Burial Customs

This report primarily concerns the documentation work related to the ship find Barcode 17, following its excavation by the Museum of Cultural History, University of Oslo, in 2013. The report includes digital 1:1 documentation, reconstruction and interpretations, as well as conservation work. The vessel underwent conservation treatment using PEG and freeze-drying, and is currently stored at the Norwegian Maritime Museum. The boat is one of nine ship finds discovered in Oslo and dated to the 14th century. The dating of Barcode 17 to the mid-1300s makes it particularly interesting in light of the presumed economic decline following the Black Death, during which the vessel was in use. The clinker-built vessel has been 11.5 meters long and would have carried a square sail and had 20–22 frame stations. It was constructed using an interesting combination of oak and pine, with oak selected for the keel and stems, while much of the internal timbers are pine. The planking consists of both oak and pine. The planks are fastened with iron rivets and square roves. There is evidence of extensive repairs to cracks in the planking, and tar was applied both inside and outside the hull to keep the vessel watertight. The boat was likely used as a trading vessel, probably connected to the Hanseatic-dominated trade in Oslo during the 14th century. The report is written in Norwegian.

Following a reflection on the influence of the Jewish Scriptures in the construction of Jesus of Nazareth carried out in the Canonical Gospels, this contribution makes plain the intellectual problems of mythicism, the stance which denies the historical existence of Jesus, arguing its lack of plausibility.

Al hilo de una reflexión sobre la influencia de las Escrituras judías en la construcción de la figura de Jesús de Nazaret en los evangelios canónicos, este trabajo pone de relieve los problemas intelectuales del mitismo, la posición que niega la existencia histórica de Jesús, argumentando su falta de plausibilidad.

The Chapel of Exodus is a small early Christian mausoleum located in the Kharga Oasis, within Egypt's Libyan Desert. The figurative paintings of the monument are dated broadly from the late 4th to the mid-5th century CE. While the complex iconographic program of the dome has been the focus of numerous studies, the ornamental decoration of the mausoleum has remained overshadowed by the figurative scenes. However, ornamental decoration is one of the most vivid reflections of its era. The decorative program of the Chapel of Exodus is highly informative on its own, but when analyzed alongside the figurative program, it enhances and refines existing hypotheses and interpretations. If the iconography and style of the figurative scenes appear archaic compared to the art of major early Christian centers, the decorative program, in contrast, far exceeds the presumed dating of the monument. Its cohesiveness, polychromy, and ornamental richness are atypical for Egyptian monumental painting of the 5th century CE, yet they align closely with church paintings of the 6th century CE. The painted imitation of columns with twisted shafts further supports the argument for a later date for the decorative program. The completeness of the decoration and its emphasis on imitating luxurious stone materials suggest the high status of the individual buried in the mausoleum. Apart from the Chapel of Exodus, only one other tomb from roughly the same period features a comprehensive decorative program incorporating the imitation of precious stone materials-the Tomb of Saint Shenoute. It is likely that by the time the ornamental decoration of the Chapel of Exodus was created, the 5th-century tomb had already become an important commemorative monument.

During the excavations at Tel Azekah, a cistern was discovered on the tell’s lower plateau containing the remains of a minimum of 68 individuals, almost all of whom were infants and young children. The osteological analysis revealed that approximately 90% of the individuals were under five years of age, 70% even less than two years old. The burial seems to be primary, and the deposition of the remains was dated to the Persian period (ca. 5th century BCE) based on the analysis of ceramics and small finds. This paper presents the archaeological context, ceramics, small finds, and human remains. We propose that during the Persian period, the cistern functioned mainly as a mass burial site for infants who were not granted individual interments since they were not yet weaned. The findings address broader questions, such as the social status of infants, weaning as a rite of passage, and mortuary practices during the Persian Period.

This PDF contains three catalogue entries authored by Anastassios Ch. Antonaras for the exhibition Transition to Christianity: Art of Late Antiquity, 3rd–7th Century AD, organized by the Onassis Cultural Center, New York, and the Byzantine and Christian Museum, Athens. The entries discuss a glass bottle, a glass amulet, and a stone seal dating to Late Antiquity.
Together, these objects illuminate different aspects of life in the eastern Mediterranean during the transition from the Roman world to Christian society. The glass bottle reflects patterns of production, trade, and daily use; the amulet provides evidence for personal beliefs, protection, and religious practices; and the stone seal illustrates issues of identity, administration, communication, and ownership. Examined within their archaeological and historical contexts, these objects demonstrate how small artefacts can reveal broader processes of cultural transformation between the third and seventh centuries AD.
The entries contribute to the study of Late Antique material culture, archaeological glass, personal adornment, religion, and the emergence of Christian identities in the Mediterranean world.

This volume offers a synthetic account of the archaeological evidence from pre-Classical Marathon, spanning the eleventh to the early seventh centuries BC. It foregrounds funerary contexts as a principal source for reconstructing mortuary practice, craft production, and the spatial organisation of burial grounds and adjacent habitations. The
study examines three discrete zones within the classical demes boundaries: Oinoe and Skaleza along the road traversing the Oinoe ravine, the Marathon plain from coastal Plasi to the modern Vrana, Valaria and Brexiza on the south-eastern slopes of Mount Agrieliki. The study of seventy-one burials and few more funerary assemblages and deposits cover more than a century of archaeological investigation at Marathon. Pottery constitutes the largest and most diagnostic category of material culture. Stylistic sequences from the Submycenaean and Early Protogeometric through the Middle Protoattic phases reveal both local developments and sustained connections with wider Attic production centres. Analysis of pottery permits renewed consideration of craft mobility, the transmission of technical practices, and interregional linkages that include Athens and neighbouring Attic districts. Comparative treatment of the Marathonian necropoleis alongside contemporaneous burial spaces in east and south-east Attica
contributes to a broader understanding of site growth in the early first millennium BC. The evidence indicates that concerns over land sustainability, lineage and kinship were central to locally established oikoi and that these preoccupations are materially articulated in the funerary record in ways comparable to those documented for
contemporary Athenian elites. By contrast, the archaeological record offers only tenuous support for an early formation of the Marathonian Tetrapolis, rendering its establishment before the late sixth century BC problematic.

Many thousands of burials have been excavated from across the Roman world, documenting a variety of funerary practices and rites. Individual burials, however, sometimes stand out for their atypical characteristics. The authors report the discovery of a cremation burial from ancient Sagalassos that differs from contemporaneous funerary deposits. In this specific context, the cremated human remains were not retrieved but buried in situ, surrounded by a scattering of intentionally bent nails, and carefully sealed beneath a raft of tiles and a layer of lime. For each of these practices, textual and archaeological parallels can be found elsewhere in the ancient Mediterranean world, collectively suggesting that magical beliefs were at work.

This short essay examines archaic Greek funerary monuments as configurations of access rather than as mere containers of the dead or private loci of familial grief. It argues that stelae, statues, periboloi, inscribed markers, roads, images, names, and passerby encounters together organize a public field in which the deceased becomes socially legible without being restored as a living subject.

The essay situates monumental commemoration between oikos and civic space, emphasizing the socially selective nature of the archaeological record. Funerary display is interpreted not as a transparent expression of Greek beliefs about death, but as a material and spatial practice through which lineage, memory, and public recognition are configured. Through examples such as the Phrasikleia kore and an Attic funerary epigram addressed to the passerby, the paper defines the archaic tomb as a Field of Access: a structure of presence without possession.

The paper publishes two assemblages of grave goods from the Suvorovskiy
necropolis in the Taman Peninsula excavated by T. V. Blavatskaya in 1951, actually
housed in the State Historical Museum. The finds of Attic ceramics and weaponry
allow dating them to the second quarter of the V century BC. The dates of the types
of core-formed glass vessels after M. McClellan’s chronology are consistent with their
archaeological context. In one case a more detailed chronology at the level of ‘generations’ singled out by M. McClellan for the published types of alabasters and aryballoi corresponds well to the date of other funerary offerings. In another case, the published burial complex enlarges the dataset of the dated finds of rare aryballoi varieties.
The presented materials complement the corpus of published burials with core-formed
vessels from the North Pontic region containing a representative assemblage of welldated grave goods.

The region of Tisza-Maros-Körös is one of the best-studied areas of the Avar Khaganate. This paper aims to trace social changes within its communities through the analysis of grave goods and transformations in mortuary practice, with particular attention to the similarities and differences in the deposition of decorated belts. The chronological framework is based on belt-sets from the Szentes-Nagyhegy cemetery, where five phases can be correlated with other cemeteries in the region. This allows for a phase-by-phase examination of changes in the practice of depositing decorated belts, as well as related aspects of burial customs. The inclusion of belts, weapons, and horses in graves may indicate the social status of the deceased.

The region of Tisza-Maros-Körös is one of the best-studied areas of the Avar Khaganate. This paper aims to trace social changes within its communities through the analysis of grave goods and transformations in mortuary practice, with particular attention to the similarities and differences in the deposition of decorated belts. The chronological framework is based on belt-sets from the Szentes-Nagyhegy cemetery, where five phases can be correlated with other cemeteries in the region. This allows for a phase-by-phase examination of changes in the practice of depositing decorated belts, as well as related aspects of burial customs. The inclusion of belts, weapons, and horses in graves may indicate the social status of the deceased.

The following article presents the results of salvage excavations carried out at the Roman period necropolis of the ancient city of Paneas, Caesarea Philippi, where several sealed and disturbed tombs found empty of osteological remains were studied, alongside two funerary monuments belonging to a type previously unattested in this area. The characteristics of these monuments seem to be inspired by the funerary architecture of the Syrian region.

Uncommon Roman Burials from Paneas, Caesarea Philippi The following article presents the results of salvage excavations carried out at the Roman period necropolis of the ancient city of Paneas, Caesarea Philippi, where several sealed and disturbed tombs found empty of osteological remains were studied, alongside two funerary monuments belonging to a type previously unattested in this area. The characteristics of these monuments seem to be inspired by the funerary architecture of the Syrian region.

A vámosatyai templom 1978. évi kutatása során a hajó északkeleti részén egy kisméretű kripta került elő, melyben négy ép és négy bolygatott temetkezést lehetett megfigyelni. A 13. század végén-14. század első felében épült templom kutatásának eredményei több formában is megjelentek, azonban a kripta közlésére eddig nem került sor. Poszteremen a nemrég megtalált leleteket szeretném röviden ismertetni. A sírok a 17-18. századi templomi temetkezések tipikus példái, egy tehetős családhoz köthetők, jól reprezentálják a kor anyagi kultúráját, valamint temetkezési szokásait. A sírokban több szövet-és szervesanyag-maradvány is megőrződött.

A la fin du XIXe siècle, les corps morts sont objets politiques, idéologiques et médiatiques, investis d’une forte portée symbolique. Leur représentation ne se limite plus à une fonction documentaire : elle contribue à élaborer des récits antagonistes autour de la violence révolutionnaire, de l’ordre social et de la légitimité républicaine. Cette dimension politique et visuelle du cadavre constitue un élément essentiel pour comprendre les mécanismes de publicisation du trépas à la fin du XIXe siècle.
Dès lors, au début de la IIIe République, on a une véritable publicisation de la mort. Cette dernière ne relève plus uniquement de l’expérience privée : elle est racontée, partagée, érigée en exemple.

Philological practices in antiquity manifest themselves primarily in translation and commentary. While commentaries are rarely attested in ancient Egypt, translations from an older stage of the Egyptian language into a more recent one do exist. Translation into a completely different language, such as Greek, poses considerable problems not only for today's Egyptologists, but also for individuals in antiquity who moved between the Egyptian and Hellenistic spheres. The decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs and the direct access to Egyptian indigenous texts caused Greek sources to fade somewhat into the background. However, in recent years, classical authors have returned to the fore of Egyptology, which, thanks to an improved understanding of Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, seems amazed by what can be found there. Yet at times, this enthusiasm overrides source-critical caution. The following discussion will highlight this danger through three case studies concerning the reliability of classical authors as discussed in Egyptology: the supposed Egyptian empire in the first half of the second millennium BC as reported by Herodotus (II 102-110) and others, the account of ancient Egyptian burial rites in Diodorus (I 92), and the description of embalming practices in Porphyry (De abstinentia IV 10.3-5).

Kniha přináší bezpočet příběhů bývalého vojenského a evangelického hřbitova, který se rozkládal na úpatí Vítkova v pražském Karlíně. Původně sloužil pouze pro uložení těl válečných veteránů z nedaleké Invalidovny, ale postupně se zde začali pohřbívat také ostatní příslušníci armády pobývající v naší metropoli a rovněž Pražané evangelického vyznání. Dnes již v těchto místech najdou kolemjdoucí jen malou hřbitovní kapli krčící se mezi vysokými administrativními budovami z betonu a skla. Právě tyto novostavby byly příčinou dvou rozsáhlých archeologických a antropologických výzkumů, které zde před vlastními stavebními pracemi proběhly. Výsledky těchto výzkumů jsou základem pro barvité vyprávění o osudech hřbitova v širším kontextu historie habsburské monarchie, armády, vojenských konfliktů, pohřebních rituálů a materiální kultury v 18. a 19. století.

This essay examines the voice of archaic Greek funerary inscription through the theoretical framework of the Field of Access. It asks who, or what, speaks when a funerary epigram uses the first person: the dead, the stone, the reader, or the inscription itself.

Rather than treating the epigraphic “I” as the direct voice of the deceased, or as the autonomous voice of the material support, the essay argues that funerary inscription produces an inscriptional voice through the relation among support, name, place, absence, and reading. Against the Homeric background of the dead as diminished and mediated presences, the funerary sēma is interpreted not as a container of the dead, but as a marker that renders absence socially legible.

Through the cases of Phrasikleia and Kroisos, the essay shows how archaic funerary epigram organizes different forms of non-possessive presence: nominal fixation in the case of Phrasikleia, and public activation through the passer-by in the case of Kroisos. The central claim is that the funerary inscription does not restore the dead as a speaking subject. It makes the dead accessible as name, memory, place, and absence. In this sense, archaic funerary voice is not the survival of subjectivity, but a configurational effect: a voice that speaks because the dead can no longer speak.

The funeral landscapes of Dobrudja and Crimea during Late Antiquity have rarely, if ever, been compared to each other. Funerary chambers used as family vaults appear in both regions, but no chambers with painted crosses and inscriptions are known from 6th-century Crimea. Conversely, the abundant grave goods, especially weapons found in Crimean burial chambers have no parallels in Dobrudja. Moreover, rock-cut cists and secondary burials in prehistoric barrows do not appear in the region between the Black Sea and the Lower Danube. Catacombs like those discovered in Constanța do not appear in Crimea. Nor does the cemetery around the extramural basilica in Histria have any parallel in Crimea.  While the funerary landscapes of Dobrudja and Crimea in the 6th century are marked by a thorough Christianization of mortuary practices, Dobrudja was much more open towards new trends and influences than Crimea.

This paper examines Värmland as a cultural borderland during the Iron Age. The aim is to look closer at Värmland, how different cultural influences are visible in the archaeological material. The varied environmental conditions in Värmland have influenced the location of cultural and lifestyle boundaries. A textual analysis of Icelandic sagas and other historical texts is also used to compare with the archaeological material found in the region. The paper identifies four areas that differ from each other materially and culturally. These areas consist of the hunting grounds of northern Värmland, a western region with strong Norwegian influences and an eastern area with influences from eastern Sweden and Västergötland. There is also a wider region that consists of the areas around Lake Vänern in which Värmland is just one part. These areas were also part of a wider cultural sphere. The regional differences appear to diminish over time. Foto på omslag: Runnevåls gravfält (Falk 2025).

Дзярновіч А. Палеміка крыніц: абставіны бітвы на рацэ Ула 1564 г. паводле наратыўных помнікаў другой паловы XVI – пачатку XVII ст. [in:] Чашніцкі край: гісторыка-культурная спадчына рэгіёна : зборнік навуковых артыкулаў / НАН Беларусі, Інстытут гісторыі ; уклад. А.В.Бараноўскі; рэдкал.: В.Л.Лакіза (гал. рэд.) [і інш.]. Мінск : Беларуская навука, 2026. (серыя «Беларусь праз прызму рэгіянальнай гісторыі»). С. 71-84.

На базе паведамленняў наратыўных крыніц дыскусія пра колькасны склад удзельнікаў бітвы на Уле 1564 г. не вырашаецца пазітыўна. Але дазваляльна сцвярджаць, што пададзеныя ў паведамленнях саноўнікаў і гістарыёграфаў ВКЛ маштабы корпуса Пятра Шуйскага могуць быць завышаны ў 3 разы. Паводле найноўшых даследаванняў колькасць гэтага войска дасягала 10 000 чалавек. Пры невядомасці колькаснага складу войскай ВКЛ можна меркаваць, што яно было меншым за корпус Шуйскага, пра што сцвярджаюць крыніцы ВКЛ. Тагачасныя расійскія крыніцы гэтую тэму не разглядалі. Абставіны бітвы таксама застаюцца дыскусійнымі, але пэўна можна казаць пра ўдалы тактычны манеўр гетманаў ВКЛ, калі іх войска здзейсніла франтальную атаку на копрпус Шуйскага, які знаходзіўся, верагодна, у стадыі падрыхтоўкі да стаянкі ў начным лагеры. Безумоўнай перавагай камандавання войска ВКЛ была наладжаная разведка ў Полацку. Паводле Стрыйкоўскага, інфармантам у Полацку быў мясцовы праваслаўны святар. Апроч таго, варта адзначыць удалую агітацыйную кампанію, якую правялі па выніках бітвы Радзівілы і іх прадстаўнікі ў Цэнтральнай і Заходняй Еўропе. Гэта акцыя дазволіла адцягнуць заключэнне дзяржаўнай уніі паміж ВКЛ і Каронай Польскай, праціўнікамі якой былі Радзівілы. Гэтыя палітычныя абставіны варта мець на ўвазе пры аналізе тагачасных наратыўных крыніц.

Based on narrative sources, the discussion about the number of participants in the Battle of Ule in 1564 remains unresolved. However, it can be asserted that the figures for Shuysky's corps presented in the reports of Grand Duchy of Lithuania dignitaries and historians may be three times inflated. According to the latest research, the size of this army reached 10,000 men. Given the unknown size of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania's army, it can be assumed that it was smaller than Shuysky's corps, as claimed by Grand Duchy of Lithuania sources. Contemporary Russian sources did not address this topic. The circumstances of the battle also remain disputed, but it is certain that the Grand Dukes of Lithuania executed a successful tactical maneuver when their army launched a frontal attack on Shuysky's corps, which was likely in the process of preparing to camp for the night. An undeniable advantage for the Grand Duchy of Lithuania's command was the well-established intelligence network in Polotsk. According to Stryjkowski, the informant in Polotsk was a local Orthodox priest. Furthermore, it is worth noting the successful propaganda campaign conducted by the Radziwiłłs and their representatives in Central and Western Europe following the battle. This action succeeded in delaying the conclusion of the state union between the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland, which the Radziwiłłs opposed. These political circumstances should be taken into account when analyzing contemporary narrative sources.

https://pawet.net/library/history/bel_history/dziarnovich/53pq18/%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%BB%D0%B5%D0%BC%D1%96%D0%BA%D0%B0_%D0%BA%D1%80%D1%8B%D0%BD%D1%96%D1%86__%D0%B0%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B0%D0%B2%D1%96%D0%BD%D1%8B_%D0%B1%D1%96%D1%82%D0%B2%D1%8B_%D0%BD%D0%B0_%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%86%D1%8D_%D1%83%D0%BB%D0%B0_1564_%D0%B3._%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%BE%D0%B4%D0%BB%D0%B5_%D0%BD%D0%B0%D1%80%D0%B0%D1%82%D1%8B%D1%9E%D0%BD%D1%8B%D1%85_%D0%BF%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%BD%D1%96%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%9E_%D0%B4%D1%80%D1%83%D0%B3%D0%BE%D0%B9_%D0%BF%D0%B0%D0%BB%D0%BE%D0%B2%D1%8B_xvi_%E2%80%93_%D0%BF%D0%B0%D1%87%D0%B0%D1%82%D0%BA%D1%83_xvii_%D1%81%D1%82..html

This scientific report presents the results of the research project Skeletons in the Closet – Investigations of Climate Change and the Degradation of Archaeological Cultural Environments in Svalbard (CLIMARCH, Part 1B: Osteological Analysis – Jensenvatnet). The project received funding
from the Svalbard Environmental Protection Fund to carry out new osteological analyses of skeletal material dating to the whaling period (17th–18th centuries), excavated from the burial ground at Jensenvatnet (ID 93826) on Danskøya in Smeerenburgfjorden in 1984. The aims of the
project were 1) to investigate the preservation conditions of the skeletons and grave material at Jensenvatnet, and assess how climate- and
erosion-related processes affect the cultural environment, and 2) to collect osteological data that may provide new knowledge about health, living
conditions, and biological variation among whalers and seafarers in an early modern European context that is rarely preserved elsewhere.
1) The review of excavation data and more recent documentation shows that the burial ground at Jensenvatnet was already heavily affected by
erosion in 1984. All 19 graves investigated in Burial Ground 2 were to varying degrees exposed to soil creep, slumping, and cracking of the
ground surface, and several graves had already partially or completely collapsed into the erosion scarp. Stone grave markers were often deformed or entirely missing, and the coffins were generally collapsed, crushed, or deformed. As a result, skeletons, textiles, and other organic remains had in many cases been exposed to sediments, water, and oxygen. At the same time, the osteological analyses show that the skeletons
are generally well preserved compared to other European contexts, despite such damage. A clear relationship was observed between location
and preservation: individuals situated close to the erosion edge are far more fragmented and affected by post-mortem damage than individuals
located further inland within the cemetery. A comparison of measurement data and documentation from 1984, 1998–1999, 2014, 2018–2019,
and 2025 further demonstrates that erosion at Jensenvatnet has changed character in recent years. After a long period of relative stability, new
data from 2025 document a clear acceleration, with losses of up to two metres in the most exposed parts of the site since 2018. This  development now threatens previously undisturbed graves. The results indicate that preservation conditions at Jensenvatnet are being affected by the same processes documented elsewhere in the Arctic, particularly increased wave activity, reduced duration of protective sea ice, and
permafrost degradation, all of which weaken sediment stability and increase vulnerability to coastal erosion. Compared to Likneset, the material from Jensenvatnet appears to be generally more poorly preserved, likely due to the extensive impact of erosion.
2) The osteological analysis includes 18 individuals from 16 grave contexts in Burial Ground 2 (ID 93826). The assemblage is dominated by young adults, with a predominance of males: 72% of the individuals were assessed as male or probably male, while the remaining 28% were assessed as possibly male or indeterminate. Several of the sex assessments are therefore uncertain, and biological sex can only be securely established through aDNA analyses. Furthermore, 61% belong to the Young Adult age category (20–34 years). Four individuals were assessed as Middle Adult (35–50 years), while two individuals represent late juvenile/young adult age (16–20 years). Stature could be estimated for 12 of
the 18 individuals, with an average height of 165.4 cm, which is lower than at Likneset. Dental analyses show a high prevalence of enamel hypoplasia (78.6%), caries (50%), dental calculus (64%), and clay pipe wear (79%), indicating childhood stress, disease, and habitual behaviour. Evidence of scurvy was recorded in 46% of the assessable individuals (6 of 13), showing that vitamin deficiency and nutritional stress formed part
of the disease profile, though to a lesser extent than at Likneset. The assemblage also shows a high frequency of degenerative and activityrelated skeletal changes, recorded in 75% of the individuals (12 of 16), particularly in the spine, shoulder girdle, hips, and lower limbs. At least six individuals (38%) display characteristic changes in the region of the costoclavicular complex, also observed at Likneset, which may be linked to intense and repetitive use of the upper body. More generally, several individuals show clear evidence of heavy physical labour, repetitive
movements, and long-term mechanical stress from an early age. Some individuals differ in that they exhibit distinct pathological features. One individual presents with blunt-force trauma to the frontal bone and bony changes in the ear canal consistent with prolonged exposure to cold wind and sea spray, while another young individual shows extensive pathological changes in the spine, pelvis, and lower limbs, in whom tuberculosis cannot be ruled out. Taken together, the analyses show that the whalers buried at Jensenvatnet lived under demanding conditions, marked by
hard physical labour, disease, nutritional stress, and social variation. Compared with Likneset, the material points to differences in stature, disease patterns, and preservation, which may suggest that the burial grounds in Smeerenburgfjorden represent different groups, phases of use, and historical contexts. The results also underline the considerable potential of the burial material and the need for further studies of preservation, dating, textiles, isotopes, and aDNA.

Marmaris'in yaklaşık 25 km güneyinde, Asarcık olarak anılan bir tepenin üzerinde yer alan Amos müstahkem bir tepe yerleşimidir. Güncel arkeolojik bulgular kent tarihinin MÖ 10. yüzyıla kadar geriye gittiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Amos, tarihi kayıtlarda ilk kez MÖ 5. yüzyılda görülür. Attika-Delos Deniz Birliği'ne üye olduğu bilinen kentin ismi, MÖ 428 yılı Atina Vergi Listeleri'nde bir kez geçmektedir. MÖ 4. yüzyıldan itibaren Rhodos Peraia'sının bir parçası olan Amos, Rhodos'un sosyo-kültürel ve politik etki alanı içerisine girmiştir. Rhodos Peraia'sının merkezini oluşturan Karia Khersonesosu (Bozburun Yarımadası), bu dönem boyunca kendine özgü bir kültür ortaya koymuştur. En belirgin hâliyle kendini ölü gömme geleneklerinde gösteren bu özgün kültüre ait en güncel veriler 2020'de Amos'ta gerçekleştirilen kazılar ile elde edilmiştir. Amos Nekropolisi'nde bir aile mezarında yürütülen kazılar neticesinde Karia Khersonesosu ölü gömme geleneklerine ait önemli bulgulara ulaşılmıştır. Söz konusu çalışma, burada gerçekleştirilmiş ilk bilimsel mezar kazısı olup, bölgenin ölü gömme geleneklerine dair en somut verileri sunmaktadır. On gömü alanının olduğu mezarda hem kremasyon hem de inhumasyon gömüler bir arada görülmektedir. Kremasyon gömülerde ostothekler ve urne kapları kullanılmıştır. Mezarda ölü hediyesi olarak bırakılan unguentariumların yanı sıra, Kharon geleneğini yansıtan çok sayıda sikke ele geçmiştir. MÖ 3. yüzyılda inşa edilen mezarın MS 3. yüzyıla kadar kullanıldığı tespit edilmiştir. Bu makale ile sadece Amos'a değil, aynı zamanda Karia Khersonesosu'na ait ölü gömme geleneklerine yeni ve somut bir katkının sağlanması amaçlanmaktadır.

​【重要なお知らせ / IMPORTANT NOTICE】
【お知らせ】 本アカウントは研究資料のアーカイブ専用です。本プラットフォーム上でのメッセージ、コメント、議論への確認や返信は行っておりませんのでご了承ください。決定版や更新については、下記のZenodo DOIリンクをご参照ください。
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Notice: This account is used solely for archiving research materials. The author does not monitor or respond to messages, comments, or discussions on this platform. For the definitive version and updates, please refer to the Zenodo DOI below.
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【公式一般公開ページ（Zenodo）】
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.19528929
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【日本語概要】
本稿は、『サムエル記下』と『歴代誌上』におけるダビデ王と側近たちの関係を、人物の配置、名の記載と欠落、そして叙述の沈黙という観点から検討する。
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王に最も近しい者たち——ヨアブ、三勇士、ウリヤ、アヒトフェル、エリアムら——の扱いには、武勲の顕彰だけでは説明しきれない揺らぎが認められる。ある者は名を末尾に置かれ、ある者は名簿から消され、ある者は名に変えて別の記録に移される。本稿はこれらを、王権の叙述が語らずに保持した記憶の痕跡として読み解く。
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分析は、ベツレヘムの水の逸話に始まる王と勇士たちの緊張、ウリヤ殺害によって王と軍司令官のあいだに生じた沈黙の共犯、そしてその関係が人口調査とヨアブ処刑に至るまで及ぼした影響を辿る。後半では『歴代誌上』の並行箇所を比較し、名の改変・分割・反転・抹消といった編集操作が、『サムエル記下』の沈黙を消去するのではなく、形を変えて継承していることを示す。
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『サムエル記下』は沈黙を叙述の内部に残し、『歴代誌上』は理想化された王朝像の内側にそれを編集操作として継承する。両書の方針は異なりながら、暗示構造の次元で呼応している。
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【補稿のお知らせ】
本稿第5章3節で扱った『歴代誌上』における名の編集操作について、変換先として選ばれた名そのものに焦点を当てた補稿を別稿として公開している。本稿の論証を補完する内容であり、あわせてご参照いただければ幸いである。
「アヒトフェル一族における名の置換と物語的含意 『ダビデと側近たちのあいだに何が起きたのか』補稿」(DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.19840471)
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【English Abstract】
"What Happened Between David and His Inner Circle: Rereading 2 Samuel and 1 Chronicles"
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This paper examines the relationship between King David and his close associates in 2 Samuel and 1 Chronicles through the placement of figures, the inclusion and omission of names, and the silences of the narrative.
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The treatment of those nearest to the king—Joab, the Three, Uriah, Ahithophel, Eliam, and others—contains a disquiet that commemoration of valor alone cannot explain. Some names are placed at the end of the list, others are dropped from it, still others are transferred under altered forms to a different record. The paper reads these as traces of memories that the royal narrative preserved without speaking.
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The analysis traces the tension between king and warriors that begins with the Bethlehem water episode, the silent complicity between David and his commander bound by the killing of Uriah, and the consequences of that bond extending to the census and the execution of Joab. The second half compares the parallel passages in 1 Chronicles, showing that editorial operations—alteration, division, reversal, and erasure of names—do not eliminate the silences of 2 Samuel but carry them forward in reshaped form.
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2 Samuel preserves its silences within the fabric of its narrative; 1 Chronicles carries them forward as editorial operations inside an idealized image of the dynasty. The two books differ in approach yet resonate at the level of implicative structure.
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Notice of Addendum
A separate addendum has been published, focusing on the names selected as replacements in the editorial operations discussed in Section 5.3 of this paper.
"Substitutions of Names in the House of Ahithophel and Their Narrative Implications: Addendum to 'What Happened Between David and His Inner Circle'" (DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.19840471)
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(This English text is an AI-assisted translation of the Japanese original. The Japanese version is authoritative.)

Le principe selon lequel les mort•e•s, quelqu'illustres qu'ils aient été de leur vivant, se fondent dans l'anonymat généralisé de la communauté qu'ils constituent dans le cimetière de Plainpalais, est globalement respecté tout au long de l'Ancien Régime. Mais il est remis en cause en 1605, lors de la mort de Théodore de Bèze. Contrairement au voeu qu'il avait exprimé dans son testament de reposer au cimetière de Plainpalais, il est enterré dans le cloître qui jouxte alors le flanc gauche la cathédrale. Dans la foulée, il est décidé que le traitement exceptionnel dont il a bénéficié sera appliqué à toutes les « personnes de qualité » ainsi qu'aux magistrats, aux pasteurs et aux professeurs de l'Académie 1 . Cette décision est dénoncée par les membres de la Compagnie des pasteurs qui exigent que « comme en la naissance des hommes il n'y a point de distinction, de même, il n'y en ait en la mort qui surprend également les grands et les petits ». Au nom de l'égalité que la mort rétablit, ils revendiquent d'être ensevelis au « lieu accoutumé », tandis que les magistrats maintiennent fermement la dérogation au régime général qu'ils ont instituée 2 . Une année plus tard, le ministre Jean Pinault ayant été enseveli au cloître conformément à cette décision, plusieurs de ses confrères dénoncent cet usage comme contraire à « la communion des saints » que les mort•e•s forment au cimetière 3 . Le Consistoire lui-même se mêle à la polémique en considérant, de manière révélatrice, comme « une loi Ecclésiastique fondamentale » que l'on ne discrimine entre les défunt•e•s en enterrant « les uns deçà et les autres de là » 4 . Les décès de de Bèze et Pinault marquent ainsi, sur le plan de la culture funéraire genevoise héritée de la Réforme, la fin d'une époque où l'exclusivité du cimetière de Plainpalais comme lieu d'ensevelissement pour toutes et tous est globalement respectée, de même que l'indistinction des sépultures par l'absence de monument funéraire. À première vue, la rupture pourrait même sembler de plus grande portée, puisque la règle instituée par la Réforme excluant toute inhumation dans les lieux de culte paraît avoir été rompue, le cloître étant un édifice ecclésiastique. Avec la conversion de la ville au protestantisme, le bâtiment perd cependant toute fonction ecclésiastique et au contraire acquiert en tant que lieu de réunion du Conseil Général, une valeur avant tout politique ; n'est-ce pas en son sein même que l'abolition de la messe a été adoptée en 1535 ? C'est donc en tant qu'édifice civil, que le cloître de Saint-Pierre se mue, à partir de 1605, en une forme de Panthéon genevois. De 1605 à 1719, une trentaine de personnalités y sont inhumées [p. 81] et leur sépulture garnie d'une pierre tombale ou d'une épitaphe, contrairement à l'usage en vigueur au cimetière de Plainpalais.

ENG: Two glass appliqués were found in the area surrounding the Hermitage of San Blás and the Roman villa of Gárgoles de Arriba (Cifuentes, Guadalajara) in the early 1970s. Both objets, a bas-relief depicting a faun or satyr’s head, and a high relief with a shape resembling that of a snail, have been studied recently to try to identify their historical and cultural origin. he analysis of its decoration, the production techniques applied to its manufacture and the morphology of the fragments of the glass containers to which it is attached has made it possible to establish a probable relationship between the faun/satyr-headed appliqué and some late Roman productions. In the case of the spiral appliqué, its Roman and medieval origins have been considered, and its identiication with a type of decorated vessel from the medieval period has been suggested.

SPA: A inicios de los años setenta del siglo XX, durante una prospección supericial en el entorno de la ermita de San Blas, próxima a la villa romana de Gárgoles de Arriba (Cifuentes, Guadalajara), fueron localizados dos apliques decorativos de vidrio. Ambas piezas, una con un bajorrelieve en forma de cabeza de fauno/sátiro y otra con un altorrelieve en espiral muy similar a un caracol, han sido sometidas a estudio para tratar de identiicar su origen histórico-cultural. El análisis de su decoración, de las técnicas de producción empleadas y de la morfología de los fragmentos de los recipientes de vidrio a los que se encuentran adheridos ha permitido establecer una probable relación entre el aplique con cabeza de fauno/sátiro y algunas producciones tardorromanas. En el caso del aplique espiral, se ha valorado su posible producción en época romana y medieval a través de distintos rasgos técnicos e iconográicos, y se ha apuntado que probablemente se trate de un producto medieval.

The study attempts to interpret the work of the French phenomenologist Claude Romano in the context of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. The text tries to point out the differences and connections between their thinking, connect and confront their individual concepts and theses, and point out the important structural moments that are common for both philosophers. At the same time, the study tries to point out that Romano's evential hermeneutics is an attempt to connect the early and late phases of Heidegger's work, which leads to a unique philosophy.

This paper focuses on an annotated Italian translation of the Peking University Qin manuscript *Taiyuan you sizhe 泰原有死者. The text outlines practices to be followed during a funerary ceremony, offering insights into the bureaucratic aspects of such ceremonies during the Qin imperial period (221–206 BCE). The first section briefly introduces the manuscript’s corpus, providing basic information on its contents and discovery. The second section discusses the *Taiyuan you sizhe specifically, outlining its main features. The final and main section presents an annotated translation of the text. The accompanying notes highlight the unique characteristics of the manuscript, illustrating how it functions as a hybrid between an administrative document and literary fiction.

This paper argues that the function of the paired lions in Tel ʿEton Tomb 1 is analogous to that of the lion deities Aker and Ruty from Egyptian funerary contexts. Grounded in an updated survey of the role of lions in Egyptian mortuary iconography, it shows that the inward-facing lions at the entrance to the tomb point to a mythological belief in solar resurrection. The Judahite tomb, which contained Egyptian protective amulets, was oriented towards the rising sun, which would have shined on an inverted carving of Death the Swallower, suggesting a deliberate reworking of a familiar motif into a mortuary space that reflects the hope of disempowering death. This highlights a striking synthesis of Judahite, Egyptian, and wider Near Eastern funerary traditions.

happiness. Besides, the antler beam baton and a few turtle carapaces with seemingly desultory engravings could had narrative significance as a message or as a reference to personal and communal stories. Painted wooden implements with a black-yellow left-turning spiral ornament were probably restricted exclusively to person(s) of a special socio-political or religious status in the local society.

An archaeological excavation was conducted on the northern outskirts of Tel Lod. The excavation uncovered some six layers from the following periods: Pottery Neolithic, Early Bronze Age IB (two layers), Middle Bronze Age II, Byzantine-Early Islamic periods and the British Mandate period. The dominant remnants are from the Early Bronze Age IB, and are reflected in architectural remains and a large quantity of ceramics, including types that indicate a brief Egyptian presence at the site. A prominent remnant from the Early or Middle Bronze Age includes a sloped wall over 30 m long that may be part of the glacis of the site. It appears that the wall continues to the northwest and the southeast and delimits the northern slopes of Tel Lod. In this article, we will present the results of the excavation, discuss the significance of this wall and the Egyptian presence in the Early Bronze Age in Lod in light of the findings.

In der Petosiris-Nekropole von Tuna el-Gebel in Mittelägypten wurden kürzlich zwei undekorierte Bleisärge aus der römischen Kaiserzeit entdeckt. Es handelt sich um die bislang einzigen Funde dieser Art aus dem Niltal. Nur 16 weitere Bleisärge sind bisher aus dem ptolemäischen und römischen Ägypten bekannt, die alle an der Mittelmeerküste gefunden wurden. Dieser Artikel stellt die neuen Exemplare, ihren Fundkontext sowie ihren ursprünglichen Aufstellungsort vor und vergleicht sie mit den anderen Bleisärgen aus Ägypten. Anthropologische Analysen der Mumien sowie Ausführungen zur Bleigewinnung und zur Herstellung, Typologie, Verbreitung und Verwendung von Bleisärgen im Allgemeinen runden den Artikel ab. Der anthropoide Bleisarg A aus Tuna el-Gebel ist in seiner Form einzigartig, während der rechteckige Bleisarg B einem gängigeren Typ entspricht. Die bisher bekannten Bleisärge aus Ägypten wurden im 1. Jh. v. Chr. oder in der frühen römischen Kaiserzeit hergestellt, was bedeutet, dass Bleisärge an der ägyptischen Mittelmeerküste früher verbreitet waren als in der Levante. /// In the Petosiris Necropolis of Tuna el-Gebel in Middle Egypt, two undecorated lead coffins from the Roman Imperial period were recently discovered. These are the first examples found in the Nile Valley. So far, only 16 other lead coffins are known from Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt, all of them were found along the Mediterranean coast. This article presents these new specimens, their context as well as their original placement and compares them with the other lead coffins from Egypt. Anthropological analyses of the human remains as well as explanations of lead extraction and the production, typology, distribution and use of lead coffins in general complete the article. The anthropoid coffin from Tuna el-Gebel is unique in terms of its shape, while the rectangular lead coffin follows a more common type. The lead coffins known to date from Egypt were made in the 1st cent. B.C. or in the early Roman Imperial period, meaning that lead coffins were common on the Egyptian Mediterranean coast earlier than in the Levant.

The life and activities of Prince Vasylko Romanovych have not yet been the subject of scientific study. This article aims to fill this gap in the prince’s biography in terms of his relations with the Mongols during 1240–1246. Research into this topic faces complex obstacles, primarily due to a lack of sources. The history of the beginning of Prince Vasylko’s relations with the Mongols can only be revealed by taking into account the general practices of the Great Mongol Empire’s relations with the rulers of the lands it had ravaged and anumber of indirect data. As the main prince of the Volhynian lands, Vasylko Romanovych, like his older brother Danylo, had to submit to Khan Batu and accept investiture from him. He made this decision after the Mongol army, led by Manman and Balai, was sent to Volhynia by the khan in the spring of 1243. Prince Vasylko’s trip to the khan’s camp took place in late 1243 – early 1244. The establishment of direct relations between Prince Vasylko and Khan Batu allowed him to petition for a letter of protection for Prince Danylo, who decided to submit to the Khan’s authority in the spring of 1245 and travelled to his camp in late 1245 – early 1246. The results of the study allow us to reassess the role of Prince Vasylko Romanovych in relations with the Mongols during the wars of Burundai in 1258–1260.