26 April 2015
After an Evensong at St John’s Cathedral, Brisbane
Re Casting the words of the famo... more 26 April 2015 After an Evensong at St John’s Cathedral, Brisbane Re Casting the words of the famous excerpt from Robert Lawrence Binyon’s poem, “For the Fallen”, The poem was written in mid September 1914, a few weeks after the outbreak of the First World War. “They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old: Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning We will remember them.”
This collection of poems is important to me. It is a strong statement against war,drawing from my... more This collection of poems is important to me. It is a strong statement against war,drawing from my own life experience.
A selection of the poems were featured in 2001-02 'Poetica', on ABC RadioNational
An overland journey from Johannesburg to Kampala undertaken in 2002, returning from the Earth Sum... more An overland journey from Johannesburg to Kampala undertaken in 2002, returning from the Earth Summit with thoughts of hunger and war in Africa.
In 2002 Willy Bach was in Uganda, in a unique position to observe not just the ongoing war in tha... more In 2002 Willy Bach was in Uganda, in a unique position to observe not just the ongoing war in that country, but also the tragic effects of the War On Terror spreading across the world. This book of verse was the result.
As author of this video and the book, Picking Mangoes that are Still Green, I feel that I should ... more As author of this video and the book, Picking Mangoes that are Still Green, I feel that I should comment. Please watch the video and the other one too: The story of a book WARNING - the film contains some distressing scenes of dead people.
The 2003 Mission to Pader to Record Situation of the Civilian Population was an assessment of th... more The 2003 Mission to Pader to Record Situation of the Civilian Population was an assessment of the plight of displaced people in parts of Northern Uganda affected by the war with Joseph Kony's Lord's Resistance Army. Results were reported at a UN Conference in Khartoum, Sudan and collated by UN OCHA coordinators in Nairobi, Kenya.
In this presentation I argue that Australian nationalism is very much alive but is also conflicte... more In this presentation I argue that Australian nationalism is very much alive but is also conflicted, complex and problematic; and this could be an indicator of the future direction of nationalism elsewhere.
In this essay I seek to address unresolved issues in respect of the continued supply of weapons, ... more In this essay I seek to address unresolved issues in respect of the continued supply of weapons, particularly light arms, into the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The most logical starting point for undertaking this study was to read the UN’s Report by the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of the Democratic Republic of Congo. (UN: 2002) But critiques of this document, particularly that by François Grignon, Project Director, Central Africa, International Crisis Group (ICG), raise challenging questions that need to be explored.
It is not so much that the UN report lacks substance or credibility in what it has to say; it is more pertinent to note that it was marred by political interference, particularly from France and UK and that there has been a lack of implementation by any European nations or the USA. (Grignon: 2003) I ask why this is so and attempt an explanation. The authors of the 2002 report were subjected to political interference by major powers on behalf of their domiciled corporations; the report is flawed in its approach to principal offenders from wealthy developed countries and from major transnational corporations, focusing instead on African offenders, as François Grignon explains, as she describes the way in which France and Britain got their way through a process Thomas Pogge calls “jurying.” (Pogge: 2006)
My proposition is that conflicts generate opportunistic economies that replicate in places other than the original seat of instability, driven by supply and demand and promoted by the ideology of neo liberal economics. The same market forces that drive all commercial transactions motivate those who have weapons to sell. Furthermore, they will find a way to conduct their business, whatever impediments; trade embargoes and blockades are put in their way. If profits are high – the risk is worthwhile.
This paper explores the role of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; its ... more This paper explores the role of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; its effects on development, neo-Imperialism and postcolonial Commonwealth relationships. In granting formal independence, with some caveats on self-determination, Britain and other colonial powers have sought to install indigenous governments that offer continuity and business certainty for settler communities and foreign investors. Where this certainty has been perceived to be threatened, a range of measures have been taken by the colonial power. Several features characterise counterinsurgency operations. They are located in the territory of the ‘other’; usually involve the recruitment of ethnic minorities; the relocation of native populations; propaganda and the winning of ‘hearts and minds’, all of which are essentially bound to Cold War threat scenarios and mindsets. This paper critiques counterinsurgency measures, including military, paramilitary, intelligence and psychological warfare; the implicit master-servant relationship; and asks whether an ethnic/cultural superiority is intrinsic to the doctrine. The doctrine is shared with Anglosphere allies in the British Commonwealth and with the USA through the special relationship. US experience was developed in The Philippines, whilst Britain’s lessons were mainly learned in South Africa, Kenya and in Malaya, where military operations were mounted. Both Australia and New Zealand were allies with Britain in Malaya and with the USA in Indochina, where the doctrine was applied on a massive scale and accompanied by overwhelming force. I conclude that counterinsurgency doctrine is neo-Imperialistic, counter-developmental, anti-democratic, severely damaging to individuals, societies and environments in the immediate and longer-term, and is ultimately unsatisfactory and unsuccessful.
This paper explores the rôle of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; it... more This paper explores the rôle of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; its effects on development, neo-Imperialism and postcolonial Commonwealth relationships. PF platoon on guard in Phu My village, Duip Tuong Province, 1970 Phụng Hoàng (Phoenix) Team in field operations, Tây Ninh Province, 1969 Operations under the Phoenix program sought to target and neutralize members of the Việt Cộng infrastructure (VCI). A U.S. Navy SEAL in the Mekong Delta leads away a VC suspect. RF platoon, date and location unknown.
This paper explores the rôle of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; its ... more This paper explores the rôle of Counterinsurgency Doctrine in the process of decolonisation; its effects on development, neo-Imperialism and postcolonial Commonwealth relationships.
At the outset, let me say, I enthusiastically welcome Australia's imminent ratification of the Co... more At the outset, let me say, I enthusiastically welcome Australia's imminent ratification of the Convention on Cluster Munitions. I hope that the form which this ratification takes will satisfy all stake-holders.
This article re-examines the sanitised history of Agent Orange and other defoliants used in
the I... more This article re-examines the sanitised history of Agent Orange and other defoliants used in the Indochina War between 1961 and 1974. It begins by reviewing the incomplete and misleading narratives regarding the use of these chemicals, which have occupied and confused the public imagination and the official record. For this purpose, I highlight the Australian public narrative notable for its disinformation and insufficient appreciation of these chemicals in historical context. The anomalous assumptions of the public record merited renewed inter-disciplinary scholarly examination. Defoliants were an instrument of imperial power, sophisticated chemical technology applied to peasant societies without risk of retaliation.
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After an Evensong at St John’s Cathedral, Brisbane
Re Casting the words of the famous excerpt from Robert Lawrence Binyon’s poem, “For the Fallen”, The poem was written in mid September 1914, a few weeks after the outbreak of the First World War.
“They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old:
Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn.
At the going down of the sun and in the morning
We will remember them.”
A selection of the poems were featured in 2001-02 'Poetica', on ABC RadioNational
It is not so much that the UN report lacks substance or credibility in what it has to say; it is more pertinent to note that it was marred by political interference, particularly from France and UK and that there has been a lack of implementation by any European nations or the USA. (Grignon: 2003) I ask why this is so and attempt an explanation. The authors of the 2002 report were subjected to political interference by major powers on behalf of their domiciled corporations; the report is flawed in its approach to principal offenders from wealthy developed countries and from major transnational corporations, focusing instead on African offenders, as François Grignon explains, as she describes the way in which France and Britain got their way through a process Thomas Pogge calls “jurying.” (Pogge: 2006)
My proposition is that conflicts generate opportunistic economies that replicate in places other than the original seat of instability, driven by supply and demand and promoted by the ideology of neo liberal economics. The same market forces that drive all commercial transactions motivate those who have weapons to sell. Furthermore, they will find a way to conduct their business, whatever impediments; trade embargoes and blockades are put in their way. If profits are high – the risk is worthwhile.
In granting formal independence, with some caveats on self-determination, Britain and other colonial powers have sought to install indigenous governments that offer continuity and business certainty for settler communities and foreign investors. Where this certainty has been perceived to be threatened, a range of measures have been taken by the colonial power.
Several features characterise counterinsurgency operations. They are located in the territory of the ‘other’; usually involve the recruitment of ethnic minorities; the relocation of native populations; propaganda and the winning of ‘hearts and minds’, all of which are essentially bound to Cold War threat scenarios and mindsets.
This paper critiques counterinsurgency measures, including military, paramilitary, intelligence and psychological warfare; the implicit master-servant relationship; and asks whether an ethnic/cultural superiority is intrinsic to the doctrine.
The doctrine is shared with Anglosphere allies in the British Commonwealth and with the USA through the special relationship. US experience was developed in The Philippines, whilst Britain’s lessons were mainly learned in South Africa, Kenya and in Malaya, where military operations were mounted. Both Australia and New Zealand were allies with Britain in Malaya and with the USA in Indochina, where the doctrine was applied on a massive scale and accompanied by overwhelming force.
I conclude that counterinsurgency doctrine is neo-Imperialistic, counter-developmental, anti-democratic, severely damaging to individuals, societies and environments in the immediate and longer-term, and is ultimately unsatisfactory and unsuccessful.
the Indochina War between 1961 and 1974. It begins by reviewing the incomplete and
misleading narratives regarding the use of these chemicals, which have occupied and
confused the public imagination and the official record. For this purpose, I highlight the
Australian public narrative notable for its disinformation and insufficient appreciation of
these chemicals in historical context. The anomalous assumptions of the public record
merited renewed inter-disciplinary scholarly examination.
Defoliants were an instrument of imperial power, sophisticated chemical technology applied to peasant societies without risk of retaliation.