War Studies

From Cairo to Jerusalem and Beyond is a collection of essays dedicated to the esteemed Middle East historian Linda S. Northrup. It presents thirteen original contributions organized into four sections, authored by international scholars from diverse fields such as pre-modern history, architecture, and Middle Eastern studies. These contributions delve into areas of historical research that Linda Northrup has engaged with throughout her career. The first section examines Crusader-era historiography, the second focuses on the "Mamlūk" period, the third explores late medieval medical science, and the fourth investigates urban history and material culture. In essence, From Cairo to Jerusalem offers a significant scholarly contribution to the understanding of late medieval Islamic societies, spanning from the Crusades to the early sixteenth century.
See full TOC and order here: https://brill.com/display/title/73063

The article examines how issues related to Belarus and Belarusians were reflected in the Lithuanian military press from 1919 to 1940. This article provides an overview and a brief analysis of materials related to the Belarusians and Belarus published in two military magazines, namely Karys and Kardas. Four main categories of articles and informational reports could be distinguished: 1) historical articles (mostly about the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) discussing the shared history of the Lithuanian and Belarusian nations; 2) information on the Belarusian national struggle for self-determination and independence, as well as life of the Belarusians in Polish-occupied territories and the Belarusian SSR; 3) information on the Belarusian national units within the Lithuanian Armed Forces; 4) other information, such as life of the Belarusians in the Republic of Lithuania, etc. The Belarusian topic was widely covered in the Lithuanian military press. Magazines such as Karys, Kardas featured dozens of articles, at least a hundred informational reports, and hundreds of references related to the Belarusians and Belarus. The image of the Belarusians in the Lithuanian military press was almost always positive. They were portrayed as a nation historically and culturally close to Lithuanians. Lithuanians and Belarusians fought for their freedom together for centuries against many stroner enemies or defended their rights to ethnic, cultural, and historical identity using non-military means. A particularly strong impetus for the promotion of the positive image of Belarusians in the Lithuanian military press (and public opinion) came from their active involvement in the Lithuanian War of Independence from 1918 to 1920. The image of the Belarusian soldier as a comrade-in-arms, a defender of Lithuania, and a loyal citizen of the Lithuanian Republic was maintained until the Soviet occupation in 1940. This was supported not only by publications in the press but also by active involvement of the professional military personnel, as well as many Belarusian officers, non-commissioned officers, and reserve soldiers in the social life of Lithuania. The Lithuanian military press represents an important source for further research into the Lithuanian-Belarusian relations, particularly the history of the Belarusian units in the Lithuanian army.

The specific conditions under which terrorist decapitation results in the dissolution of the terrorist group and other short-and long-term effects of this tactic are some of the critical questions that require further attention given that states such as the US and Israel are sure to employ this tactic to considerable means in the near and distant future, particularly given the vague framework of the unending nature of War on Terror (WOT) that has helped produce numerous loopholes that enable the undertaking of precision acts that are often characterized as "discriminate wars" (Schmitt, 2005). In this paper I argue that in spite of short-term success for Israel, the PIJ was able to reorient itself from the shock of losing its leader. This is demonstrated not only by it ongoing service to violent terrorist means, but also due in part to its increased use of suicide bombings that have result in a greater loss of life since the events of 1995 as well as the escalation of suicide terrorism (ST) by other terrorist groups and organizations in the region and further abroad.

This paper examines the military events that took place in the borderlands between the Kingdom of Naples and the Papal States, focusing particularly on the territory and its population - namely, the border society. It presents unpublished documents from the Colonna Archive in Subiaco, cross-referencing them with other existing sources on the topic. First, the paper briefly outlines the wars that affected this area from the Western Schism of 1378 onward, before analyzing the border's defensive systems - specifically, the fortifications and the evolution of their role following the introduction of firearms. Finally, it reflects on the nature of the Kingdom's border as a "hot frontier," almost constantly subject to warfare, but also to mid-scale local and cross-border conflicts, institutional and seigneurial violence, skirmishes, and minor clashes, within a territory that was also prey to brigandage and crime. All these invasions, raids, destruction, and plundering ultimately produced a highly militarized society, marked by an intrinsic, almost daily violence.

9 Haziran 2026

https://perspektif.eu/2026/06/09/uluslararasi-hukukun-krizi-karsisinda-insan-haklari-kitaplarini-yakmali-miyiz/

Tahran'ın bugün ABD ve İsrail'in yakıt depolarını hedef alan hava saldırıları sonucunda yanıyor olması ve şehirden gelen kıyametvari görüntüler, tanıdık soruları yeniden gündeme taşıyor: Bu askerî eylemin hukuki gerekçesi nedir? Uluslararası hukuka göre "meşru müdafaa" ne anlama gelir? Uluslararası hukuk savaşı sınırlayabilir mi? Neden bu kadar çok sivil kayıp var? Savaş zamanlarında bu sorular kamusal tartışmalarda tekrar tekrar belirir; bombalar sustuğunda ise yeniden geri çekilir. Bu kamusal tartışmalar genellikle kısmi cevaplar sunar, fakat daha derindeki dinamikleri sorgulamaz. Aşağıdaki yazı, bu sorulara makro-tarihsel ve eleştirel bir yaklaşım sunarken ABD ve İsrail saldırganlığının yakın dönemdeki diğer kurbanlarıyla da ilişki kuruyor: Gazze'deki Filistinlilerle.

This article examines Shanghai under Japanese domination from 1937 to 1945, tracing the political, economic, and social transformation of the city during the Sino-Japanese War. After the Japanese occupation of the Chinese-administered districts in 1937, Shanghai became an “isolated island,” in which the International Settlement and the French Concession remained formally outside direct Japanese rule while being increasingly surrounded, pressured, and penetrated by Japanese power. The article analyzes how this fragmented urban order gradually collapsed as Japanese military, political, and economic authorities extended their control over the city, culminating in the occupation of the foreign concessions after Pearl Harbor and the transfer of authority to the Wang Jingwei regime. The article argues that Japanese rule fundamentally altered Shanghai’s status as China’s leading international metropolis. Politically, the city lost the plural and semi-autonomous character that had defined the treaty-port order. The Shanghai Municipal Council, the French Concession, the Chinese municipal administration, and collaborationist authorities were progressively subordinated to Japanese strategic priorities. Economically, Shanghai suffered from industrial destruction, the disruption of trade, currency instability, inflation, shortages, and the redirection of production and transport toward the Japanese war effort. The city’s position as a financial and commercial hub was severely weakened. The article also emphasizes the social consequences of occupation. Refugees, unemployment, housing shortages, food rationing, police surveillance, political terror, collaboration, resistance, and assassination transformed everyday life. The Japanese occupation did not merely impose military control; it dismantled the economic and social foundations of Shanghai’s cosmopolitan power. By 1945, the city had lost much of the dynamism, autonomy, and international centrality that had made it distinctive before the war. The fate of Shanghai under Japanese rule thus reveals how war, occupation, and imperial domination brought an end to the treaty-port metropolis and prepared the ground for a radically different postwar urban order.

Bitwa o Tajwan, czyli jak mogłaby wyglądać chińska inwazja na "zbuntowaną prowincję" Abstrakt Niniejszy artykuł opisuje możliwy przebieg bitwy o Tajwan. W pracy przedstawiona została chińska polityka wobec Tajwanu, wnioski z gier wojennych przeprowadzonych przez Pentagon, Chińską Armię Ludowo-Wyzwoleńczą (PLA) oraz cywilne think tanki, potencjał militarny obu stron oraz scenariusz bitwy.

The article discusses the Late Antique fort of Gradec near Velika Strmica, a small but strategically positioned fortified site above the Radulja gorge in south-eastern Slovenia. Although the site has not yet been systematically excavated, earlier reports, field surveys, metal finds and the documentation of recent damage to the defensive wall allow a relatively coherent interpretation of its chronology and function. Earlier assumptions that the site was a prehistoric hillfort or a medieval castle cannot be confirmed. The most significant phase of occupation belongs to the late 5th and the first half of the 6th century. This is suggested by an Odovacar tremissis struck in Milan for Zeno and a half-siliqua of the Ostrogothic ruler Witigis, as well as by fibulae characteristic of foreign ethnic groups in the Ostrogothic period, a Frankish ango, gold rings with gems, and other Late Antique finds.The position, defensive layout and material assemblage suggest that Gradec was part of a military landscape shaped by Ostrogothic rule and the Byzantine-Gothic War. Although this cannot be confirmed without further stratigraphic and scientific analyses, the traces of burning and the collapse of the defensive wall may hypothetically point to the destruction of the fort during the Byzantine-Gothic War, perhaps in the middle third of the 6th century.The absence of securely dated later 6th-century material suggests that the fort had lost its strategic role before or during the Lombard takeover of the wider Pannonian area.

For much of its history, the Carrera de Indias, the trade and navigation system connecting Spain with its American domains, operated under various institutions established before 1570. This chapter examines how these institutions shaped the nature and extent of state coercion over the transatlantic trade during the long seventeenth century – a period when the monarchy desperately required substantial resources to finance costly wars in Flanders and elsewhere. My starting point is that to achieve tax compliance, there needs to be state coercion, with the imposition of penalties for non- compliance. However, coercion can also become predatory. In Spain’s colonial trade during the seventeenth century, negotiation and predation both played a role in state coercion, with the relative importance of the two approaches fluctuating over time. Moreover, coercion was applied unevenly in the Spanish and Spanish American ports. What factors caused these temporal and geographical differences? What mechanisms of coercion did the Spanish Crown employ to ensure fiscal obedience, and were those mechanisms conducive to state predation?

Resumen: Nuestro conocimiento sobre lo ocurrido durante las guerras de la revolución se ha enriquecido en los últimos años. La incorporación de otras perspectivas de análisis dio lugar a la aparición de nuevas preguntas de investigación que, igualmente, se siguieron trabajando con un corpus de documentos conocido, pero que fue interrogado de otra manera. Sin embargo, esa renovación historiográfica sigue teniendo vacancias claras. Uno de los temas centrales que no ha sido del todo explorado tiene que ver con el reclutamiento para los ejércitos de la revolución. Este trabajo se propone reflexionar sobre la posibilidad de llevar adelante un proyecto de investigación en base a las fichas de filiación que se encuentran en

Nel Mezzogiorno d’Italia proliferano le installazioni militari USA e NATO di rilevanza strategica mondiale. Le basi e i centri di telecomunicazione sono in prima linea nei conflitti che insanguinano l’Europa orientale e il Medio Oriente. Il processo di militarizzazione dei territori ha già prodotto effetti devastanti nella società e nell’economia, contribuendo alla marginalizzazione di vaste aree, alla crisi degli spazi di partecipazione democratica e all’emigrazione forzata giovanile.

"Ukrainian-Canadian political scientist Ivan Katchanovski at the University of Ottawa is the author of the only comprehensive academic study on the Maidan massacre of February 2014 and a recent book on the origins of the Russo-Ukrainian War. His findings have led to a publishing ban in Ukraine, the seizure of his property, and his inclusion on the Myrotvorets website's blacklist. This is his first interview with a media outlet in French-speaking Switzerland.

Ukrainian-Canadian researcher Ivan Katchanovski drew the ire of Kyiv authorities by arguing, contrary to the prevailing narrative, that the Maidan massacre of February 2014 was a false flag operation involving radical nationalist groups. His distinctive stance is that he does not align himself with any particular camp: while denouncing Russian propaganda, he also offers a critical perspective on Western media coverage of the Ukrainian conflict.

His latest book, published in 2026 and devoted to the origins of the war in Ukraine, has already been consulted or downloaded more than 334,000 times on his university publisher's website. Although largely ignored by the mainstream Western media, his work fuels an academic and political debate that extends far beyond Ukraine's borders.

Ivan Katchanovski agreed to answer our questions, in what constitutes his first interview given to a media outlet in French-speaking Switzerland."

The impact of inter-group conflict on population dynamics has long been debated, especially for prehistoric and non-state societies. In this work, we consider that beyond direct battle casualties, conflicts can also create a “landscape of fear” in which many non-combatants near theaters of conflict abandon their homes and migrate away. This process causes population decline in the abandoned regions and increased stress on local resources in better protected areas that are targeted by refugees. By applying analytical and computational modeling, we demonstrate that these indirect effects of conflict are sufficient to produce substantial, long-term population boom-and-bust patterns in non-state societies, such as the case of Mid-Holocene Europe. We also demonstrate that greater availability of defensible locations, by acting to protect and maintain the supply of combatants, increases the permanence of the landscape of fear and the likelihood of endemic warfare.

The impact of inter-group conflict on population dynamics has long been debated, especially for prehistoric and non-state societies. In this work, we consider that beyond direct battle casualties, conflicts can also create a “landscape of fear” in which many non-combatants near theaters of conflict abandon their homes and migrate away. This process causes population decline in the abandoned regions and increased stress on local resources in better protected areas that are targeted by refugees. By applying analytical and computational modeling, we demonstrate that these indirect effects of conflict are sufficient to produce substantial, long-term population boom-and-bust patterns in non-state societies, such as the case of Mid-Holocene Europe. We also demonstrate that greater availability of defensible locations, by acting to protect and maintain the supply of combatants, increases the permanence of the landscape of fear and the likelihood of endemic warfare.

Athletes living and training in conflict-affected regions face a unique combination of physiological and psychological stressors that are not adequately addressed by conventional sports medicine frameworks. This editorial proposes the Tripartite Athletic Stress Framework (TASF), a conceptual model that integrates three interacting stressors: conflict-induced chronic psychological stress, conflict-specific acoustic hypervigilance resulting from emergency alerts and nocturnal threat exposure, and Ramadan intermittent fasting as an illustrative compounding factor. We describe the neuroendocrine and circadian mechanisms through which these stressors may disrupt sleep architecture, hormonal balance, metabolic function, and recovery processes. Building on this framework, we introduce the Triple-Stressor Convergence Hypothesis, which suggests that the simultaneous presence of these stressors may produce a non-linear state of circadian and neuroendocrine dysregulation that exceeds the impact of each factor alone. We further outline practical monitoring strategies and targeted interventions, including sleep, chrononutrition, autonomic, and hormonal assessments. While the proposed framework remains hypothesis-generating and requires prospective validation, it provides a foundation for future research and clinical practice aimed at protecting the health and performance of athletes operating under conditions of armed conflict.

This paper examines Surah al-Fil as a profound Qur’anic critique of imperial arrogance and the illusion of invincibility, extending its moral pattern to both historical and modern imperial formations. Surah al-Fil recounts how an empire, symbolized by Abraha’s army, met unexpected downfall, revealing that material superiority and strategic planning cannot guarantee enduring dominance. The paper applies this framework to contemporary superpowers, focusing on the United States and Israel, whose imperial behavior manifests in military intervention, occupation, nuclear asymmetry, and coercive economic sanctions, with supporting examples from Iraq, Iran, and Venezuela. Classical and modern theories of imperialism—from Hobson to Harvey—further highlight how military force, economic interest, and ideological narratives intertwine. In addition, the paper integrates the eschatological dimension of Islamic belief: just as Surah al-Fil portrays divine justice humbling an empire, Islamic tradition foretells that ultimate justice will be established with the return of Isa (A.S) and the appearance of Imam Mahdi, ending imperial oppression. Thus, the surah’s warning is not only historical but eschatological, reminding us that even the most formidable powers—those that appear invincible—will face divine reckoning, becoming as nothing, like chaff scattered in the wind.

Versión en estilo de ensayo filosófico sobre el repliegue habitacional ante la violencia urbana contemporánea. Desde la noción de antropoespacialidad, el capítulo analiza cómo la violencia altera los umbrales de habitabilidad y favorece prácticas de aislamiento como el cocooning.

This exploratory study investigates hesitation towards voluntary enlistment in the military. It seeks to understand the generic underlying factors that deter individuals from enlisting in the military at a time when conscription is less practiced in some countries. By using a qualitative method that involves Google Form and selected follow-up interviews, the findings in this work suggest that hesitancy towards voluntary enlistment in the military stems from a variety of factors that can be intrinsic, conditional/extrinsic, and partly institutional. It also highlights that reluctance to enlist voluntarily in the military is often influenced in some individuals by the behaviors of serving or ex-soldiers and is mediated by the soldiers themselves or by third party platforms.

Paper acadêmico sobre as dimensões histórica, jurídica e diplomática da Questão Malvinas Resumo O texto analisado, atribuído a Roger Lorton e intitulado "Falklands Wars: Timeline History of the Falkland Islands. 74 days in 1982. Trial by Combat", apresenta a guerra de 1982 como o episódio moral e jurídico decisivo da Questão Malvinas. A narrativa enfatiza a operação militar argentina de 2 de abril de 1982, a reação do Reino Unido, a Resolução 502 do Conselho de Segurança e o sofrimento da população local durante a administração militar argentina. Esses elementos são relevantes para a história do conflito; contudo, não resolvem a disputa de soberania subjacente. A debilidade central do documento é metodológica: ele utiliza a ilegalidade, a imprudência política e as consequências humanas do recurso argentino à força em 1982 como se esse episódio pudesse extinguir o título histórico-jurídico argentino ou legitimar retroativamente o ato britânico de força de 1833. Este paper sustenta que a guerra de 1982 e a disputa de soberania devem ser examinadas em planos jurídicos distintos. A proibição do uso da força constitui uma norma fundamental da Carta das Nações Unidas; porém, constatar que houve uso da força em 1982 não equivale a adjudicar o título territorial. A própria Organização das Nações Unidas, por meio da Resolução 2065 (XX) da Assembleia Geral e de resoluções posteriores, reconheceu a existência de uma disputa de soberania entre a Argentina e o Reino Unido. O enquadramento correto não é, portanto, escolher entre aprovar a ação militar de 1982 ou aceitar a soberania britânica. O enquadramento correto é reconhecer a persistência de uma disputa territorial originada no deslocamento da autoridade argentina em 1833, seguida por protesto argentino contínuo e por um mandato de descolonização que exige negociações bilaterais entre os dois Estados, levando em consideração os interesses dos habitantes das Ilhas Malvinas.

Obitavamo u svijetu fizičkih stvari. Kada je u pitanju okoliš u kojemu živimo, postepeno se prema njemu počnemo orijentirati i u konačnici se u njemu osjećamo kao doma. Suočavanje sa smrću tijekom rata i pandemije vremena su iznimne dezorijentiranosti i ponekad pokazujemo implus za bijegom. Ne čudi da u tim očajnim vremenima neki koji imaju sredstava i mogućnosti razmišljaju o bijegu na sigurnije mjesto. Ali jesmo li moralno obvezni djelovati na načine koji bi od nas zahtijevali žrtvovanje svojih najdubljih osobnih obveza i projekata da bi drugi ispunili svoje obveze i projekte? Ovdje se tvrdi da bijeg iz Bosne i Hercegovine za vrijeme rata, kao što se dogodilo 1990-ih, i bijeg iz grada za vrijeme pandemije mogu biti moralno pošteni postupci. Međutim, to je također pitanje političke poštenosti i razlomljenih prijateljstava. U slučajevima rata i pandemije, povratak domu da bi se doprinijelo dobrobiti onih koje su ostavili može biti moralno i politički pošteno, ali razlomljena prijate...

Аннотация: Мақолада Бухоро шаҳрининг бугунги экологик муаммолари, уларнинг келиб чиқиши ва ривожланиши сабаблари талқин қилинган. Минтақадаги экологик муаммоларнинг аксарияти яқин тарихимизда шаклланган. Совет давлатининг ўлкада олиб борган мустамлакачилик сиёсати натижасида шаҳар атроф-муҳити жиддий зиён кўрган. Пахта монополияси туфайли шаҳар атмосфера ҳавоси, ер ости ва ер усти сувлари, тупроқ таркиби, ҳайвонот ва ўсимлик дунёси жиддий экологик хавф остида қолди. Совет ва маҳаллий раҳбарият бу масалага аҳамият беришмаган. Аксинча, экологик муаммолар кучайиб борган сари пахта майдонларига сепиладиган кимёвий дориларнинг хили ва ҳажми кўпайиб борган. Калит сўзлар: экологик муаммолар, Бухоро шаҳри, пахта монополияси, Совет давлати, атмосферанинг ифлосланиши, сувнинг ифлосланиши, тупроқнинг бузилиши, пестицидлар, аҳоли саломатлиги, пахта саноатига ихтисослашув, Бухоро-Урал газ қувури.

L'Italia, similmente agli altri Stati europei, ha una tradizione storiografica peculiare, derivante dalle vicende storico-culturali che hanno influenzato la produzione e la diffusione della scrittura storica, non solo nei suoi contenuti, ma anche nelle pratiche: dai testi ufficiali alle narrazioni popolari, dalle cronache cittadine ai grandi resoconti nazionali. Ogni fase della storia italiana ha visto il fiorire di diverse storie - municipali, regionali e poi nazionali - quali vere "scritture delle appartenenze", che hanno contribuito a stabilizzare i legami politico-sociali e a costruire visioni contrastanti e spesso conflittuali della pluralità e poi dell'unità della Penisola.

In particolare, nel momento cruciale di “costruzione” della nazione italiana, ma anche in autori come Muratori e Sismondi, scrivere Storia ha rappresentato un processo attivo di selezione e reinterpretazione del passato per la produzione di nuovi significati e, in certi casi, di nuovi legami che unissero le diverse componenti della collettività. Appare quindi fondamentale interrogarsi sulle tappe attraverso cui si è giunti all’interdipendenza tra la produzione storica e la costruzione di quella che verrà chiamata coscienza nazionale. In quale contesto possono essere collocati da un lato i generi storiografici considerati minori e dall’altro le storie locali? Soprattutto, come inquadrare quelle “Storie d'Italia senza Italia”, che a partire dal Cinquecento hanno caratterizzato il panorama storiografico della penisola italiana? Non da ultimo: in una prospettiva più ampia, quali sono stati gli itinerari della scrittura storica, dei suoi mestieri e delle sue pratiche in antico Regime e oltre?

Il convegno Scrivere le appartenenze: mestiere storico, pratiche e usi storiografici si propone di presentare una messa a punto, certamente non esaustiva, sul tema vastissimo della scrittura storica in Italia nella declinazione di pratica utilizzata nel corso dei secoli da individui, prevalentemente uomini, per descrivere, analizzare e costruire forme di appartenenza locale, regionale e nazionale. Si intende, pertanto, sondare il tema delle appartenenze, intrinsecamente legate alla costruzione delle narrazioni storiche, che a loro volta alimentano e riflettono legami collettivi culturali, politici e sociali in continua rinegoziazione. Il convegno, dove si spera possa essere raccolto l’invito a superare gli schemi metodologici tradizionali, si prefigge altresì di esaminare come le pratiche storiche abbiano contribuito al dibattito sulla cosiddetta identità italiana, interrogandosi sulle modalità attraverso le quali la scrittura della storia ha legittimato, escluso o reso visibili determinati individui, gruppi e comunità. Allo stesso tempo si tenterà di comprendere come le appartenenze municipali, regionali e proto-unitarie siano state costruite, negoziate e talvolta rinegoziate nel corso del tempo attraverso la scrittura e l'interpretazione della storia. Un'attenzione specifica sarà rivolta alla tensione tra narrazioni “ufficiali” e “secondarie”, ovvero ai testi frutto di committenza o meno, nonché alle riscritture storiche e alle interpretazioni alternative, fino al ruolo delle narrazioni biografiche o locali nel più vasto processo di costruzione delle identità regionali e, successivamente, nazionali. Ancora, si approfondiranno le pratiche e gli "usi" della storia, ovvero come le diverse narrazioni siano state adottate, manipolate o riutilizzate per fini politici, sociali e culturali, tanto negli ambiti pubblici quanto nella sfera privata, fino alle soglie delle guerre d’Indipendenza italiane.

Trattare di scrittura storica in antico regime significa anche riflettere sui generi storiografici e la loro permeabilità, nonché sulle modalità di reperimento e utilizzo delle fonti storiche. Su quali fonti e materiali lavora chi scrive di storia nel corso dei secoli? In che modo questi venivano utilizzati e con quali criteri di selezione? Qual è stata l’influenza delle pratiche archivistiche e bibliografiche sulla professionalizzazione del mestiere? E in che misura l’adozione di metodologie rigorose di ricerca archivistica e bibliografica ha contribuito alla definizione del mestiere di storico alla fine dell’antico regime? Il dialogo auspicabilmente proficuo all’interno del convegno contribuirà a tracciare un quadro complesso delle dinamiche di scrittura storica in Italia, rivelando in ultima istanza il profondo legame tra la produzione storiografica e la costruzione delle appartenenze.

The Lower Traisen valley has been recognised as one of Austria’s most important La Tène period landscapes. While excavations of cemeteries and settlements continue, only a modest number of sites have so far been thoroughly published and analysed. These analysed sites provide a great opportunity to investigate the processes behind the transition from the Hallstatt to the La Tène period and how the local population adapted to the new cultural influences. As the number of researched sites constantly grew the impression arose that the cemeteries differ typologically from each other, even though they lie within a relatively small area. This study demonstrates that some of these distinctions reflect a minor chronological difference, while others may result from different reasons. Those reasons might include different population groups and a different response to technological change. So far, both theories can be argued. However, together with currently ongoing anthropological and aDNA analysis, as well as the discovery of new sites this article shows what potential the cemeteries of the Lower Traisen valley present for archaeological research and how further evaluations might continue.

In its "Ten Year Retrospective, 24 July 2023" (vol. 33, no. 1-2), the Association for Bahá'í Studies highlighted collaborative scholarship as an area of learning for ABS. In keeping with its goal to assist in the generation and dissemination of this learning, we are pleased to bring you the fi rst of two issues of The Journal of Bahá'í Studies devoted to a single collaborative writing project. The papers in these two issues are the fruit of a collaborative process dating back more than four years, in which a number of friends have studied, consulted, written, and refl ected together on the theme of the harmony of science and religion. This editorial provides an opportunity to share refl ections on both this theme itself, and the process by which these papers came about. We turn fi rst to the theme, a perennial topic of refl ection and study for many Bahá'ís, and situate the three papers in this issue in the context of the broad discourse on the harmony of science and religion. Next, we will describe in some detail the experience of this group of collaborators, and insights that have emerged

Bu makale, II. Dünya Savaşı sonrası değişen uluslararası düzende, Türkiye'nin sosyal politika alanındaki dönüşümünü, Uluslararası Çalışma Örgütü (ILO) ile olan ilişkileri çerçevesinde incelemektedir. Özellikle 24 Kasım 1947 tarihinde İstanbul'da gerçekleştirilen ILO bölgesel konferansının ardından, İngiltere'nin Ankara Büyükelçisi Sir David Kelly tarafından hazırlanan ve İngiliz Dışişleri Bakanlığına sunulan kapsamlı rapor temel alınmaktadır. İngiltere, II. Dünya Savaşı'nın muzaffer bir ülkesi olarak, dünya siyasetine yön vermekte ve Türkiye ile Orta Doğu coğrafyasıyla ilgilenmektedir. Türkiye'deki gelişmeleri yakından takip eden İngiltere, bölgenin değişim ve gelişimine yönelik ciddi katkılar sağlamaktadır. Savaş süresince İngiltere'yle sıcak ilişkiler kuran Türkiye, savaştan sonra da bu sıcak ilişkilerini sürdürmeye devam etti. Türkiye'de görev yapan İngiliz diplomatlar, Türkiye'deki her gelişmeyi Londra'ya rapor ettiği gibi Türkiye'nin iç ve dış sorunlarıyla da yakından ilgilendiler. Bu çalışma tamamen İngiliz diplomatlarınca hazırlanmış raporlara dayanmaktadır. Bu raporda geçen, Türkiye'deki iş mevzuatının gelişimi, sosyal

Kaleler, 19. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğine kadar Osmanlı idari pratiğinde önemli askeri ve idari işlevler üstlenen mekânlardır. Bu çalışmada, Ahıska Kalesi'nin 18. yüzyılın sonları ile 19. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğinde geçirdiği dönüşümün nicelik ve niteliğinin incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Jeostratejik konumu nedeniyle Osmanlı Devleti'nin özel önem gösterdiği kalelerden biri olan Ahıska, askeri mühimmat, zahire ve istihkâm bakımından sürekli lojistik destek almıştır. Rusya'nın Gürcistan'da hâkimiyet kurmasının ardından Osmanlı Devleti, Ahıska'nın savunması ve şehrin modernizasyonu için keşifler yaptırmıştır. Kafkasya'daki değişen askeri ve siyasi dengeler sonucunda sınır ötesi bağlantılar için üs haline gelmesi, kalenin önemini artırmıştır. Fortresses were places that fulfilled significant military and administrative functions within Ottoman administrative practice until the first quarter of the 19th century. This study aims to examine the quantity and nature of the transformation experienced by the Akhaltsikhe Fortress during the late 18th century and the first quarter of the 19th century. Due to its geostrategic position, Akhaltsikhe was among the fortresses to which the Ottoman State paid particular attention and for which it continuously supplied military ammunition, provisions, and fortification materials. Following Russia's establishment of authority in Georgia, the Ottoman State commissioned surveys to strengthen the defense and modernization of Akhaltsikhe. As changing military and political balances in the Caucasus turned the fortress into a base for connections with transboundary regions, its importance further increased.

The Imjin War resulted in numerous Koreans being captured and transported to Japan as captives. This study examines the experiences of these captives, including scholars, potters, farmers and artisans, focusing on their transition from ordinary to war captives, and their subsequent lives in Japan, mainly in Kyushu and western Japan. Drawing on diverse sources such as Korean envoys' diaries, captives' memoirs and local Japanese records, this research investigates the allocation processes and living conditions of captives in Japan. The study identifies three primary transportation routes significantly influencing captives' fates: sale to Japanese slave merchants, selective transfers by samurai and daimyo, and large-scale wartime relocations. Furthermore, it reveals that wartime mobilisation in Japan led to a shortage of administrative personnel, unexpectedly affording some captives relative freedom of movement. This freedom enabled them to establish social networks and integrate more effectively into Japanese society, offering new insights into captives' adaptation to alien environments.