Christoph Safferling

Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Law School, Faculty Member

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Christoph J.M. Safferling, 1971, (Dr. iur., LL.M.) studied Law in Munich and London. He received his doctoral degree at the University of Munich in 1999, and passed the bar exam in 2000. Afterwards he held the position of assistant professor of law at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg. From 2006 to 2015 he was professor for criminal law, criminal procedure, international criminal law and public international law at the Philipps-University of Marburg, and the Director of the International Research and Documentation Center for War Crimes Trials. He is the Whitney R. Harris International Law Fellow of the Jackson Center, Jamestown, N.Y. Since 2012 he is a member of the International Academic Commission at the Federal Ministry of Justice for Critical Study of the National Socialist Past. Today he holds the chair for criminal law, criminal procedure, and international law at the Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen-Nuremberg and is one of the vice-presidents of the International Nuremberg Principles Academy.
His main fields of research are: international criminal procedural law, the mental elements of the crime, and the history of international criminal law. He is co-editor of the German Law Journal and the Revista Internationale di Dritto Penale. He edited the German translation of Whitney Harris’ Tyranny on Trial into German (“Tyrannen vor Gericht”, Berlin: BWV 2009) and is one of the editors of the leading commentary on the German Code of International Criminal Law. He is the author of “International Criminal Procedure (OUP 2012), and is the co-author of the study “The Rosenburg File. The Federal Ministry of Justice and the Nazi-Past (“Die Akte Rosenburg. Das Bundesministerium der Justiz und die NS-Zeit”, München: C.H. Beck 2016)
Address: Lehrstuhl für Strafrecht, Strafprozessrecht, Internationales Strafrecht und Völkerrecht
Schillerstraße 1
D-91054 Erlangen
Germany

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Papers by Christoph Safferling

Genocide on Trial: Law and Collective Memory / Völkermord vor Gericht: Recht und kollektives Gedächtnis

60th Anniversary International Conference / Internationale Konferenz zum 60. Jahrestag, 2006

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Souveränität, Integrität und Selbstbestimmung – Herausforderungen von Rechtskonzepten in der digitalen Transformation

transcript Verlag eBooks, Dec 31, 2022

Prävention von Straftaten mit Bitcoins und Alt-Coins – Handlungsempfehlung zur Regulierung virtueller Kryptowährungen im Rahmen des Projekts BITCRIME (Teilprojekt Deutschland) / Bitcoin and Alt-Coin Crime Prevention – A Recommendation for the Regulation of Virtual Cryptocurrencies in the context ...

Das Bitcoinsystem 8 bietet seinen Nutzern die Möglichkeit, Online-Transaktionen vorzunehmen, ohne... more Das Bitcoinsystem 8 bietet seinen Nutzern die Möglichkeit, Online-Transaktionen vorzunehmen, ohne dass dabei eine zentrale Instanz eingeschaltet wird. In dem dezentralen System werden Bitcoins direkt zwischen den Nutzern transferiert. Bitcoin-Nutzer verfügen über Konten 9 , die auf öffentlichen Schlüsseln eines asymmetrischen kryptographischen Systems basieren und von den Nutzern selbst in beliebiger Zahl erzeugt werden können. Jeder Bitcoin im System ist zu jedem Zeitpunkt einem bestimmten Konto zugeordnet. Soll ein Bitcoin, der einem bestimmten Konto zugeordnet ist, überwiesen werden, muss hierzu eine Transaktion erstellt werden, die im Wesentlichen in der Nachricht besteht, dass der Bitcoin einem bestimmten anderen Konto zugewiesen werden soll. Um sicherzustellen, dass nur der Inhaber eines Kontos einen diesem zugewiesenen Bitcoin überweisen kann, muss die Transaktion mit dem zum Konto gehörenden privaten Schlüssel digital signiert werden. 10 Zur Verwaltung von Konten nebst privaten Schlüsseln sowie zum Erstellen und Signieren von Transaktionen wird sog. Wallet-Software genutzt. 2 Dieser Begriff erfasst nur virtuelle, dezentrale kryptographische Währungen. Näher unten 1.2. Zudem wird darauf hingewiesen, dass der Begriff Währung verwendet wird, auch wenn der juristische Währungsbegriff nur staatliche Währungen erfasst, siehe: EBA Opinion on 'virtual currencies', EBA/Op/2014/08, S. 11. 3 Nach der von polizeilichen Gremien erarbeiteten und vom Arbeitskreis II "Innere Sicherheit" genehmigten Definition umfasst "Cybercrime im engeren Sinne" die Straftaten, die sich gegen das Internet, weitere Datennetze, informationstechnische Systeme oder deren Daten richten.

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Messengerdienst-Nachrichten als Beweismittel im Strafverfahren – am Beispiel der Auswertung von WhatsApp-Chats

Juristische Rundschau, Jun 2, 2023

Annex: Victim-Related Relevant Decisions

The annex shows the decisions of the chambers regarding the participation of the victims. It give... more

Victims Before the International Criminal Court

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this p... more

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The Legacy of Nuremberg / Das Vermächtnis von Nürnberg

My paper asks, what are Nuremberg's lessons and what has become of them? My response is that the ... more My paper asks, what are Nuremberg's lessons and what has become of them? My response is that the legacy of Nuremberg has largely been squandered and the only chance of recovery lies in an honest, though uncomfortable assessment of the unfortunate state of international human rights law today. The legacy of Nuremberg is often understood to be primarily the lesson of international individual responsibility for violations of human rights. On this line of thinking the Rwandan and Yugoslav tribunals, and now the ICC, are the major extensions of a movement that began in Nuremberg. Nuremberg, however, had a more primordial message-the definition of a human right itself. The evidence of the Holocaust presented at Nuremberg, ought therefore to be a bulwark against the scepticism and cynicism of each new generation. And yet sixty years later the moral compass that was then missing in millions of people in this country, and others, is matched by the moral relativism of our time. Nuremberg was intended to define and apply universal human rights, to all people, for all time. But today, the concept of universality is challenged once again. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 1948 centerpiece of the UN's human rights framework, could no longer be adopted by consensus. The core lesson of Nuremberg-of universal rights-lies at the foundation of any international system for the protection of human rights. Nevertheless, it has been corroded by international actors, both non-democratic and democratic. Most believed that the end of the Cold War would mean a giant leap forward for international law, and in particular, for the international protection of human rights. Instead, the assault on universality gained credence in the June 1993 UN world conference on human rights held in Vienna, which produced the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action. It reads in part "while the significance of national and regional particularities and various historical, cultural and religious backgrounds must be borne in mind, it is the duty of states ... to promote and protect all human rights...". This move to modify the commitment to universality by historical or cultural or religious particularities was further entrenched in three more UN world conferences in the 1990's-on population, development and women's rights in Cairo, Copenhagen and Beijing respectively. So-called particularities are not benign reminders of contextual considerations, or appeals for sensitivity or accommodation of difference. The same states that push such particularities also insist on noninterference in domestic affairs and the insulation of national legal systems from international rebuke. Liberal democracies also bear responsibility for these developments. For example, liberal democratic states in Vienna accepted limitations on freedom from religious intolerance and a free media based on peculiarities of any national legal system. For all the criticism of a monolithic, pathological, western ideological imperialism, in international fora, liberal democratic state actors are often confused and defensive. Their behaviour manifests deep moral scepticism. On a philosophical level, such relativism claims that even in similar situations what is right or good for one individual or society is not necessarily right or good for another. The standpoint of relativism permits no common critique of the substance of legal or moral rules. This is not an abstraction: Only a few months ago, Amnesty International, the world's largest international human rights NGO, released its 2005 annual report. It begins with a message from Irene Khan, Amnesty's Secretary-General. She writes: "The leadership challenge for the UN and its member states is clear: Listen to the voices of the victims..." These are the same words she used at the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism in Durban, South Africa. The final NGO document adopted at Durban said "Zionism is racism," accused Israel of crimes against humanity and genocide, and called for the total isolation of the Jewish state. Though asked specifically to vote against it, Ms. Khan encouraged the caucus of international NGOs as a group to abstain. The only voices which were deleted from that final document were those of the Jewish caucus, representing Jewish NGOs from all over the world. They had proposed a statement objecting to a new form of anti-Semitism directed at Jews because of their support of Israel. When it came time to vote on the motion to delete the voices of

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German Participation in the Nuremberg Trials and Its Implications for Today

The Nuremberg War Crimes Trial and its Policy Consequences Today, 2020

The changing German perspective on the Nuremberg legacy over the last ten to fifteen years is bes... more The changing German perspective on the Nuremberg legacy over the last ten to fifteen years is best expressed by two quotations. Wilhelm G. Grewe (1911-2000), a German diplomat and scholar, wrote in 1985 (English translation 2000): Hopes and expectations that were nourished in 1945 and the subsequent year and inspired by the models of the International Military Tribunals of Nuremberg and Tokyo, were illusory from the very beginning. These models could only impress zealots and starry-eyed idealists who were blind or dazzled by the realities of world politics. 1

format_quoteIn the 1950s, 50% of Germans believed the Nuremberg Trials were 'victor's justice,' indicating widespread skepticism about their fairness.format_quote

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