Papers by Vojislav Sarakinski
Историја, 2025
Во статијата е даден македонски превод на приватното писмо на момчето Теон до неговиот татко, нај... more Во статијата е даден македонски превод на приватното писмо на момчето Теон до неговиот татко, најдено во збирката папируси од Оксиринх и заведено како P. Оxy. 1.119. Писмото е мошне познато во литературата, но досега не било ниту преведено, ниту пак обработено на македонски јазик. Преводот е проследен со јазични белешки, објаснувања и куса дискусија за јазичните облици и контекстот.
Humanitas consolatur, 2025
A comparative examination of the traditions of παιδεία and humanitas alongside the scribal tradit... more A comparative examination of the traditions of παιδεία and humanitas alongside the scribal tradition of the Ancient Near East reveals not only some expected dissimilarities, but also intriguing parallels in pedagogical methods, educational objectives, and societal roles of the educated elite. It is undeniable that the scribal education which was going on in the bit tuppi was a kind of παιδεία that corresponds to the Greek one, at least in a technical, if not in a social context. Although the specific methods, content, and cultural contexts of the Near Eastern, Greek and Roman educational systems varied, they all shared the common goal of making the elite members of society effective administrators, scribes, and leaders. Moreover, a comparison between the Sumerian concept of nam.lú.ùlu and the Roman concept of humanitas reveals two distinct, but overlapping understandings of what it meant to be human and urban in the context of their respective cultures. While both nam.lú.ùlu and humanitas offer frameworks for understanding humanity, they reflect the different values and priorities of their respective cultures: the former was rooted in a communal, religious view of humanity that focuses on collective responsibility and divine order, while the latter emphasized individual moral development, cultural refinement, and civic responsibility within a more secular framework.
Živa Antika / Antiquité Vivante, Dec 2024
The philosopher Plato claims that the Macedonian king Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdi... more The philosopher Plato claims that the Macedonian king Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdiccas II and a slave, and that he allegedly killed all the legitimate heirs to the throne and seized royal power in Macedonia by force. Although this story was well known in ancient times, modern scholars question it, either in whole or in part; nevertheless, all attempts to prove that it is unfounded are based on assumptions and inferences from circumstantial arguments. The reassessment of our sources, as well as a comparison with appropriate examples concerning the succession of royal power in Macedon, shows that even if the details of Polus’ speech are extremely doubtful, its essence – the killing of Alcetas, Alexander and little Aero-pus – may be accepted as a historical fact. At the same time, the context of the killings is probably not an invention of Plato, but comes from the propaganda mythoi that were a feature of the dynastic struggles between the Argeadae. What remains unclear is whether this propaganda dates from the time when Archelaus was still fighting for the throne, or whether it emerged later, in the troubled decade after his death and the murder of his son, which ended his lineage.
Živa Antika / Antiquité Vivante , 2023
The earliest sources on the kingdom of Macedon refer to its royal house as the Temenidae. Through... more The earliest sources on the kingdom of Macedon refer to its royal house as the Temenidae. Through this name, the Macedonian kings allegedly claimed descent from the royal line of Argos, i.e., they claimed the right to be recognized as descendants of Temenus, and through him of Heracles himself. Other ancient authors, as well as later lexicographers, refer to the Macedonian royal house as the Argeadae. There were two different explanations for this name even in ancient times: some interpreted it as an indication of the origin of the royal house from Argos Orestikon, a place in Orestis; others thought it was a patronymic, i.e. that it pointed to a descent from a mythical ancestor, the hero Argaeus. A careful analysis of the sources, as well as the historical circumstances in which they mention the ruling house and its name, shows that these names and the corresponding myths were used erratically, with irregular frequency, within a specific narrative with a political goal, to the point that one might even dispute the Macedonian origin of some interpretations. Thus, it is possible that the Macedonian kings before Philip II did not perceive themselves as either Temenid or Argead, and that Philip and Alexander only made masterful political use of the said names and interpretations. The new Hellenistic dynasties did their best to link with the old one in various ways: the Antigonidae highlighted their kinship with Argos, the Ptolemies opted for Argaeus, the Seleucids for Temenus. An examination of these examples shows that the term “Argeadae” had no exactness in historical reminiscence. In Hellenistic times – and that is precisely the time when it appears in common use – “Argeadae” was a general term that referred to the kings of Macedonia. Thus, it would be unwarranted to replace the term Temenidae with another, equally gratuitous, which ultimately lays claim to the same legendary origin, and was first attested a considerable time later; on the contrary, the Temenidae should remain an integral part of the narrative on the Macedonian ruling house.
Пајонија и Пајонците. Извори, историја, археологија, 2022
Историја / Journal of History, 2021
This article aims to explore the extant sources documenting the emergence of organised football i... more This article aims to explore the extant sources documenting the emergence of organised football in Ottoman Macedonia – mainly newspaper articles and notes by local chroniclers. In Ottoman Macedonia, football was mainly played in Salonica by the sons of the Jewish, Greek, and Western bourgeoisie, and in Bitola by the sons of rich Aromanians; after the Young Turk Revolution, it was played by western-educated Turkish officers in Skopje and Bitola, and by some citizens of Naoussa, Veria and Edessa in southwest Macedonia. The sport may have made a late start, but it walked the same route as football in Great Britain and Western Europe did. It started as a sport for the city élite, who quickly got fed up with the novelty and turned to seeking new thrills in other sports; had it not been for the Balkan Wars and WWI, football would have probably become a real working- class sport as early as the 1910s – as it did during the Interwar period in the former territories of Ottoman Macedonia that became part of Greece, Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.
Историја / Journal of History , 2021
Во статијата е даден целосен македонски превод на зачуваниот текст на атинските декрети за Метона... more Во статијата е даден целосен македонски превод на зачуваниот текст на атинските декрети за Метона, проследен со белешки, објаснувања и куса дискусија за датирањето и историскиот контекст на документите. Даден е преглед на досегашната литература и на спротивставените мислења во врска со датирањето, кои се движат од 430 до 426 ст.е; од анализата на досега понудените аргументи, произлегува дека пристапувањето на Метона во Атинскиот поморски сојуз треба да се датира меѓу мај 432 и август 431 ст.е., а првиот атински декрет за Метона – во рана пролет 428 ст.е., како што предлага Н. Хамонд.
Жива Антика / Antiquité Vivante , 2020
Данная статья не исследует были ли античные македонцы эллинами или нет, хотя оспаривается сама к... more Данная статья не исследует были ли античные македонцы эллинами или нет, хотя оспаривается сама концепция дихотомии. Она очень редко имела значение в античное время, но имеет большее значение как инструмент современных историков. Суть дискуссии дистанцируется от традиционных дилемм – что мы знаем о ма-кедонцах, были ли они эллинами, имели ли они региональную идентичность – и, с помощью избранных примеров и параллелей остановимся на фактах што, если выберем практичное определение Геродота, используется всеми, мы по сути дела не знаем когда, на каком основании и для кого кто-то является варваром, а кто-то нет. Уже блеклые критерии принадлежности к эллинизму или варварству должны быть отвергнуты, потому что сами эти термины представляют собой подвижную и неравномерную конструкцию; история античной Македонии должна освободиться от напряжения этого вопроса, который долго обрабатывается по несоответствующей методологии.
Христофор Жефарович и неговото време, 2020
Annuaire de la Faculté de Philosophie, 2020
The philosopher Plato claims that the Macedonian king Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdi... more The philosopher Plato claims that the Macedonian king Archelaus was the illegitimate son of Perdiccas II and a slave, and that he allegedly killed all the legitimate heirs to the throne and used force to seize the royal power in Macedonia. Though this story was well known in ancient times, modern scholars dispute it, either fully or partially; nevertheless, all attempts to prove that it is unfounded are based on assumptions and a conjecture of circumstantial arguments. The reanalysis of our sources, as well as a comparison with suitable examples concerning the succession of royal power in Macedon point out that succession issues in Aegae were not, however, completely clear-cut; that the silence of Thucydides concerning the transfer of power, until he had introduced Archelaus as king, though not decisive, may nevertheless be indicative; that the position of Archelaus in terms of succession was complicated, regardless of whether he was a legitimate son; and finally, that, if nothing else, the story of Plato deserves much greater scrutiny and should by no means be disregarded due to academic inertia, as is usually the case.
Pólis, Urbs e Cidades no Mediterrâneo Antigo, 2019
Este artigo toca a discussão interminável sobre a definição e a natureza da pólis, mas tenta exam... more Este artigo toca a discussão interminável sobre a definição e a natureza da pólis, mas tenta examiná-las do ponto de vista de um evento real atestado na historiografia-o desacordo entre o rei macedônio Pérdicas II e seu irmão Filipe de Anfaxitide. Uma análise do significado político, logístico e econômico de Anfaxitide para o reino macedônico é seguida de uma visão geral das descobertas arqueológicas; isso serve para provar a discrepância entre o que conhecemos na área e a maneira como ou pela qual as cidades ao longo do rio Áxio são apresentados nas obras da historiografia moderna. Isso coloca uma sombra de dúvida sobre a própria definição da pólis e sugere uma abordagem mais ampla e mais afrouxada do problema. / The article touches on the endless discussion on the definition and the nature of the polis, but attempts to examine these parameters in context of a real event attested in historiography: the disagreement between the Macedonian king Perdiccas II and his brother Philip of Amphaxitis. An analysis of the political, logistical and economic significance of Amphaxitis for the kingdom of Macedon is followed by an overview of the archaeological finds, which serves to prove the discrepancy between what we know from the field and how the cities of Amphaxitis are presented in modern historiography. This casts a shadow of doubt over the very definition of polis and suggests a broader and looser approach to the problem.
Гласник ИНИ, 2019
The aim of this paper is to review once more the evidence for the alleged co-regency of Gonatas a... more The aim of this paper is to review once more the evidence for the alleged co-regency of Gonatas and Demetrios II, as well as the interpretations offered by modern historians. While it is accepted that, considering all the evidence, the theories of both R. M. Errington and E. Grzybek are untenable, it is maintained that contrary to the opinion of a number of historians, the question is still far from settled. The contradictions in the sources remain unresolved, and most of the offered explanations are unconvincing or at the very least hypothetical, which is why the firm stance on the issue taken by some researchers (whether for or against a co-regency) seems unfounded. Considering the scarcity and the contradicting nature of the available evidence, a definitive solution of the issue remains impossible until a new piece of information presents itself.
Analele Universităţii Ovidius din Constanţa, 2019
Less than a century after the death of Hristofor Žefarović (1690– 1753), a renowned artist, autho... more Less than a century after the death of Hristofor Žefarović (1690– 1753), a renowned artist, author, merchant, heraldist and supporter of the “Illyrian idea”, Balkan historiographies began trying to determine his ethnicity – or, rather, his nationality – under the influence of national ideologies for which they sought legitimacy. However, the question of the attested identity markers of Hristofor Žefarović presents a complex methodological problem that cannot (and should not) be treated unilaterally, on the basis of fragmentary and selective pieces of information brought out of context. A thorough analysis of the extant sources, containing an extensive set of contextual identity markers, shows that – at this time, and until a better and more explicit source comes to light – modern historiography is objectively unable to determine the ethnicity of Hristofor Žefarović in modern terms. Furthermore, it is questionable whether this kind of conclusion can be reached at all, as our sources testify to a remarkable fluidity in ethnical markers and norms of self-determination in the times of Žefarović, which would be nearly outrageous under the terms of modern-day politics. Consequently, from a methodological viewpoint, the case of the ethnicity and self-identification of Hristofor Žefarović cannot be defined in any other way, except as putting the past in function of building contemporary national ideologies.
Exegi monumentum aere perennius. Papers in Honor of prof. E. Koleva, prof. Lj. Basotova and prof. D. Čadikovska on the Occasion of the 85th Anniversary of Their Birth, 2019
The aim of the paper is to re‐evaluate the role and importance of Alexander I during the Persian ... more The aim of the paper is to re‐evaluate the role and importance of Alexander I during the Persian invasion of Greece, particularly pertaining the embassy to Athens and the night visit before the battle of Plataea. It is maintained that his role and importance in the back‐door dealings between the Athenians and Spartans while he was at Athens is probably exaggerated; while at the same time, in overstepping his role as an envoy of Mardonius, he had in fact harmed his reputation as benefactor and friend of Athens. Concerning the visit before Plataea, there is admittedly a certain pro‐Macedonian nuance in the narrative; yet, this does not mean that it should be treated as a standalone affair, separated from the rest of the narrative, but rather in context of a much larger piece of propaganda which aims to glorify the deeds of Athens at the expense of the Spartan ones – certainly not as an example of an interpretatio Macedonica.
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Papers by Vojislav Sarakinski