International Relations

Islamic awakening in Indonesia would be best explained as a crisis of modernity, which emphasizes the material life, domination of rationalism and reluctance of spiritual dimension. These are significant contributing factors to the Islamic awakening. This could be obviously discerned from the increasing numbers of middle class Muslims who attend religious discourse and commit the religious practices. This paper attempts to discuss the indicators of Islamic awakening in Indonesian politics. It has been divided into two significant sections; first on the proponents and idea of Islamic awakening; second, it also draws the indicators of Islamic awakening in Indonesia in the early 1990s, which compel the different turn of Islam (the new hope for Islam) in Indonesian politics.

Muslims in Indonesia, with extension to Southeast Asia are moderate and known as Muslim smiling faces. However, being the largest Muslim populated nation across the Muslim world, Indonesia has been alleged as hotbed of terrorist in Southeast Asia barely after the September 11 tragedy. Indonesia became the most fragile target of the terrorist attack in the form of bomb explosions. Since Bali bombing in 2002, Indonesian government has been facing the terror from so-called “Jama’ah Islamiyah (JI)” which has been associated as Southeast Asia regional network of al-Qaeda, an international terrorist organization based in Afghanistan. As such, this paper attempts to analyze Islamic threat in Indonesia where a terrorist group known JI is allegedly growing. Using an analytical approach of certain media, this paper finds that Islamic threat has been in the form of alarming account, and too much politicized in the expense of Islamist groups. This paper also provides some interpretation of JI and the myth of Islamic threat which is associated with it in Southeast Asia.

This paper attempts to delinate the concept of obidience in relation to political obligation from an Islamic perspective. By means of analytical approach from the qur'an and hadith as well as the traditional practices of the pious caliphs, this paper argues that citizens have political obligation to obey those who are in authority. This obligation is dynamic, in the sense that Islam acknowledges obidience to people in authority with a condition they comply to the shari'ah.

This paper analyzes the role of the media in this age of information technology in diminishing Muslims’ self confidence. The propaganda of the West and the war it has been waging on Islamophobic sentiments intensified after the September 11 tragedy in 2001, due to which the image of Islam has been more tarnished like never before, leading to the loss of self-confidence of Muslims in representing Islam. By recourse to textual analysis of selected printed and electronic media from Western as well as Muslim countries, this paper finds that the media has played a significant role in constructing public opinion on Islam and to a great extent has resulted in the increase of Islamophobic sentiments among non-Muslims in addition to the loss of Muslim self-confidence. Since the media is controlled by Western elites and corporations, the information on this broader Islamic threat have been overwhelmingly anti-Islamist in orientation and opposed the influence of Islam on the social and political life of Muslims. 'Islamic' sources of information, on the other hand, have also been misleadingly triumphant in tone, trumpeting success that has been exaggerated or unrepresentative of broader trends. This paper suggests that Islamically-oriented sources should strategically position and reconstruct Islam more meaningfully and effectively when tackling public opinion.

Keywords: Islamophobia, self-confidence, media, constructing opinion, and propaganda

Abstract

In the global political order, non-state actors are prevailing, and influential in making either harmonious or strained bilateral relations between two nation states. In the Malay world, the emergence of activism of fundamentalist and liberalist Islamic civil society is obviously discernible. From the moral policing campaigns carried out by Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI, Fron Pembela Islam) in Indonesia to the resistance of apostasy and anti-Islamic Liberalist Networks (anti-JIL) by Malaysian Islamic Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Malaysia provide the close relations between the two nations. On the other hand, liberalist Islamic civil society was also identified in both countries. Liberalist Islamic civil society was clearly connected from Islamic Liberalist Network (JIL, Jaringan Islam Liberal) in Indonesia to the Sister in Islam (SIS) in Malaysia. This paper attempts to examine the implication of both fundamentalist and liberalist Islamic civil society on the bilateral relations. It argues that if fundamentalist Islamic civil society has been moving forwards in looking at the relations on the basis of Islamic values and sentiment networks, the liberalists tend to be more influenced by secular, pragmatic and liberal calculations. 


Keywords: Liberalist, Fundamentalist Islamic civil society, bilateral relations, and secularism.

State to state relations could not solve any conflicts in the Southeast Asian region. Alternative ways and means of alleviating the stresses and distresses on the civilian populations of Southern Thailand which is affected by the conflicts must be found, especially in face of the prospects – and dangers – of the spillover of the conflict across national borders within the region. Alternative ASEAN regionalism in the form of civil society cooperation, therefore, should be explored as part of the means of tackling the conflict afflicting the region. This paper attempts to assess the present role and contributions of civil society, and to foresee the prospects of greater civil society involvement, and finally to suggest ways in which that involvement can take place. Using primary such as interview with activists of civil society in the region, and secondary data, this paper finds that local civil societies have taken their roles in mobilizing the masses and awakening their awareness on their own rights and obligation as citizens, and in educating them on the national laws.  As a result, this paper argues that civil society cooperation in the Southeast Asian region may function as an alternative regionalism in conflict resolution in the region.

During post colonial era, religious identity was second or third layer after national identity in Southeast Asian region. Religious identity was revived along with the increase of religious awareness in Muslim majority country. On the other hand, globalization bears an impact on culture. Individuals, communities and the states should respond the globalization process accordingly. As such, those who gain benefit from globalization would welcome it as a factor conducive to raising their material conditions, while those who lack of these skills would fear its impact, and also react negatively to its manifestations. This paper aims at highlighting the impact of globalization on Muslim identity in Southeast Asia. Using primary as well as secondary data, this paper finds that the emergence of globalization has led to the revival of religious identity in Southeast Asia. Muslim majority communities in Southeast Asia reconsider the significance of religious values and principles in their daily social, economic and political life.

Keywords: Globalization, religious identity, Muslims and Southeast Asia.

Islam has had a great impact on modern Malaysian life, even though the Muslim communities constitute only about 66 percent from the total population. While the Malaysian community is not monolith, it does enjoy a much higher level of cohesion than is the case with Muslim countries in the region. Politically, Muslim communities are divided into at least two significant camps: the ruling Malay party (United Malay Nation Organization, UMNO) which it’s central purpose is to promote Malay interests, and opposition Islamic party (Parti Islam se-Malaysia, PAS) which has a more Islamist outlook. Both parties are competing in securing political supports from their own Malay Muslim constituents. Based on model of Modern Malaysian politics, this paper attempts to highlight the important conception of political Islam and Islamic politics. It argues that political Islam is different from Islamic politics. The former concept highlights the management of Islamic voices and Muslim interest in modern political system, and the utilization of Islamic social capital for political return, while the latter notes political system which is based on Islamic ideology, principles and values, and utilizes political process as means to establishment of Islamic socioeconomic and political system.

Keywords: Islamic Politics, Political Islam, PAS, UMNO, Malaysia

Indonesia is the largest archipelagic country in the world with over 17,500 islands and 50,000 miles of coastline spread over17 million square miles. Indonesia has maritime security interests that are not shared by its neighbours or major external maritime powers such as Japan and the United States. However, since the independence, Indonesia has been emphasizing national security from the inner-land, and thus the Army was trusted to mainly be responsible for the national security. During the post-Suharto era, the Army has always dominated Indonesia’s Armed Forces (TNI) Debate about “reform” within the armed forces and of their historic political role absorbs part of the political class, scattered in the Defence Ministry, the relevant committees of parliament, research institutions and universities, and senior levels of the Armed Forces itself. As a matter of fact, the archipelagic nature of the state would suggest that control of the nation’s waters must become a priority if such non-traditional threats are to be adequately addressed. As such, this paper attempts to highlight the development of Indonesian maritime security since the reformation era. It argues that in order the nation’s water to be balanced and equally important in the national security and development, the maritime security “needs a champion in Jakarta” to become a national issue for the Indonesian political class.


Keywords: National security, Maritime security, Army, non-traditional security, and Indonesia.

Indonesia in the late 1970s saw a rejuvenation of Islam among Muslim communities just as it occurred in elsewhere in the Muslim world. Islam gradually became a popular source of Indonesian social, ethical and spiritual life. As a result, Indonesia witnessed the proliferation of mosques, religious schools, and devotional programs, the emergence of a vast market of Islamic books, magazines, and newspapers has developed, and a well- educated Muslim middle class that had begun to raise questions about modern issues, including on the role and rights of women, the challenges of pluralism, the merits of market economies, and most generally, the proper relationship of religion to the state. This paper aims at highlighting the dynamic Muslim communities in facing modern challenges. Using historical analytical method, this paper finds that Islamic revivalism in Indonesia was unique for it was provided for the demands of a new style of religious and political activities. Muslim intellectuals arose with untraditional training and unconventional concerns. New Muslim intellectuals were responding to the demands of the modern world and the threat posed by the West. Though traditional trained Muslim scholars equally responded to the modern social and religious issues, the new Muslim intellectuals prevailed in Islamic discourses in Indonesia.

Key words: Islamic Revivalism, Substantive, Formalistic,  Pluralism and Indonesia

Democracy is being understood in two different levels: consolidated democracy and transitional one. The former involves equality between classes, ethnic groups, genders, and other forms of identity and affiliation in socio-economic and political arenas that constitute substantive democracy. The latter notes the notion of procedural democracy which gives greater attention to civil liberties and regular elections. This paper attempts to evaluate the democratization process in Indonesia since the collapse of New Order leadership. It also addresses the strength and weaknesses current democratic practices in Indonesia. Using close observation method of data collection, this paper argues that Indonesian democratic system has been only in the procedural level of democracy. It has been evident in the last fourteen years that Indonesia has been reforming socio-economic and political system but it only enhanced the procedural ways of democracy. Yet, clean and good governance that yields the equality and people’s prosperity has not been achieved in Indonesia. Consolidated democracy which provides equality and social justice remains a dream of the nation.

Keywords: Consolidated democracy, Transitional democracy, Indonesia