Citizenship identities

En este artículo se aborda cómo se imbrican las trayectorias migratorias, las trayectorias de subjetivación política y las trayectorias de implicación en luchas de migración en Chile, con el objetivo de conocer las formas heterogéneas de subjetivación política de las personas migrantes ligadas a estas luchas y las especificidades que la extranjeridad imprime a ese proceso. Del mismo modo, se busca reflexionar sobre cómo esta imbricación incide en la reconfiguración de las ciudadanías en un destino emergente de las migraciones sur-sur: Chile. A partir del análisis del discurso de un corpus compuesto por relatos de vida de 45 personas migrantes que participan en organizaciones sociales y políticas en tres regiones de Chile (Tarapacá, Antofagasta y Metropolitana), identificamos cuatro tipos de imbricaciones principales. Ponemos el foco en aquellas trayectorias de subjetivación política que se inician con la implicación en luchas de migración en el país de residencia, impulsadas por la demanda por el derecho a la vivienda y la ciudad. Sostenemos que en este tipo de luchas es posible observar la emergencia de actos de ciudadanía territorializada que implican la configuración de subjetivaciones políticas y ciudadanas en las que se construyen otras formas de lazo sociopolítico y de relación con el Estado.
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This article explores the intersections between migratory trajectories, processes of political subjectivation, and forms of involvement in migration struggles in Chile. Its aim is to capture the heterogeneous ways in which migrants become politically constituted through these struggles, while also considering the specific imprint that foreignness leaves on this process. It further reflects on how these intersections contribute to reshaping citizenship in Chile as an emerging destination within South-South migration flows. The analysis draws on discourse analysis of a corpus of life histories from 45 migrants engaged in social and political organisations across three regions of Chile (Tarapacá, Antofagasta, and the Metropolitan Region), through which four main types of intersection are identified. Particular attention is given to trajectories of political subjectivation that originate in involvement in migration struggles in the country of residence, especially those driven by demands for the right to housing and to the city. The article argues that such struggles give rise to territorialised acts of citizenship, where new forms of political and civic subjectivation emerge alongside alternative ways of constructing sociopolitical ties and relating to the state.
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Este artigo analisa como trajetórias migratórias, trajetórias de subjetivação política e trajetórias de engajamento nas lutas migratórias no Chile estão interligadas, com o objetivo de conhecer as formas heterogêneas de subjetivação política dos migrantes ligadas a essas lutas e as especificidades que a estrangeiridade imprime nesse processo. Da mesma forma, busca refletir sobre como essa imbricação afeta a reconfiguração das cidadanias em um destino emergente das migrações Sul-Sul: o Chile. Com base na análise do discurso de um corpus composto por histórias de vida de 45 migrantes que participam de organizações sociais e políticas em três regiões do Chile (Tarapacá, Antofagasta e Metropolitana), identificamos quatro tipos de articulações principais. Concentramo-nos nas trajetórias de subjetivação política que começam com o envolvimento nas lutas migratórias no país de residência, impulsionadas pela demanda pelo direito à moradia e à cidade. Argumentamos que, nesse tipo de luta, é possível observar o surgimento de atos de cidadania territorializada, que implicam a configuração das subjetivações políticas e cidadãs nas quais outras formas de laços e relações sociopolíticas com o Estado são construídas.

SUMARIO: I. INTRODUCCIÓN.-II. EL ESPÍRITU DE PARTIDO SEGÚN ALBERTO LISTA. 2.1. La base del espíritu de partido: el fanatismo y la intolerancia.-2.2. La estrategia del espíritu de partido: los odios nacionales y políticos.-2.3. El último peligro del espíritu de partido: la dictadura.-III. CONCLUSIONES. Resumen: El artículo «Espíritu de partido», escrito en El Censor por Alberto Lista en 1820, ejemplifica la concepción negativa que desde el liberalismo español más conservador se tenía de la figura del partido político a inicios del Trienio liberal. Lista elabora un conjunto de reflexiones dirigidas a demostrar cómo, a su juicio, el espíritu de partido influye sobre el resto de peligros del sistema constitucional. Esta visión se complementa, sin embargo, con la progresiva aceptación de la pluralidad política siempre al amparo de un marco jurídico fundamental: la Constitución.

It is difficult to write the present as if it was history. Ola Hassanain nonetheless attempts to provide us with an account of the unfolding situation in Sudan, where protesters against the October 25, 2021 military coup risk their lives in the streets. She reflects on the quasicontinuous military regime and what civilian lives (and deaths) mean in this political context.

This article explores the representation of Latino migrants in U.S. crime reports. Through multidisciplinary linguistic analysis incorporating critical discourse analysis and cognitive linguistics, the author demonstrates how migrant identity is constructed linguistically in media discourse using various linguistic strategies to reveal an underlying xeno-racist discourse that serves the dominant group’s purpose of staying in power. The contribution of this paper lies in its systematic illustration of the covert nature in which this discourse is (re)produced in crime reports and the connections it can have to immigration policies and public attitudes. In addition, the aim of the paper is to serve as a springboard for social and political change through consciousness-raising and the ability to critically deconstruct texts to reveal underlying messages.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the evolutive aspect of the political, economic and commercial development of the Republic of Moldova's relations with the European Union and the de jure and de facto adhesion to this European Forum. Thus, it argues and testifies that after 2024 the Republic of Moldova will become a titular member of the European Union, also, it counts those 4 evolutive stages of the development of this process. In this way, it is specified the 3rd evolutive stage (2014-2020/24), particularly 2014, of the European integration process of the Republic of Moldova in comparison with Romania and Bulgaria in 2001. It is demonstrated that the European integration of the Republic of Moldova represents a perpetual process, which depends on and coincides with the process of the transnistrian conflict solving, and the signing the Republic of Moldova -EU Association Agreement and Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement represents the effect of advancing to a new evolutive phase. These agreements substantiate on vertical and horizontal dimension of the economic relations with the European Union. So, it is noticed that the success of this progress represents the new agreements with favorable clauses for the Republic of Moldova in comparison with the previous ones, stipulated in the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement. As a consequence, it appears the passage to new phase of relation development with EU in comparison with the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed in 1994. Consequently, in a different hypothesis, it is put forward the idea of the accelerated advancement of the adhesion process of the Republic of Moldova to the European Union after 2020, provided the resolution of the transnistrian conflict till that period, the gain of new market places of national products, the independent development of an economy based on renewable energy resources, such as eolian and solar energy etc. The liberalization of viza regime in 2014 represents the sine qua non condition of the intensification of the republic of Moldova relations within new geopolitical circumstances and creates real conditions for the acceleration of this economic integration process.

This article assesses developments in the theory and practice of jury service in England and Wales between the two world wars. It argues that this was a transformative period in the English jury's history, in which both public and administrative understandings of the system shifted away from a model predicated primarily on the possession of landed property of a certain value, and towards a model built around developing notions of citizenship. This was more generally a period in which understandings of citizenship, as distinct from mere subjecthood, were also developing. The article argues that developments in citizenship generally, and in the practicalities of jury service more specifically, are intimately connected. By analysing the interwar jury as a citizenship institution, we deepen our understanding both of citizenship practices and of the jury during this important period in the shift towards something approaching democratic forms of governance.

This article explores the experiences of Jewish minorities in Morocco and Turkey and examines how these experiences shaped patterns of identification within postcolonial and post-Ottoman contexts. While Jews from the Middle East and North Africa have been widely studied, comparative research across groups remains limited. Drawing on life-story interviews, comparative historical analysis, and secondary sources, the study highlights variations in minority strategies, identity negotiation, and political adaptation. The findings reveal that Moroccan Jewish identity was shaped by geographical distinctions and the Israel-Palestine conflict, which heightened feelings of alienation, whereas Turkish Jews navigated the norms of kayadez and experienced neither decolonization pressures nor large-scale emigration during the same period. Social class and educational differences further influenced individual experiences, illustrating the nuanced ways participants adapted to socio-historical and political challenges. By comparing these populations, the article sheds light on the diverse strategies of survival, negotiation, and identity formation employed by minority groups in response to the postcolonial and post-Ottoman nation-building and political transformations.

Kymlicka asks whether the Marshallian vision of society- and membership-making remains relevant when thinking about possible Indigenous futures. In this article, I first respond to this question. Given the meticulousness of Kymlicka’s analysis, my response should be read as complementary, offering additional considerations that I think warrant further attention. I then engage the challenge Kymlicka poses at the close of his Indigeneity section, where he observes that many Indigenous peoples aspire to nest kinship and citizenship, including the steering and social rights associated with citizenship. He also urges political theorists to take this aspiration seriously and explore the conditions of its realization. I examine this aspiration under the rubric of what I provisionally call here decolonial citizenship-making.

Le détroit d'Ormuz est traditionnellement analysé comme un verrou énergétique mondial, par lequel transite une part majeure des flux pétroliers et gaziers internationaux. Toutefois, la crise régionale actuelle révèle une deuxième dimension stratégique, plus discrète mais tout aussi décisive, celle des câbles sous-marins de télécommunications. Ces infrastructures, souvent invisibles dans le débat public, constituent l'ossature matérielle de l'Internet mondial, du cloud computing, des transactions financières, des services gouvernementaux, des plateformes logistiques et des ambitions numériques des puissances du Golfe. Selon l'Union internationale des télécommunications, les câbles sous-marins transportent environ 99 % du trafic Internet mondial et soutiennent des services critiques tels que les transactions financières, le cloud computing et les communications gouvernementales. L'UIT estime aussi que plus de 500 systèmes de

A comparative analysis of the dominant ideologies and modes of legitimization in communist Yugoslavia and post-Communist Serbia and Croatia. The aim of the book is to identify and explain dominant normative and operative ideologies and principal modes of legitimization in these three case studies.

En este trabajo nos hemos centrado en primer lugar en estudiar los distintos debates periodísticos producidos en la España de Isabel II sobre el proceso de unificación italiano durante las diversas etapas en que se divide el proceso de unificación de Italia. Con el fin de analizar y explicar la polémica que mantuvieron los distintos grupos políticos e ideológicos del momento (absolutistas, conservadores, moderados y progresistas) a través de sus periódicos en relación de lo que se denominó en España como la cuestión italiana. En segundo lugar, nuestra meta es conocer la implicación social que esos grupos políticos tuvieron para movilizar a la población en uno u otro sentido y así comprobar el funcionamiento de la opinión pública en España a mediados del siglo XIX.

Arundhati Roy's The God of Small Things (1997) is a landmark postcolonial novel that intertwines personal trauma with political history, exposing the deep-rooted injustices embedded in Indian society. This research paper examines the novel through the lenses of trauma theory, postcolonial criticism, caste studies, and feminist theory. It explores how Roy's nonlinear narrative structure mirrors the fragmented nature of memory and trauma, how caste and social transgression shape the tragic fate of Velutha and Ammu, and how the novel critiques state violence, patriarchal norms, and political hypocrisy. The analysis argues that Roy's novel is not merely a story of a family's disintegration but a profound commentary on the oppressive structures that govern Indian social life. The paper concludes that The God of Small Things exemplifies the power of literature to challenge dominant narratives, expose systemic injustice, and foreground marginalized voices.

Cet essai déplace le regard sur la migration libanaise : quitter le pays n'y est pas un abandon, mais un acte de sauvegarde. En articulant mémoire, transmission familiale et résilience économique, il montre comment la diaspora préserve ce qui menace de s'effondrer sur place — et transforme l'exil en une forme de fidélité agissante. Il offre ainsi une clé pour repenser toute migration contrainte : non comme une perte, mais comme une stratégie de survie collective où l'éloignement devient le gardien de ce qui pourrait autrement disparaître.

LA GAZZETTA DEL PD in un pantano largo Un'opposizione di testa in una Italia di pancia storia di un pantano chiamato CAMPO LARGO Perché da troppi anni "i progressisti" non riescono a muovere l'Italia. Una storia di idee brillanti, ego feroci e cittadini indifferenti.

Crisis can be considered a context in the modern European narrative, as economy, massmigrations and environmental factors create a superdiverse, ever shifting social and cultural pavement. Set in Ostia, a suburban area of Rome, under the spotlight due to the influence of organized crime and the raising conflicts between socio political realities, this paper investigate how solidarity and belonging are created in a superdiverse liquid modern context. It follows Angela, an Italian woman that has been living and protecting a squat hosting more than 150 migrants for more than 25 years. It uses a biographic approach to social navigation and visual research methods to examine past and present conflicts and social fields, focusing on her role as a cultural entrepreneur, a mediator and as an agent of change.

Müəllifin 16-18 İyun 2010-cu il tarixdə Türkiyənin Atatürk Universitetində (Ərzurum) keçirilmiş I. Uluslararası Tarih Eğitimi Sempozyumda çıxışının mətni

Özet.  XX.yüzyılın sonlarında SSCB'nin çökmesi ve yeni bağımsız Türk cumhuriyetlerinin yaranması ile Türk halklarının tarihinde bir cok deyişiklikler baş verdi. Bu deyişiklikler özünü hem de eğitimde göstermeye başladı. İlk dafa olarak "Türk halkları tarihi" fenninin tedris olunmasına başlanıldı. Tedris zamanı bir cok zorluklarların meydana cıkmasına bakmayaraq, fenni tedris eden öyretmenler Türk tarihi araştırmaçıları ile seylerini birleşdirerek müeyyen işler göre bildiler. Lakin bütün görülen işlere bakmayaraq, yene de bir cok zorluklar mövcuttur. Onların aradan qaldırılması için tüm Türk dünyası bilim adamlarının, öyretmenlerinin seylerini birleşdirmesi gerekdir.

Gender is often understood as something fixed and tied to the body but social experience suggests otherwise, since gender takes shape through norms, roles and repeated expectations and within this shifting space the category of the 'third gender' or as being pronounced in society transgender has gradually gained visibility in India, both socially and legally. Recognition has come. But acceptance still struggles. Over the past decade, legal developments such as the NALSA judgment and other subsequent policy measures have attempted to extend rights and visibility to transgender persons including within education yet exclusion continues to persist in everyday institutional settings where access does not always translate into participation. This study based on content analysis and on secondary data sources, including Census 2011, AISHE reports, documents from the Ministry of Social Justice and a range of existing academic studies, to examine how educational exclusion continues despite formal inclusion. The analysis suggests that while policies addressing inclusion have expanded and now acknowledge gender diversity more openly, their implementation remains uneven, shaped by social attitudes, institutional inertia and lack of preparedness at the ground level. The gap is clear. And it matters too. Educational spaces which are expected to enable mobility and dignity often reproduce discomfort and marginalization for transgender students limiting the transformative potential of policy interventions. The paper argues that inclusion cannot be measured only through legal recognition or policy presence because lived experiences within institutions reveal a more complex reality where progress exists but remains incomplete. Inclusion is visible in policy but fragile in practice.

Citizenship belongs not to nations but to human beings. Tribes, peoples, and nations may have members, but only regimes founded in universal principles can properly have citizens. The original British constitution wisely denominated all other political relationships as the relations between subjects and sovereigns-subjects, precisely because the persons comprehended in the description owe a loyalty and belong to their states in a condition of subjection (relations not based on consent) rather than command. The paradox of citizenship properly so called is that it cannot occur universally, is rather realizable only in particular, exclusive instantiations, and nevertheless addresses the end of every human being.

La  investigación plantea  el  análisis de las  conmemoraciones de la Independencia mexicana  en Dolores  Hidalgo en  un período  clave,  marcado  por la consolidación de Dolores como centro de peregrinaciones patrióticas y por el ambiente producto de los festejos del Centenario de la Independencia. Este período muestra la instrumentalización de la historia por el estado porfiriano, además, de los imaginarios que surgieron alrededor del mito del Grito, que ejemplifican la relación entre tiempo y espacio  en  los  rituales  conmemorativos.  Por otro  lado,  el  estudio  de  caso  permite demostrar cómo los Estados nación han empleado etiquetas simbólicas para estructurar y sustentar la narrativa de sus mitos nacionalistas. Así categorías como Padre de la Patria, Día de la Independencia y Cuna de la Independencia son etiquetas que jerarquizan, explican y estructuran la narrativa del proceso de Independencia.

Since the rise of the border trope in the late 1980's, postmodern, feminist, postcolonial, Chicana/o and Latina/o academic circles have invested in the hybrid subject as an alternative way of theorizing border identity and experience. Yet, the kinds of border subjectivities that have become the norm in Chicana/o and non-Chicana/o border epistemology mainly focus on U.S.-centered experiences. The lack of consideration of non-U.S. based border subjects drives this research project and asks; how does mainstream mediated news sources construct a non-native transborder experience (what I call the "otro lado" baby experience)? By looking at published news articles, network television news reports, and online debates that inform a wide audience on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border, I critically analyze and challenge the various news reports that propel a sometimes problematic and/or controversial construction of the otro lado babies' experience. iii This thesis of Kendy Denisse Rivera is approved.

Since the rise of the border trope in the late 1980's, postmodern, feminist, postcolonial, Chicana/o and Latina/o academic circles have invested in the hybrid subject as an alternative way of theorizing border identity and experience. Yet, the kinds of border subjectivities that have become the norm in Chicana/o and non-Chicana/o border epistemology mainly focus on U.S.-centered experiences. The lack of consideration of non-U.S. based border subjects drives this research project and asks; how does mainstream mediated news sources construct a non-native transborder experience (what I call the "otro lado" baby experience)? By looking at published news articles, network television news reports, and online debates that inform a wide audience on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border, I critically analyze and challenge the various news reports that propel a sometimes problematic and/or controversial construction of the otro lado babies' experience. iii This thesis of Kendy Denisse Rivera is approved.

Cet article vise à présenter les menaces que l'intelligence artificielle (IA) fait peser sur l'humanité et les stratégies nécessaires pour les surmonter. Les principaux risques et problèmes liés à l'utilisation de l'intelligence artificielle sont les suivants : 1) Menaces existentielles pour l'humanité dues à la perte de contrôle humain sur les systèmes d'IA avancés ; 2) Militarisation de l'IA et déclenchement de guerres autonomes ; 3) Chômage structurel massif causé par la robotisation des activités économiques grâce à l'IA ; 4) Menaces pour la démocratie dues à la manipulation cognitive et au contrôle social de la population par l'IA ; 5) Surveillance généralisée et atteinte à la vie privée grâce à l'IA ; 6) Dépendance excessive de la population à l'égard de l'IA ; 7) Concentration du pouvoir technologique entre les mains de quelques entreprises propriétaires de l'IA ; 8) Exclusion numérique de la population et interdiction d'accès à l'IA ; 9) Compromission de la sécurité numérique liée à l'utilisation de l'IA ; 10) Risque d'instabilité financière mondiale lié à l'utilisation de l'IA ; et 11) Absence de gouvernance mondiale pour neutraliser les risques liés à l'utilisation de l'IA. Les risques politiques, économiques et sociaux liés à l'intelligence artificielle (IA) ne peuvent être totalement éliminés, mais ils peuvent être réduits et maîtrisés grâce à une action coordonnée entre les gouvernements, les entreprises, les institutions de recherche et la société civile.

This review of Angela M. Banks’ book, Civic Education in the Age of Mass Migration, provides an overview of the book and highlights timely and important issues that may be of interest to most civic educators and researchers. Emphasizing her expertise as a legal and immigration scholar, the reviewers discuss Banks’ incisive examination of the boundaries of citizenship in civic education.

Vaak wordt gedacht dat met de geboorte van ’s werelds eerste democratie, in Athene in 508 v. Chr., ook een politiek en juridisch strak afgebakend burgerschap het licht zag. De Atheense mannen die de volksvergadering vulden,waren zogezegd de eerste liberale burgers avant-la-lettre. Dit artikel gaat uit van een nieuw paradigma in het onderzoek naar Atheens burgerschap, waarbij wordt benadrukt dat participatie in de Atheense polisreligie van essentieel belang was voor het uitdragen, articuleren en leren van burgerschap. Vanuit dit paradigma wordt vervolgens onderzocht wat de religieuze participatie was van de mannen die de volksvergadering vulden

159 1 Het thema burgerspiegels stond centraal in een tweedaagse workshop in juni 2012 voor Groningse premodernisten, afkomstig uit de Geschiedenis, Kunstgeschiedenis, Historische Letterkundes en Klassieke Talen. De workshop was de eerste bijeenkomst van een meerjarig project over duurzaam burgerschap in de premoderne periode. De auteurs van deze introductie danken Babette Hellemans, die één van de initiatiefnemers was van de workshop waar dit themanummer op is gebaseerd en die ook actief heeft meegelezen bij deze introductie. Ruud Nauta danken zij voor zijn advies. 2 Johan Huizinga, Nederland's beschaving in de zeventiende eeuw: een schets, en Hugo de Groot en zijn eeuw (Haarlem 1941). 3 Remieg Aerts en Henk te Velde ed., De stijl van de burger. Over Nederlandse burgerlijke cultuur vanaf de middeleeuwen (Kampen 1998). Zie also Groniek 176bis (2007), speciale uitgave 'Stijlen van burgers'. Andere voorbeelden van deze hausse zijn: Harald Hendrix en Marijke Meijer Drees ed., Beschaafde burgers. Burgerlijkheid in de vroegmoderne tijd (Amsterdam 2001) en Joost Kloek en Karin Tilmans ed., Burger (Amsterdam 2002). 4 Herman Pleij, De sneeuwpoppen van 1511. Literatuur en stadscultuur tussen middeleeuwen en moderne tijd (2 e druk; Amsterdam en Leuven 1998); Herman Pleij, Op belofte van profijt. Stadscultuur en burgermoraal in de Nederlandse letterkunde van de middeleeuwen (Amsterdam 1991).

Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, político superviviente, permaneció activo durante casi medio siglo: entró en el Congreso de los Diputados por primera vez en 1854 y dejó de ser presidente del Gobierno un mes antes de fallecer en 1903. Por el camino, cuatro monarcas de dos dinastías, una regencia y
una república, las guerras carlista y cubana, incluso una sublevación cantonalista. El trato de Sagasta con otros prohombres isabelinos y postisabelinos fue constante, unas veces en condiciones de igualdad, otras, de subordinación. Para este artículo la experiencia política sagastina ha quedado delimitada en un sentido cronológico (1854-1874) y respecto al dramatis personae, al ceñirse a sus contactos con perfiles tan diversos como relacionados como Espartero, Prim y Serrano, lo que permite un análisis más profundo del comportamiento y las decisiones de Sagasta.

Questo saggio analizza il parto come uno spazio privilegiato di intersezione tra esperienza corporea, soggettività e politica, proponendo la nascita come un atto di cittadinanza. A partire dalla psicologia analitica, dal pensiero femminista e dalla critica alle pratiche ostetriche egemoniche, il testo esplora come il protagonismo femminile nel parto possa attivare processi di individuazione e trasformazione sociale. Il parto viene inteso non soltanto come evento fisiologico, ma come rito di passaggio contemporaneo capace di riprodurre relazioni di dominio oppure di generare gesti di disobbedienza civica e ridefinizione del potere. Attraverso l’intreccio di testimonianze femminili, riflessione clinica e analisi sociopolitica, il saggio sostiene che l’umanizzazione del parto rappresenta una pratica concreta di emancipazione femminile e di cittadinanza critica.
Keywords:
Parto umanizzato; cittadinanza; individuazione; femminismo; potere; ostetricia; disobbedienza femminile; soggettività; women's empowerment.

Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio alias “Bad Bunny” es mucho más que un artista o cantante y mucho más que un nuevo Michael Jackson que sin restarles méritos al legado del Rey del Pop ante el mundo, Benito es revolucionariamente la representación viva, encarnada, personificada, unificada y unánime e inequívoca de la identidad cultural, nacionalidad y ciudadanía puertorriqueña que existen sociológica, histórica y jurídicamente desde el siglo XIX ante sus similares los puertorriqueños y ante sus diferentes los nacionales de otros países y culturas, y existe dicha nacionalidad y ciudadanía propia, de forma separada, distinta e independiente a todas las existentes en el mundo y reconocidas en la comunidad internacional incluida la estadounidense. Esta ciudadanía estadounidense que se les otorgó civilizadamente por el Gobierno estadounidense de 1917 a los ciudadanos puertorriqueños permitió que los estadounidenses hicieran a los ciudadanos puertorriqueños excepcionalmente ciudadanos suyos sin la necesidad de visa o visado alguno como ocurre con el resto de los ciudadanos del mundo cuando viajan, deseen residir o trabajar en los EEUU de América.

Any attempt to grasp Aristotle’s definition of the citizen in Book III of the Politics necessarily entails reflection on the method of his inquiry. It is method that Aristotle adopts within the domain of political science, and which he accordingly employs when his investigation turns to the citizen as the minimal unit of the city. What deserves particular emphasis is how Aristotle establishes with precision both the object of his inquiry—the polis conceived as a multitude of citizens—and its ultimate purpose: the identification of those who bear political responsibility and exercise sovereign power. The present analysis contends that Aristotle’s treatment cannot be fragmented: the definition of citizenship must be understood within the theoretical framework that hosts it, inseparably bound to the discussion of political responsibility and the sovereignty of citizens. Aristotle takes as his point of departure a contemporary political debate concerning who assumes responsibility for praxeis in the polis, and through this concrete framework develops his theoretical reflection. Close examination reveals the seamless interaction between theoria and empeiria in Aristotle’s procedure: the definition formulated in Chapter 1 undergoes continuous verification through the empirical data and historical cases examined in Chapter 2, notably including practices of colonization and naturalization. The citizen in the unqualified sense (haplos) is defined by the faculty (exousia) of exercising deliberative and judicial functions—functions which qualify participation in the sovereign body (kyrion) of the politeia. This definition retains its validity across different constitutional forms, thereby demonstrating Aristotle’s commitment to grounding theoretical analysis in the observation of actual poleis and their historical praxeis. The article highlights Aristotle’s commitment to maintaining a rigorous interplay between theoretical reflection (theoria) and empirical observation (empeiria), consistent with the scientific method (methodos) articulated elsewhere in his corpus. In the initial chapters of Book III, Aristotle elaborates and empirically tests his theoretical definition of the citizen, confronting it with historical practices such as the foundation of colonies and processes of naturalization. While some modern scholarship underscores a tension between Aristotle’s theoretical framework and actual civic practices, this article proposes an alternative reading: it argues that Aristotle advances a coherent and structured discourse in which theory and praxis interact purposefully to substantiate the definition of the citizen. Ultimately, the study contends that Aristotle’s account must be interpreted within the concrete political debates and realities that inform his theoretical project.

Migration is one of the constants of humanity, and this is something we have long been aware of in Slovenia, too, given that this has always been a country of transit. Migration is largely an urban phenomenon, which is why museums in urban environments play a key role in raising public awareness of the historical and contemporary perspectives of immigration policy and culture. In this article, I made an overview of how some European museums are addressing the refugee crisis in their activist practices, how they are establishing dialogue with immigrants, local communities, and visitors, thereby contributing to the cultural integration of immigrants and to the changing cultural identities of the place. The museological question of how to place immigrant and refugee themes
in museums can be expanded with the possibility that museum professionals can also introduce inclusive methods in refugee centers and self-organised squats. The fundamental purpose of this article is to encourage the Slovene museum community to continue the discourse on how museums and galleries can help alleviate the pressing challenges of immigration.

Izvleček
Selitve so ena od konstant človeštva in tega se zavedamo tudi v Sloveniji, ki je bila vedno izjemno prehodna. V veliki meri gre za urbani pojav, zato imajo muzeji v urbanih okoljih ključno vlogo pri ozaveščanju javnosti o zgodovinskih in sodobnih perspektivah priseljenske politike in kulture. V prispevku pregledam, kako se nekateri evropski muzeji v svoji aktivistični praksi soočajo z begunsko krizo, kako vzpostavljajo dialog s priseljenci, lokalnimi skupnostmi in obiskovalci ter s tem prispevajo h kulturni integraciji priseljencev in k spremenjenim kulturnim identitetam kraja. Muzeografsko vprašanje, kako postaviti priseljenske in begunske tematike v muzej, lahko razširimo z možnostjo, da muzealci inkluzivne metode vpeljejo tudi v begunske centre in samoorganizirane skvote. Temeljni namen tega pisanja je spodbuditi slovensko muzejsko javnost k nadaljevanju diskurza, kako lahko muzeji in galerije pripomoremo k blaženju žgočih priseljenskih izzivov