perspectivas de estudio translingüístico y nos centramos en uno de los dominios más importantes de la cognición humana, como es el del espacio. Finalmente, presentamos una breve síntesis del análisis que venimos realizando del subdominio topológico en qomlé’k/toba del oeste de Formosa, lengua de la familia guaycurú, desde el enfoque tipológico semántico.

Since most NPs are non-gradable (Vela-Plo 2020), they cannot form comparative adpositions.  The comparative morpheme -ago cannot be suffixed immediately after the allative -ra: (12) a.*Postontzia etxe-ra-(a)go dago. mailbox.DET home-ALL-COMP stay.3SG 'The mailbox is closer to home.' b.*Zoaz ate-ra-(a)go. go.IMP2SG door-ALL-COMP 'Go closer to the door.' In order to form gradable comparatives, a scalar suffix must be added, such as an approximative -ra-ntz (13a) or a reinforcing diminutive -ra-xe (13b): References DEPARTAMENTO DE EDUCACIÓN HEZKUNTZA SAILA

This article studies the crypt frescoes underneath Anagni Cathedral in relation to medieval concepts of time and linear teleology. It argues that the frescoes are not part of one coherent painting campaign but were rather executed in two distinct campaigns in the course of the twelfth century. The first plan envisioned the typological juxtaposition of scenes from biblical
and postbiblical history. By contrast, the second phase demonstrates a teleological understanding of time and history, one in which biblical, postbiblical, and future events are arranged in a linear progression toward the future. The frescoes thus sit at a critical historical juncture, marking
the shift toward narrating history as a succession of causally related events, guided by linear teleology.

The present study examines the cognitive aspects of Persian and Arabic languages
in the domain of taste and its resulting product, flavors, with the aim of
understanding part of the perception of Persian and Arabic speakers derived
through the gustatory domain. In this context, the study conducts a cognitive
analysis of expressions that reflect the influence of the physiological taste function
of the tongue on spoken language. The research method is descriptive-analytical
and is conducted within the framework of the cognitive semantics approach. The
study of the data shows that: 1. The mentioned languages primarily utilize the
gustatory domain to conceptualize the idea of "testing and evaluation" and its
associated outcomes, such as feelings of satisfaction and pleasure or
dissatisfaction and pain; 2. The cognitive reality of the gustatory domain appears
different from the external and conventional reality of the sense of taste.
Externally, tasting is a sensory and temporary experience where the sole receptor
is the tongue, and it is only relevant to edible substances. However, the cognitive
mechanism uses this physical-taste experience to understand and perceive the
environment and abstract concepts, "tasting" many of our experiences and
environmental phenomena! For example, tasting the words of others, as in
«"( »شیرین¬سخنsweet-tongued"), or describing someone as «"( »گوشت¬تلخbitterfleshed"). In this cognitive mechanism, the tongue is not the only receptor of taste;
hearing can also create a taste, as in «"( »با این خبر کاممون تلخ شدthis news left a bitter
taste in our mouth"), and the heart "tastes" the sweetness of union, as in « به کام دل
"( »رسیدit reached the heart's desire"). Moreover, tasting is not limited to edibles;
the eyes can be ""( "شورsalty"), temperament can be ""( "تندhot"), and the face can
be ""( "ترشsour"). The importance of understanding the non-edible world through
the lens of edibles is highlighted by the fact that the set of correspondences within
these metaphors allows us to think about our experiences and the phenomena
around us using the knowledge we have about flavors. For example, since ""بانمکی
(being salty) is desirable, interacting with a person perceived as "( "بانمکsalty) is
also understood as pleasant and desirable. In this way, the "saltiness" of the person
in question can overshadow other undesirable traits they may have, just as the
"saltiness" of a type of food can make its harmful aspects seem appealing. In
conclusion, flavor serves as a phenomenological and evaluative perspective on the
nature of our experiences as a target domain.

Este trabajo investiga la expresión de número nominal en cora mese- ño, una lengua yutoazteca de la rama corachol, siguiendo el criterio morfoló- gico que usualmente hace referencia a algún tipo de marcador que aparece en el nominal mismo . Según este criterio, este idioma cuenta con tres sistemas de número: (i) la oposición básica singular-plural obligatoria para los sustantivos que designan términos de parentesco y seres humanos; (ii) el sistema de núme- ro general/singular versus plural (Corbett 2000) facultativo en los nombres animados que denotan humanos y no humanos; y (iii) el sistema de número general absoluto característico de los sustantivos inanimados que nunca acce- den a la expresión del valor plural . Estos resultados representan evidencia con- vincente para defender que la expresión de número en esta lengua se distribuye en la clase léxica de los sustantivos siguiendo las predicciones de la Jerarquía de Animacidad (Corbett 2000) . Además, la escisión que se localiza en los ina- nimados con respecto a la expresión de número plural, se observa también en la tercera persona del sistema pronominal sujeto cuando dicha persona tiene ante- cedentes o referentes inanimados con lectura plural que ocurren con verbos no agentivos . Bajo estas condiciones, las dos formas pronominales contrastivas de la tercera persona no se pueden utilizar y se genera el uso exclusivo de la forma singular del pronombre .

Este trabajo investiga la expresión de número nominal en cora meseño, una lengua yutoazteca de la rama corachol, siguiendo el criterio morfológico que usualmente hace referencia a algún tipo de marcador que aparece en el nominal mismo . Según este criterio, este idioma cuenta con tres sistemas de número: (i) la oposición básica singular-plural obligatoria para los sustantivos que designan términos de parentesco y seres humanos; (ii) el sistema de número general/singular versus plural (Corbett 2000) facultativo en los nombres animados que denotan humanos y no humanos; y (iii) el sistema de número general absoluto característico de los sustantivos inanimados que nunca acceden a la expresión del valor plural . Estos resultados representan evidencia convincente para defender que la expresión de número en esta lengua se distribuye en la clase léxica de los sustantivos siguiendo las predicciones de la Jerarquía de Animacidad (Corbett 2000) . Además, la escisión que se localiza en los inanimados con respecto a la expresión de número plural, se observa también en la tercera persona del sistema pronominal sujeto cuando dicha persona tiene antecedentes o referentes inanimados con lectura plural que ocurren con verbos no agentivos . Bajo estas condiciones, las dos formas pronominales contrastivas de la tercera persona no se pueden utilizar y se genera el uso exclusivo de la forma singular del pronombre .

La manera en que hablamos sobre la ubicación de objetos en el espacio puede variar de manera considerable de lengua a lengua. Por ejemplo, a la pregunta ¿dónde está la canoa?, varios secoyas respondieron yowë siayade wawako ‘la canoa está flotando en el río’ al ver la foto de una canoa amarrada a la orilla de un río. Su respuesta incluye la figura (canoa), el fondo, (río), y la relación (flotando) que los hablantes perciben entre la figura y el fondo. Este artículo ofrece un acercamiento a las diferentes conceptualizaciones del espacio documentadas en dos idiomas amazónicos: kukama kukamiria (Tupí-Guaraní, a partir de ahora kukama) y secoya (Tukano). Tanto el kukama como el secoya poseen varias estrategias gramaticales para hablar del espacio. Mientras el kukama depende fundamentalmente de posposiciones y sustantivos relacionales, el secoya emplea verbos topológicos, verbos de postura y verbos de posición. En ambos idiomas, un verbo existencial es también una opción para la localización de figuras. Los datos presentados aquí provienen de décadas de trabajo con ambos pueblos. El corpus para cada idioma se compone de narrativas personales, conversaciones, así como de respuestas a estímulos visuales cuidadosamente elegidos para representar escenas locativas culturalmente apropiadas. El análisis que presentamos aquí demuestra que los hablantes pueden elegir entre varias estrategias disponibles para resaltar detalles específicos de una escena locativa.

In understanding the culture and language of any geographical
features, it is very important to examine the toponyms. In this
study, it has been tried to investigate and classify the places of
names of Markazi province in Iran based on the model of Tenet and
Blair (2021), who conducted a survey on the places of Australian
national. The placesnames studied in this research are the
residential placenames in Markazi province including the names of
villages based on the official statistics of the National Portal of the
Statistical Centre of Iran in 2016. 225 placenames of villages in this
province were purposefully selected from among 379 villages based
on the factors of linguistic distribution, population density,
distance, and existing historical background of the villages. The
model of each village is determined approximately based on 7
categories of descriptive, associative, evaluation, occurrent, copied,
eponymous and innovative. The findings show that the descriptive
category with about 61.08% has the highest percentage and
includes 137 placenames. Then, in order, the other categories are
placed: the associative category with 47 place names at the limit of
20.85%, the eponymous with 20 cases at about 9.79%, and the
occurrent with 18 cases at about 7.84% and the evaluative category
with one placename about 0.44%. The categories of copying and
invention have been without any placenames.

There are two different types of Manner-and-Path conflation in Russian and both of them serve to express upward motion. First, such a conflation occurs in morphologically complex verbs (zabrat’sja/zabirat’sja na [derevo] ‘climb up [PF/IMP] [the tree]). Second, Manner-andPath conflation occurs in (morphologically) simple verbs of motion that constitute a closed class of highly frequent Verbs of Motion (hereafter VoM).

The phenomenon of motion is prevalent in experience: the rising and falling of our chests in breathing, the tapping of our feet against the floor, the flying of birds, the flow of water in the river. Panta rei. ... But all instances of (perceived) motion are not of the same kind. In this ...

Este estudio ofrece un análisis de las oraciones relativas (Orels) con pronombre relativo (P:R) en el zoque de San Miguel Chimalapa (ZMIG). Las Orels con P:R son construcciones subordinadas que delimitan la referencia de un nominal. Comrie (2006: 134-137) resume los criterios formales que distinguen a la estrategia de P:R y establece que en primer lugar, las Orels con pronombre relativo son estructuras con núcleo externo donde la frase nominal de dominio (FNdom) ocurre afuera de la Orel. En segundo lugar, en esta estructura ocurre un P:R anafórico en correferencia con el núcleo externo. Típicamente, los pronombres relativos presentan rasgos de caso, género, número y animacidad que hacen posible rastrear la referencia del núcleo adentro de la Orel; en ese sentido se distinguen de los subordinadores que no codifican esos rasgos (Kroeger 2004: 178; Comrie 2006: 137). En tercer lugar, en las estructuras con P:R hay una extracción del elemento pronominalizado (cf. Comrie 1998: 63; inter alia), es decir, la FNrel se extrae de su posición original a la frontera izquierda al interior de la Orel y se expresa por medio de un P:R. A esa extracción a la frontera izquierda se le conoce como “movimiento” que deja una huella (representada como [h]) en el lugar donde se originó el movimiento (cf. Comrie 1998: 64-65; Andrews 2007: 219-222; inter alia). Kroeger (2005: 198-205) sostiene que la posición que ocupa el P:R en la perifería izquierda de la Orel es la misma posición de los focos extrapuestos.

El objetivo de este estudio es analizar el uso de los verbos de movimiento ir y venir en aragonés y catalán medieval desde el punto de vista de la tipología semántica (Talmy 2000). El aragonés y el catalán modernos pertenecen —como otras lenguas románicas— al grupo de lenguas de marco verbal. Aunque comparten el patrón de lexicalización general, es decir, la trayectoria se codifica en el verbo principal, estas dos lenguas presentan algunas peculiaridades como, por ejemplo, el uso de pronombres adverbiales para marcar trayectorias complejas o el empleo de prefijos que les hacen estar algo más cerca de la estructura de los eventos de movimiento del latín (lengua de marco satélite) (Ibarretxe-Antuñano et al. 2017) que de la de otras lenguas románicas afines como el castellano. En este trabajo queremos establecer, a través del estudio de los usos de los verbos de movimiento ir y venir en documentación aragonesa medieval, cómo se describían los eventos de movimiento con estos verbos en esta época y cuál ha sido la evolución de los mismos hasta nuestros días.

Статья посвящена поиску базовых принципов глагольных колексификаций на типологическом уровне. Под колексификацией мы понимаем неслучайное объединение двух и более значений в рамках одного лексического средства и утверждаем, что эти объединения, повторяясь от языка к языку, должны подчиняться тем или иным закономерностям. Опираясь на наш обширный опыт лексико-типологических исследований и наши новые полевые данные о семантике простых и сложных глаголов в шугнанском языке, мы показываем, что колексификация глагольных значений становится возможной за счет их частичного денотативного пересечения и хорошо описывается в терминах фазовой структуры ситуации. В качестве иллюстрации мы рассматриваем структуру поля исчезать в шугнанском языке, где значение 'исчезать' оказывается смежным, т. е. колексифицируется, со значениями из зоны движения от говорящего / наблюдателя (tidow 'идти, течь', sitow 'идти', zibidow 'прыгать' и др.), процессов разрушения и уничтожения (θidow 'гореть, сгорать', virix̌tow 'ломаться' и др.), изменений топологических параметров ситуации (gāx̌tow 'переворачиваться', xangi / xāmb δêdow 'скрываться из виду', букв. 'ложбина / извилина' + легкий глагол 'падать' и др.) и фрустративных эмоций (ayf sitow 'пропадать даром', букв. 'жаль' + легкий глагол 'идти'). Мы показываем, какие значения выделяются внутри зоны исчезновения и как они денотативно соотносятся со смежными полями направленного перемещения, уничтожения, топологических изменений и фрустративных эмоций.

Torodd Kinn and Bente Hannisdal for arranging a Masterclass in linguistics in June 2016 where I could present parts of my research for an audience at the University of Bergen. My opponent then was Lars Larm, University of Gothenburg, who agreed to supervising the remainder of my research process. I want to thank Lars especially for having confidence in my work from the day he started reading it, and for the conscientious and encouraging supervision he provided through the final stages of the writing process. Special thanks also go to: Miguel Quesada, for reading the entire draft at a late stage and providing constructive comments and advice. Kjersti Fløttum, for helpful comments and invaluable encouragement during the last year. Linda Aas, for excellent and efficient proof-reading, and Kikuko Setojima, for proof-reading of the Japanese examples. My closest colleagues, Harry Solvang, Nazuki Kobayashi, Yuko Ringdal and Mikuri Seki, for constantly improving the quality of our Japanese language bachelor´s program through their diligent teaching and true care for our many students. Friends and colleagues Kjersti Halvorsen, Ann-Kristin Molde and Kari Haugland, for precious support and encouragement on a personal level. And finally, to my family, for putting up with me through all these years.

The predicative constructions commonly designated as ‘existential’ (such as English There is a book (on the table), German Da ist/liegt ein Buch (auf dem Tisch), French Il y a un livre (sur la table), etc.) share with plain locational predication (English The book is on the table, German Das Buch ist/liegt auf dem Tisch, French Le livre est sur la table, etc.) the ability to encode prototypical figure-ground relationships, but with a different perspectivization of figure-ground relationships – Borschev & Partee (2002), Partee & Borschev (2004, 2007). The notion of possession defined as inclusion in the personal sphere of an individual (Creissels 1979) has an obvious affinity with the notion of location at some place. This explains why possessive predications more or less aligned with locational predication are so common. However, this affinity should not be overestimated. There is in particular a substantial minority of the world’s languages (represented above by French) showing the...

У формальному і змістовому аспектах виконано поняттєво-термінологічний аналіз поняття «геопросторова позиційність». Із використанням тлумачного словника сучасної української мови висвітлено значення розмісницьких лексем положення, розташування, позиціонування, сусідство, близькість / віддаленість та можливості їхнього вжитку в географічних текстах. На основі опрацювання наукових джерел створено об’єктцентричну, функційну та інтеґральну логічні моделі поняття геопозиційність. Виявлено напрями еволюції об’єктцентричного потрактування поняття. Способом послідовного розгортання сутності властивостей, відношень, потенціалу, функцій геомісця створено функційну модель поняття геопозиційність. Побудовано семантичний трикутник поняття геопозиційність об’єкта в єдності його предметного значення та концептуального змісту. Виокремлено класичний, некласичний і модерний етапи в розвитку концепції геопросторової позиційності.

This chapter explores typological similarities and differences in motion event descriptions among three Germanic languages, English, German, and Norwegian by examining data from Experiment A developed in the NINJAL Project on Motion Event Descriptions across Languages (MEDAL). This study shows that speakers of these languages mainly employ head-external path-coding patterns across different kinds of motion events, as expected from previous studies. At the same time, we argue that they exhibit intratypological variations in several respects. These include 1) the use of different path-coding devices; 2) the manner and deixis coding positions; and 3) the patterns of certain caused-motion expressions. The inclusion of deixis in the comparison of the three languages reveals that the different ways deixis is coded in these languages account for other differences among them, such as the choice of manner expressions and even the expression patterns of caused-motion descriptions.

The present volume is an outcome of collaborative efforts of experiment-based, cross-linguistic research on the linguistic representations of motion events. The phenomenon of motion is ubiquitous in the world. Your family members walk around at home every day and run to work and school; you see cars passing by, dogs running about, and birds flying away. Such events are frequently seen in daily life and are of interest to people and are talked about by speakers. It is therefore no wonder that every language (to the best of our knowledge) has a specific set of morphological, lexical, and constructional forms to represent motion. Since motion is a multifaceted phenomenon involving several components, expression patterns used sometimes vary within a language, and languages manifest differences in the expressions they adopt. The linguistic descriptions of motion thus provide an interesting set of data that enable us to discuss commonalities and variations among and within languages. A motion event involves several entities. Consider what kinds of notions are involved in the motion event described in example (1).1 (1) Susan ran down the hill toward me. 1 Terms concerning the semantic components of motion in this volume generally follow those of Talmy (1985, 1991), but differ from them in several respects, especially the adoption of the terms "trajectory" and "means of causation".

In the ancient civilisations of Magna Graecia, lullabies were considered an integral part of childcare: They were sung by mothers, other women in the family or nurses, with the aim of soothing and inducing babies to sleep. Plato, for instance, reports how mothers, in order to put their children to sleep, would move them in their arms and intone some melody, almost enchanting them. These 'naenias' were also considered a way to protect children from negative influences and malign forces while they were sleeping: An example is the Lament of Danae, versified by Simonides, in which the mother tries to distract little Perseus from the dangers of the sea to which they are abandoned, by rocking him and begging him to sleep. About two millennia later, in the 16th century, another poet, Giovanni Battista Del Tufo, in his Ritratto delle grandizze, delizie e maraviglie della nobilissima città di Napoli (Portrait of the greatnesses, delights and marvels of the most noble city of Naples), defines lullabies as the "modo del cantare de le nodrici napoletane nel connolare i putti per farli dormire" ("the way of singing of the Neapolitan nuns in lulling the cherubs to sleep"). Again, centuries later, in 1979, it was the Neapolitan singer-songwriter Pino Daniele who revived the genre through his second album of the same name with his song "Ninnanàninnanoè". From classical antiquity to modern and contemporary times, lullabies have survived, evolved, changed idioms and yet seem to have retained many of their ancestral characteristics. Among these, for example, a magical atmosphere and an apotropaic value seem to be recognised almost as constants, and one might wonder whether this aspect can be considered as a founding and characterising value of this genre of song. The present article, the result of a collaboration between two disciplines (Classical Philology and Sociology of Music), proposes to carry out a historical-literary investigation on the subject through a diachronic study of the sources that hand down, directly or indirectly, what can be ascribed to the lullaby genre in the Mediterranean basin, from ancient Greece to its colonies in southern Italy, with particular attention on those that developed in the Neapolitan area.

Los verbos sintagmáticos, también conocidos como construcciones verbo-partícula, son un recurso lingüístico muy frecuente en las lenguas de marco satélite, que tienden a lexicalizar el componente semántico de Manera en la raíz verbal y la Trayectoria a través de partículas postverbales en la construcción de eventos de movimiento. Sin embargo, la lengua italiana representa una excepción muy interesante en el patrón de lexicalización preferente del grupo de las lenguas románicas, englobadas en la categoría de las lenguas de marco verbal, puesto que los verbos sintagmáticos no solo gozan de gran presencia en italiano, sino que, además, su frecuencia de uso es cada vez mayor. En este artículo se presenta un estudio centrado en los verbos sintagmáticos de movimiento, compuestos por un verbo de movimiento y una partícula postverbal, de manera comparada entre dos lenguas consideradas afines como el italiano y el español. Se analiza la presencia, estructura y uso de este tipo de construcciones sintagmáticas desde el enfoque de la Lingüística Cognitiva y a partir de un corpus textual paralelo en italiano y español compuesto por la novela original italiana I leoni di Sicilia, de Stefania Auci, y su traducción al español Los leones de Sicilia, por César Palma Hunt. El objetivo fundamental consiste en identificar los verbos sintagmáticos de movimiento presentes en el texto original italiano y compararlos con las estructuras lingüísticas utilizadas en la traducción en español, para observar las preferencias mostradas en ambas lenguas en la expresión del movimiento e identificar las técnicas de traducción utilizadas para trasladar estas estructuras sintagmáticas de movimiento al texto en español. Los datos obtenidos nos permiten reflexionar sobre el efecto que las técnicas de traducción empleadas tienen en el texto literario final al intentar compensar las diferencias en los recursos lingüísticos disponibles en ambas lenguas, así como anticipar posibles dificultades que tendrán que afrontar los traductores de textos literarios entre italiano y español ante la presencia de verbos sintagmáticos de movimiento.

Este artículo presenta un estudio comparado de las traducciones humanas disponibles en Glosbe y las traducciones automáticas generadas por DeepL y Google Translate entre italiano y español para ejemplos reales extraídos de SketchEngine con verbos sintagmáticos de movimiento pleonásticos, un tipo de estructura muy interesante desde el punto de vista lingüístico por las diferencias que existen entre ambas lenguas en cuanto a variedad y frecuencia de uso. Los resultados muestran que las traducciones automáticas reflejan estas diferencias importantes entre italiano y español en cuanto al patrón de lexicalización predominante para la expresión del movimiento y la presencia de estas construcciones pleonásticas.