STUDIES FOR SYLVIA PALÁGYI ON HER 80TH BIRTHDAY, 2024
It is conceivable that a historical reconstruction in which the nomadic “Scythian” tribes, raidin... more It is conceivable that a historical reconstruction in which the nomadic “Scythian” tribes, raiding and
plundering as they moved westward in the 7th century BC, stormed and looted the highland settlements
of significant importance in the western Transdanubian region, which belonged to the eastern Hallstatt
culture. Such was the fate of the settlements on the Ság Hill in Celldömölk and on Szent Vid in Velem, as
well as those in their surroundings (e.g., Győr, Koroncó, Sopron–Krautacker; Ménfőcsanak; Sé). Among
other things, their arrowheads refer to these events.
Since we neither know the accompanying finds of the Sárvár pintadera nor its authentic context, I
can only indirectly date it to the second half of the 6th century BC, around the turn of the 6th and 5th
centuries, to the Hallstatt D2 period. I consider it a relic that emerged at one of the Rába crossing points
of the mixed culture (composed of Vekerzug and Hallstatt elements) developing and existing west of the
Great Plain culture of Vekerzug, in Transdanubia.
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was comprised of 42 or 44 sickles, making it the second biggest pure sickle depot from an Urnfield context in Central
Europe. Of these, only six pieces are available in public collections today, based on which the find could be dated to the
HA 1 – A2 period. The second part of the paper provides a summary of the macro-archaeobotanical results of the two most
important sites in the region in focus, the ritual-metallurgical settlement at Gór and a cemetery at Győr-Ménfőcsanak,
completed by a presentation of the respective record of lesser sites, a survey of our knowledge of the agriculture of the
period (palynological data excluded), the findings of archaeological experiments on storage and cultivation, the current
state of research, and future tasks.
in character (lamps, mirrors, glass balsamaria, ossuaria, jugs). The people who
used the cemetery at Chernelházadamonya may have come from one of the settlements on the Amber Road or from the region of Emona, judging by the “boat”-
shaped bracelet. The grave goods testify to the relative wealth of the community
buried there (glass beaker, perfume imported (?) from the Eastern Mediterranean,
decorative imported enamel fibula), but the grave goods typical of the elite (imported pottery, bronze vessels, glass tableware, amber objects) and grave types
are missing. They were proud to mark their place in their community through the
choice of the grave goods (bracelets, military belt, and ornate fibula). Their burial
customs were influenced by the nearby Savaria (tile graves, ossuaria, mirrors, use
of large pots as urns) and with a touch of some conservatism with continuation of
the cremation rite into the Late Roman.
If handled with due care and criticism, old finds can be a very important
source, alongside well-documented material from modern excavations, for the
study of Roman burial customs. It would be worthwhile to publish them systematicall
plundering as they moved westward in the 7th century BC, stormed and looted the highland settlements
of significant importance in the western Transdanubian region, which belonged to the eastern Hallstatt
culture. Such was the fate of the settlements on the Ság Hill in Celldömölk and on Szent Vid in Velem, as
well as those in their surroundings (e.g., Győr, Koroncó, Sopron–Krautacker; Ménfőcsanak; Sé). Among
other things, their arrowheads refer to these events.
Since we neither know the accompanying finds of the Sárvár pintadera nor its authentic context, I
can only indirectly date it to the second half of the 6th century BC, around the turn of the 6th and 5th
centuries, to the Hallstatt D2 period. I consider it a relic that emerged at one of the Rába crossing points
of the mixed culture (composed of Vekerzug and Hallstatt elements) developing and existing west of the
Great Plain culture of Vekerzug, in Transdanubia.