Comparative Regionalism

This study contains an analysis of the key principles of the European Union's development cooperation policy with Latin America. The following issues are of particular importance: i) The relevance of cooperation with middle-income countries, especially those in Latin America and the Caribbean. ii) The objectives that the EU's development cooperation with Latin America and the Caribbean should pursue. iii) The alignment of the regional integration process with the wide range of existing realities and strategies in Latin America and the Caribbean. iv) The promotion of social cohesion policies as one of the core components of the EU's development policy. v) The strategies complementary to the EU's development policy and South-South cooperation. This study was requested by the European Parliament's Development Committee.

The relationship between international trade and gender equality has become increasingly significant in international economic law and development policy. While trade liberalisation has traditionally been viewed as gender-neutral, contemporary scholarship demonstrates that trade policies and regulatory mechanisms affect women and men differently due to existing socioeconomic inequalities. This article examines the gendered impact of non-tariff measures (NTMs) in Malawi, focusing particularly on sanitary and phytosanitary measures, customs procedures, rules of origin, product standards, and digital trade facilitation. Using Malawi as a case study, the article argues that NTMs disproportionately burden women traders, especially those engaged in informal cross-border trade and small-scale agriculture. At the same time, the article demonstrates that gender-responsive trade interventions, digital trade facilitation tools, and voluntary sustainability standards can significantly improve women's economic participation. The article further analyses the evolving international legal framework on trade and gender within the World Trade Organization (WTO), the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), and regional trade arrangements in Southern Africa. It concludes by proposing policy recommendations for integrating gender perspectives into Malawi's trade governance framework.

The paper presents results of analysis of the illustrative material published in the magazine Śląsk. Miesięcznik Ilustrowany ('Silesia. Monthly Illustrated', further abbreviated to ŚMI). The first number of ŚMI 1 was issued in March 1946 and the last probably in October 1948. 2 It was conceived as a monthly periodical. In reality it appeared at irregular intervals and often combined two or even three numbers in one. Its illustrative side was of very average quality, with black-and-white photos, according to the standards of the early post-war years. In fact, although the intention was that the magazine would be illustrated, it featured only a small number of pictures. In most cases the photos published in the magazine lack information on their authors and the date. Only very few were signed with the name Jerzy Mańkowski, at that time in possession of a large post-German collection of negatives. 3 It is possible that certain pictures had been taken before WWII by German photographers who after the war left behind their ateliers and their work. In my research I examined all the available numbers. 4 The magazine focused mainly on the areas of Silesia that became part of Poland after WWII, described by the term Regained Territories. The term Regained Territories appeared after 1945, referring to western and northern parts of Poland incorporated into the state by the decision of the Soviet Union, U.S., and Great Britain. In historical times they had either been parts of Poland, dependant on Poland, or were in the sphere of Polish influence (for example Szczecin), although they did not belong to the Second Polish Republic . 1 The publisher of ŚMI was Ślaski Zespół Wydawniczy. The Chief Editor was Stefan Kuczyński, and the Editorial Board included Edward Kozikowski, Kazimierz Majewski, and Ludwik Skurzak, all based in the city of Jelenia Góra. The names were listed in the first number. Typeset and print was done in Jelenia Góra and Wrocław. 2 I cannot state with full certainty whether it was really the last issue of the magazine, as it does not contain any information suggesting an intended discontinuation. It is evident that financial problems accompanied the publication from the very beginning. It was reflected be its irregular appearance, frequent double volumes (numbers) and a sudden discontinuity of the title, without notice. 3 Jerzy Mańkowski is mentioned in the works of Paweł Banaś. According to Banaś, Mańkowski came to the Regained Territories from Lvov in 1945 and settled in the town of Kłodzko. There he came into possession of a post-German photo atelier with thousands of negatives. He used this collection for publishing after the war the first postcards with views of Lower Silesia (cf. Augustyn 2009; Banaś 2009). 4 The magazine is available in the PAU/PAN library in Kraków (8205 III).

This working paper examines the strategic role of the automotive industry in regional integration processes in Latin America from a critical international political economy perspective. It proposes the concept of automotive regionalism to account for a specific form of regional integration shaped by the strategies of transnational capital and mediated by state structures in peripheral economies. Rather than approaching the automotive industry as a sectoral case within broader integration processes, the paper conceptualizes it as a vector through which regional integration is materially organized, politically stabilised, and ideologically legitimised. Historically associated with import-substitution industrialisation and national development strategies, the automotive industry has been rearticulated under conditions of neoliberal globalization as a relevant axis of regional articulation. However, rather than generating trajectories of autonomous development, this reconfiguration has reinforced forms of structural dependency. Through a comparative analysis of Mercosur and the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA), the paper argues that these schemes do not constitute alternative stages of a linear integration trajectory, but rather differentiated configurations of automotive regionalism, shaped by specific state-capital relations and transnational corporate strategies, which converge in the reproduction of dependent forms of regional integration.

This document is published as preliminary version 0.1 of the Beyond Hegemony project. It does not yet aim to be a final version, but rather a serious basis for strategic discussion. Its purpose is to open a space for reflection on the future of the Western Hemisphere in a multipolar era, and on the possibility of building a continental architecture capable of replacing the exhausted reflexes of hegemony with a logic of sovereignty, cooperation, resilience, and mutual benefit. The text presents the AURO Framework as a proposal in development: a doctrine, an institutional architecture, and a gradual path toward greater continental coherence. Like any living document, this version may be corrected, expanded, and strengthened based on new observations, data, sources, critiques, and institutional contributions. The publication of this version does not mark the closure of the project. It marks its opening.

Beyond Hegemony: A Continental Doctrine for the Multipolar Era presents the AURO Framework, the Tariff-Up Rebalancing Operation, as a strategic discussion draft on the future of the Western Hemisphere in a multipolar world.

The central thesis of the work is that the 21st century will not belong to isolated powers, but to continental spaces capable of organizing their resources, institutions, infrastructure, and strategic depth. In this context, AURO proposes a non-hegemonic framework of sovereign cooperation among the United States, Canada, Mexico, the Caribbean, Central America, and South America.

The document examines the strategic misalignment of U.S. hemispheric policy, the symbolic and material cost of the Cuba embargo, the need for a new architecture of continental resilience, and the possibility of building what the work calls MegaAmerica: not as a political union or supranational structure, but as the functional organization of the Americas’ existing capabilities.

The AURO Framework is built around principles of sovereignty, mutual advantage, institutional continuity, non-ideological cooperation, graduated participation, transparency, continental complementarity, and energy, logistical, food, and technological resilience. It is explicitly grounded in the United Nations Charter, human dignity, sovereign equality, non-intervention, peaceful cooperation, and respect for human rights.

This version is a preliminary Strategic Discussion Draft intended for academic, institutional, diplomatic, and strategic debate. It remains open to critique, correction, and further development.

Por medio de la presente me permito señalar que el Trabajo de Titulación, presentado por la estudiante Sofía Belén Medina Herrera, para optar por el título de internacionalista, cuyo tema es: "Estrategia Política Regional 2010-2015 para reemplazar a la Organización de Estados Latinoamericanos (OEA) como el principal foro multilateral de diálogo político y de acción colectiva en el continente. Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR)", fue guiado y revisado hasta su culminación. En tal virtud, certifico que ha sido el resultado del trabajo del autor y puede ser sometido a evaluación por el comité de investigación de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Comunicación.

As concerns intensify about the downsides of globalist approaches to world politics and about the rise of illiberal nationalist ones, Grace School professor and endowed chair Geoffrey Wiseman asks whether the concept of regional diplomatic culture can contribute to thinking about diplomacy and its ‘public turn’, thus enhancing international cooperation. His chapter, titled ‘Regional Diplomatic Culture and Diplomacy’s Public Turn,’ surveys five world regions, concluding that a regional-cultures interpretation of public engagement adds normative weight to longstanding appeals to democratize diplomacy.

The chapter appears in the edited volume, Diplomacy’s Public Turn: Prospects for Theory and Practice (Palgrave MacMillan, 2026), edited by Kathy R. Fitzpatrick and Bruce Gregory. The book considers a world in which diplomats engage more with societies at home and abroad, and citizens in turn participate more in diplomatic practice. The volume’s contributors illuminate what’s needed to reimagine diplomacy when states and society are deeply interconnected.

Les élections locales au Royaume-Uni du 7 mai dernier ont transformé le paysage politique britannique en général, au Pays de Galles en particulier. On remarque une montée de l'extrême droite, un regain d'indépendantisme au Pays de Galles et une fragmentation de l'offre politique.

This article examines the tension between international electoral observation reports and the official narratives of national authorities in the context of elections marked by allegations of irregularities. Based on a comparative analysis of

The Inniss Data Nullius is a critical theoretical framework that identifies and diagnoses a structural condition within contemporary data law: that data produced by or about structurally marginalized, postcolonial, or otherwise vulnerable communities occupies a de facto legal vacuum — ungoverned, unprotected, and freely appropriable by powerful data actors including technology corporations, state institutions, and research bodies.

Drawing on the structural logic of the historical doctrine of terra nullius — by which colonial legal systems declared inhabited lands to belong to no one, thereby legitimizing expropriation — the Inniss Data Nullius transposes that nullius logic into the digital present. It operates as a critical diagnostic and theoretical lens rather than a prescriptive property regime, and is designed expressly to supplement, not displace, existing legal instruments including constitutional protections and statutory data frameworks.

This paper responds to what is, to date, the most substantive regional engagement with the Inniss Data Nullius: a Jamaican rejoinder advancing five distinct strands of critique. These are: (i) constitutional incompatibility with Jamaica's individual-rights framework under the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms (Constitutional Amendment) Act 2011, as authoritatively interpreted in Julian Robinson v Attorney General [2019] JMFC Full 04; (ii) the alleged sufficiency of Jamaica's Data Protection Act 2020 to address the governance concerns raised; (iii) postcolonial inapplicability, on the basis that the terra nullius analogy does not map onto Jamaica's distinct colonial history of plantation slavery and the transatlantic slave trade; (iv) concerns about the displacement of Jamaican and wider CARICOM digital sovereignty; and (v) the contention that the Principle of Data Reversion impermissibly collectivizes individual data rights in ways inconsistent with Jamaican constitutional values.

The paper's central argument is that the Jamaican rejoinder, while constituting serious and genuinely welcome scholarly engagement, proceeds in significant part from a misreading of the Inniss Data Nullius.

The paper responds to each strand with precision. It establishes that the Inniss Data Nullius is fully compatible with Jamaica's constitutional architecture, operating alongside rather than against individual rights.

It demonstrates that the Data Protection Act 2020 does not close the structural gap at the community and collective level that the Inniss Data Nullius identifies — a gap that statute alone cannot cure without theoretical reorientation.

Most critically, the paper contends that the objection from colonial history is, in fact, the Inniss Data Nullius's strongest Caribbean vindication: Jamaica's own plantation legal order — in which the personhood of enslaved human beings was legally nullified and their bodies rendered appropriable without legal remainder — constitutes a distinctively and authentically Caribbean instantiation of the nullius logic. The Inniss Data Nullius names a condition that Caribbean legal history has always known.

The paper's broader contribution is threefold. It advances the application of the Inniss Data Nullius to the specific legal and institutional context of postcolonial Small Island Developing States; it enriches the global data justice literature with Caribbean-situated legal analysis grounded in regional constitutional and statutory law; and it proposes a structured Caribbean scholarly agenda for the further regional development of the

Inniss Data Nullius in productive dialogue with CARICOM digital governance architecture. Scholarly debate on these questions is not only welcomed but regarded as essential: the Inniss Data Nullius is a living critical framework, and its theoretical depth is strengthened — not diminished — by rigorous engagement from regional scholars, practitioners, and policymakers.

For most of the twentieth century, LAC's foreign policy was analyzed mainly through the prism of its relationship with Washington. The region was conceived as the US strategic backyard, its external vectors constrained by the logic of the Monroe Doctrine and, during the Cold War, the imperatives of anti-communist containment. Even Latin American participation in the Non-Alignment Movement, with the notable exception of Cuba, has been modest compared to that of Africa and Asia. LAC's relations with the Middle East and North Africa remained peripheral, episodic, and largely subordinated to US preferences. The same applies to the rest of the African continent.

Why do sovereign states operating in an anarchic international system voluntarily delegate authority to international institutions that may constrain their autonomy? This paper addresses this central puzzle by examining the theoretical and empirical foundations of state delegation. Drawing on realism, rational institutionalism, and constructivism, it argues that delegation represents an adaptive response to anarchy, enabling states to transform decentralized self-help into a more structured and predictable form of cooperation. While functional efficiency-reducing transaction costs, managing uncertainty, and facilitating collective action-provides a key explanation, the paper demonstrates that it is not sufficient on its own. Delegation is also shaped by power asymmetries, strategic political interests, and normative considerations of legitimacy and appropriateness. International institutions not only enhance cooperation but also generate authority, influence state behavior, and contribute to the construction of international order. Through analysis of institutional mechanisms and comparative case studies of the United Nations and the European Union, the paper highlights both the potential and limits of delegation. It concludes that delegation is a dynamic and contested process, in which efficiency, control, and legitimacy interact. International institutions do not eliminate anarchy but reorganize it into a functional, rule-based order.

Central Asia serves as the strategic core of Eurasia. The region’s strategic location and vast resources have attracted great powers such as China and India to pursue their interests within the framework of the “Connectivity Strategy” through the development of transit corridors. This article examines the “connectivity strategy” of India and China in Kazakhstan, with a particular focus on Kazakhstan’s diplomatic strategy as a landlocked country in the heart of Eurasia, in response to these two important powers. China has gained significant influence in Kazakhstan through various key infrastructure projects, particularly the Belt and Road Initiative, while India has been active in the North–South International Transport Corridor. However, Kazakhstan has skillfully exploited this asymmetry to implement a hedging strategy in the form of “multi-vector policy”. The study argues that by playing the role of a necessary Eurasian connecting link rather than a passive actor, Kazakhstan uses the presence of these two powers, India and China, to diversify its policy options and increase its leverage in securing its national interests. The findings suggest that Astana’s multifaceted policy acts as a hedging strategy, designed to maximize benefits while minimizing the risks associated with dependence on either of these two countries.

The BRICS grouping, comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, has emerged as a significant player in the global economy. This article explores the concept of BRICS and its role in shaping a new world order of economic integration. We examine the history and evolution of BRICS, its key features, and its impact on the global economy. We also discuss the challenges and opportunities facing BRICS and its potential for future growth and development. We Investigate Current BRICS Initiatives for Strengthening Global South Cooperation. This article provides a starting point for exploring the feasibility of BRICS as an optimum currency area.

• Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da Licença de Atribuição Creative Commons, que permite uso irrestrito, distribuição e reprodução em qualquer meio, desde que o autor e a fonte originais sejam creditados.

Este estudio constituye un análisis comparativo de las interacciones entre actores no estatales (denominados sociedad transnacional en este artículo) y procesos de integración regional en Europa y América Central. En un primer momento, se resalta la correlación existente entre el nivel de desarrollo de las instituciones regionales y el florecimiento de una sociedad transnacional. En segundo lugar, se presentan las relaciones entre actores no estatales e instituciones regionales en el marco de la Unión Europea (UE) y del Sistema de Integración Centroamericano (SICA). A pesar de las importantes diferencias contextuales entre Europa y Centroamérica, en ambos casos, los actores no estatales son percibidos como una fuente de legitimidad para las instituciones regionales. Asimismo, estos actores también son solicitados por sus competencias técnicas. La evidencia empírica proviene del análisis de documentación primaria y secundaria, además de entrevistas semi-directivas de los actores más relevantes.

La ratificación del Acuerdo Mercosur-UE ofrecería a Argentina una mayor sinergia comercial y presencia en el escenario multilateral global, sin quedar completamente atada a la guerra comercial entre China y Estados Unidos. A la UE, la aprobación del acuerdo le daría mayor autonomía estratégica y económica en su política exterior, atenuando su dependencia de la tensión comercial sino-estadounidense.

El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar el escenario actual de Estados Unidos, en relación alámbito internacional, luego de derrotado Donald Trump y a partir de la asunción de Joe Biden comonuevo presidente del país. En este sentido es preciso adentrarnos en la situación inicial desde la queBiden parte, para así avanzar en sus primeras medidas de política exterior, las que nos ayudarán aarribar a las conclusiones del caso. Es posible hablar, entonces, de un mundo ¿post COVID19?

Los ciberataques de abril de 2026 evidenciaron fallas críticas en instituciones públicas y una brecha creciente entre la digitalización ciudadana y la lenta respuesta estatal. El estancamiento de la Ley 6347 mantiene al país expuesto, con costos anuales que pueden superar Q 15,000 millones. La ausencia de un marco moderno genera ineficiencias, riesgos y opacidad en un ámbito ya estratégico para la economía.

Marta Kicińska-Habior: eksperyment -uzyskiwanie informacji z badań doświadczalnych i ich interpretacja na drodze analizy teoretycznej. Włodzimierz Lengauer: niepowtarzalna oryginalność Greków. Tadeusz Tomaszewski: ogromne osiągnięcia w dziedzinie kryminalistyki, które wspomagają wymiar sprawiedliwości, a w szczególności szybki postęp, jaki się w tym zakresie dokonuje w ostatnich latach. Marcin Pałys: odkrywanie, jak jest zbudowany i jak działa świat. M. K-H.: jako na jedną całość, ale składającą się z wielu bardzo istotnych elementów, których tożsamość należy zachować. W. L.: z zupełnie innego punktu siedzenia i widzenia. T. T.: tak samo jak poprzednio. Zawsze traktowałem i traktuję uniwersytet jako swoje najważniejsze (poza rodziną) miejsce na Ziemi. Być może teraz moja perspektywa będzie nieco inna, szersza, ale jako dziekan także zawsze starałem się nie tylko rozwijać Wydział Prawa i Administracji, ale też wspomagać cały uniwersytet. Zresztą nigdy nie dostrzegałem w tym żadnej sprzeczności. za moje najważniejsze zadanie jako prorektora uważam… M. K-H.: czuwanie nad właściwym funkcjonowaniem uniwersytetu, jako całości i w poszczególnych jednostkach, w zakresie dotyczącym studentów i doktorantów oraz stymulowanie rozwoju dydaktyki i prac nad poprawą warunków życia i studiowania studentów i doktorantów. T. T.: wypracowanie takiej polityki zatrudnienia, aby głównym w niej kryterium były kompetencje kandydata do pracy oraz wspieranie młodych, rozwijających się naukowo pracowników. M. P.: szukanie równowagi pomiędzy tradycją a dostosowaniem się do zmieniającego się świata, przy zachowaniu całej różnorodności uniwersytetu. Gdybym była/był studentem, od osoby na moim stanowisku oczekiwałabym/oczekiwałbym… M. K-H.: podejmowania właściwych decyzji. W. L.: umiejętności zachowania w każdej sytuacji. T. T.: racjonalności i rzetelności w działaniu oraz spełniania (uzasadnionych) obietnic. M. P.: otwartości i chęci wspólnego działania na rzecz lepszego kształcenia, w lepszych warunkach, dla lepszej przyszłości. rolą gazety uczelnianej jest … M. K-H.: rozpowszechnianie ciekawych informacji o uczelni, jej pracownikach, osiągnięciach naukowych, nowych programach studiów oraz o możliwościach jakie stwarza bycie studentem, o problemach studentów i sposobach ich rozwiązywania. W. L.: pisać o wszystkim, co ważne dla uniwersytetu. T. T.: informowanie o życiu naukowym, studenckim i kulturalnym uniwersytetu oraz wspieranie rozsądnych inicjatyw studentów i młodych naukowców. Cenne byłoby także pokazywanie "liderów" -studentów i pracowników -jako wzoru do naśladowania. M. P.: pokazywać różnorodność uniwersytetu, informować o planach, prezentować ciekawe poglądy. chciałabym/chciałbym, aby za 10 lat nasz uniwersytet… M. K-H.: był nadal najlepszą uczelnią w Polsce, by był uczelnią przyjazną studentom i spełniającą ich oczekiwania pod względem prowadzonych programów studiów, by dyplom Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego był bardzo wysoko oceniany przez pracodawców. W. L.: był bezkonkurencyjny w tej części Europy. T. T.: był w pierwszej setce uczelni w rankingu szanghajskim. M. P.: należał do czołówki uniwersytetów europejskich. 1 września rozpoczął pracę zespół rektorski, który kierować będzie uczelnią do 2012 roku. Prof. Katarzyna Chałasińska-Macukow drugą kadencję pełni funkcję rektora uczelni, jednak na liście prorektorów pojawiły się same nowe nazwiska. Prorektorem ds. studenckich jest prof. Marta Kicińska-Habior, która jako naukowiec specjalizuje się w eksperymentalnej fizyce jądrowej. Pieczę nad badaniami naukowymi i współpracą z zagranicą sprawuje prof. Włodzimierz Lengauer, znawca historii oraz kultury starożytnej Grecji. Funkcję prorektora ds. nauczania i polityki kadrowej pełni prof. Tadeusz Tomaszewski, prawnik specjalizujący się w kryminalistyce, procedurze karnej oraz prawie dowodowym. Nowym prorektorem ds. rozwoju i polityki finansowej został dr hab. Marcin Pałys, którego przedmiotem badań jest chemia nieorganiczna i fizyczna. Redakcja "Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego" poprosiła nowych prorektorów o wypełnienie krótkiej ankiety.

Paraphrasing the German poet Bertolt Brecht's 1949 poem "Wahrnehmung", 1 it can be said that for Latin American regionalism, the fatigue of the summits has been left behind; it must now cope with the labors of the plains. The days when Latin American presidents socialized frequently at summit meetings are long gone. In the golden age of summitry, between 2004 and 2012, four Summits of the Americas, six Latin American summits, 29 South American summits (including the Southern Common Market-Mercosur), nine Andean summits, 18 Caribbean summits, 52 Central American summits, 18 Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) summits, and eight Ibero-American Summits were held, for a total of 144 summits in 9 years (Portales, 2014, p. 56). It was the time when Chilean President Sebastián Piñera (Cooperativa, 2011) complained ironically that Latin America had so many summits it looked like a mountain range. Christopher Sabatini (2012) argued in Foreign Policy that, "the Western Hemisphere has a strong claim to the title of summit capital of the world," adding that, "if the number of summits were a measure of the quality of diplomacy, Latin America would be a utopia of harmony, cooperation, and understanding." As the comments show, the proliferation of summits has often been ridiculed or problematized. The Secretary-General of the Ibero-American General Secretariat (SEGIB), Enrique V. Iglesias (2014, p. 7), referred to the "syndrome of cumbritis" and "summit fatigue." Latin American presidential summits were also a subject for academic debates on their merits and their dysfunctional aspects (Jarque et al., 2009; Ortiz, 2013). From a positive perspective, summit diplomacy created a climate of trust and facilitated political agreements, strengthened multilateralism and promoted regional integration projects (Rojas Aravena, 2009, p. 30), and was a mechanism of crisis management . Summit diplomacy changed long before the restrictions of the Covid-19 pandemic. Latin American presidents meet less often and in fewer forums, particularly those from South America. From 2010 to 2014, an average of 7.6 presidential summits per year were organized with the participation of South American presidents (without counting the Ibero-American summits, the European Union-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States [CELAC] summits, and the Summits of the Americas), but the number fell to 4.6 in the second half of the decade (see Table ). The fact that presidents meet less often, and even more, the lack of meetings, are indicators of the crisis of Latin American regionalism and of one of its basic components-regional organizations. A vivid example is the Union of South American Nations (Unasur), where the "golden age of UNASUR summitry might have been the 2008-2010 period, when a string of crisis happened in rapid succession and there was enough consensus to induce leaders to take action" (Tussie, 2016, p. 83). Eleven of 18 Unasur summits between 2008 and 2014 were This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

This essay argues that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) should be understood not as a fixed military alliance but as an evolving process. Drawing on the process philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead, the paper presents a simple conceptual framework in which institutions are shaped by continuous change, relational dynamics, and adaptation. This perspective is contrasted with realism, a dominant theory in international relations that tends to view alliances as static tools driven by state interests and power balancing. The essay then analyzes NATO’s historical development from the Cold War to the present, focusing on enlargement, new missions, internal disagreements, and recent geopolitical developments. Rather than interpreting these changes as signs of decline or breakdown, the paper shows how they reflect NATO’s ongoing transformation. The discussion highlights how stability can emerge through change and argues that NATO’s persistence is best understood as a process of continuous becoming. The conclusion suggests that viewing NATO in this way provides a more flexible and accurate framework for understanding its role in contemporary international politics.

Este artigo pretende estabelecer uma relação entre o pós-funcionalismo e o populismo, ancorado por conceitos como politização e identidade, no quadro da integração europeia. Por um lado, o populismo assume um forte cariz prático e pretende distanciar-se da Europa elitista, por outro, a corrente teórica pós-funcionalista contextualiza o populismo do ponto de vista teórico, o que permite refletir sobre a ascensão de partidos populistas na Europa contemporânea. Posto isto, o texto procura 1) apresentar a origem e as dinâmicas europeias do pós-funcionalismo, 2) relacionar o pós-funcionalismo com os conceitos de politização e identidade e 3) confrontar o pós-funcionalismo e o populismo. Conclui-se que o pós-funcionalismo contribui com uma abordagem teórica ao fenómeno do populismo.

This study explores the development of Ukrainian state-building thought and the idea of independence from the 19th to the early 20th century. It examines key political movements, organizations, and figures that contributed to the formation of Ukrainian national consciousness in the absence of statehood.

The research highlights the role of political crises, particularly the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, as catalysts for state-building processes. It demonstrates that the Ukrainian national movement evolved gradually toward independence, culminating in the establishment of national political institutions and the declaration of statehood in 1917–1918.

This essay aims to contribute to the study of regionalism by proposing a multilevel framework to analyse the complexities and nuances of such a phenomenon, starting with its application in South America. Titled Arriba, abajo, al centro y adentro—translated as “Above, below, to the centre and inside”—the framework encapsulates the multilayered interactions that influence regional processes and their outcomes through time.
Regionalism is characterised by its diverse and often fragmented nature, where multiple actors play crucial roles, ranging from national governments to regional organisations and international actors. The framework proposed in this study seeks to capture these diverse interactions by examining regionalism through three distinct but interconnected levels: the international (arriba), the regional (abajo) and the national (al centro y adentro).

India, as the largest and most influential country in South Asia, occupies a central role in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Its economic strength, strategic location, and political influence make it a key factor in shaping regional dynamics. This research paper critically examines India's role and responsibilities within SAARC, analysing its bilateral and multilateral engagements with fellow member states-Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Despite SAARC's foundational vision of promoting economic integration and regional harmony, its progress has been hampered by political tensions, particularly between India and Pakistan, along with structural and institutional limitations. This study examines India's foreign policy strategies, trade relations, and security cooperation within the framework of the SAARC. It also identifies the geopolitical challenges, including the rising influence of China in the region, transboundary conflicts, and economic disparities, which continue to impede effective collaboration. Through a detailed literature review and gap analysis, the paper highlights underexplored dimensions, including climate diplomacy, cybersecurity, digital trade, and emerging sub-regional alliances. In conclusion, it proposes pragmatic and inclusive strategies for India to revitalize SAARC's potential by leveraging its leadership capacity in fostering mutual trust, regional integration, and sustainable development.

To Express Local Thinking? Translations from a Dominant to a Dominated Language - the Case of Translation from Polish into Silesian.
The article explores the key challenges of translating from a dominant language into a dominated one, with a particular focus on translations from Polish into Silesian. It examines issues such as the target language's codification (or lack thereof), the motivations that drive translators, and the constraints they face. When analyzing these translations, it is crucial to consider not only the selection of texts translated from Polishwhich often reflects an activist and subversive stance against Polish political and cultural dominance-but also the limited number of translators (and the potential for a few individuals to dominate the translation market) and the absence of adequate training programs for future translators. These factors can significantly affect the translations' quality and the broader efforts to revitalize the Silesian language and advocate for its recognition under Polish law.

Regionalism has emerged as a significant phenomenon within the international relations system post-World War II. Scholarly debates concerning the emergence of regionalism are divided into two principal schools of thought. The first group emphasises internal factors within the region itself, arguing that the driving force behind states within the same region coming together to form cooperative frameworks arises from the specific conditions, factors, and interests intrinsic to that particular region. In contrast, the second group focuses on the international system, particularly highlighting the global economic and political structures that developed after World War II under the leadership of the United States.

Regional organisations come in different sizes and shapes. Size is a product of integration—or disintegration; shape is a product of differentiation. In this essay, we develop two arguments: first, that integration and disintegration are not symmetric processes, as they are impelled by different drivers; second, that integration and disintegration are not necessarily synchronic, as one can progress in the dimension of size while simultaneously regress (or remain still) in the dimension of shape, or vice versa. Building on these two insights, we sketch a sequential framework that applies to both integration and disintegration, two phenomena that have either been studied separately or as mirror images of each other. The framework proposed here captures different paths and causes of disintegration, which have received significantly less attention than integration.

Regional organisations come in different sizes and shapes. Size is a product of inte-gration—or disintegration; shape is a product of differentiation. In this essay, we develop two arguments: first, that integration and disintegration are not symmetric processes, as they are impelled by different drivers; second, that integration and disin-tegration are not necessarily synchronic, as one can progress in the dimension of size while simultaneously regress (or remain still) in the dimension of shape, or vice versa. Building on these two insights, we sketch a sequential framework that applies to both integration and disintegration, two phenomena that have either been studied separately or as mirror images of each other. The framework proposed here captures different paths and causes of disintegration, which have received significantly less attention than integration.

Description of the paper A development corridor is important, particularly regarding its impact on future property development and socio-economic growth. The objectives of this study include the following: ? A theoretical overview on development corridors; ? A literature review on economic wealth creation within a broader region. The South African-Mozambique Development Corridor is used as a case study; ? An overview of the planned comprehensive extension of existing corridors and its impact; ? The influence that a corridor development could potentially have on property development. Application An entire region must take part in the development process of corridors in pursuance of stated objectives. For a development corridor two primary development centres must be linked by means of an axis, preferably with other secondary development centres in between. There must be mutual dependency between the centres in order to achieve development objectives. Results, observations and conclus...

This chapter investigates the notion of overlapping regionalism, a phenomenon characterized by the coexistence of multiple regional institutions that overlap in terms of geography and policy competencies within a region, leading to complex interactions and intersections among them. It reviews the scholarly development and research objectives of regionalism studies to highlight gaps in current conceptual, theoretical, and analytical frameworks that hinder a deeper understanding of overlapping regionalism. This essay is built upon the idea that the recent scholarly attention to overlapping regionalism indicates a delayed yet essential adaptation of academic inquiry to evolving global and regional realities. By emphasizing delay rather than novelty, researchers can avoid treating overlapping regionalism as an isolated trend. By doing so, it becomes possible to reconsider the place of the phenomenon in regionalism studies, revise existing perspectives accordingly, and develop new analytical frameworks. In order to fully understand overlapping regionalism, it suggests integrating comparative regionalism perspectives, refining theoretical frameworks, and employing quantitative methods. Further research will help clarify how these regional institutions intersect and influence one another while contributing to a more substantial development of theory that reflects the real complexity of contemporary regional interactions and their broader significance for global regionalism.

Since the 1990s, two innovative research programs have advocated for broadening and deepening the study of regionalism, recognising it as a truly multidimensional, large-scale, and long-term historical phenomenon. NRA and RW paved the way for a conception of Global Region-alism (GR) as a field of inquiry that integrates a historical and global dimension of regionalism while remaining attuned to regional particularities. However, Söderbaum’s call to “rethink regionalism” through deeper and more inventive historical, spatial, comparative, and global lenses is more relevant than ever. In this way, we consider Global Regionalism to be an eclectic and interdisciplinary body of knowledge emerging amidst a significant reconfiguration of major world regions and the global order as a whole. GR holds the potential to make substantial contributions to our understanding of the ongoing global realignment and the reshaping of regions worldwide. However, it should be receptive to insights from a diverse array of disciplines and sub-disciplines, as well as to different theoretical traditions and methodologies, with the aim of complementing rather than supplanting conventional political science and economic approaches. In the following discussion, we aim to highlight the contributions that World History (WH), Global Political Economy (GPE), and Area Studies, alongside related fields of inquiry, can offer to the emerging area of Global Regionalism. We argue that integrating historical and sociological perspectives with those from Critical Geography, Political Economy and Ecology, and Cultural Studies establishes a new productive framework for rethinking regionalism in historical, spatial, comparative, and global terms.

The objective of this essay is to analyse the importance of regionalisms and their study in promoting an ethical and intercultural global agenda. The argument will be made in two analytical spaces. First, it will be deconstructive, critiquing IR and its narrow object of study from the perspective of regionalisms, considering regionalisms as both a form of governance and a field of study. Second, it will be constructive, arguing for the importance of an ethical and intercultural global agenda for the regions.

Why do so many studies describe regional organisations in Africa, Latin America, and parts of Asia as “failures”? This essay argues that much of this pessimism is produced by the misapplication of mainstream regionalism theories—and by the European Union’s implicit role as a benchmark for successful integration. It shows how influential traditions such as federalism, functionalism/neofunctionalism, and transactionalism emerged from Europe’s distinctive historical and political conditions, including postwar security dynamics and high intra-regional economic interdependence, and therefore do not travel well to the Global South. When treated as general models, these frameworks impose mismatched expectations and obscure the local political and economic dynamics that shape regional cooperation. The essay also explains why newer agendas such as new regionalism and comparative regionalism, while valuable, often yield only partial insights and can reproduce implicit Eurocentric bias through comparison. It concludes by proposing a research agenda for a more inclusive theory of Global South regionalism: treating the EU as sui generis, foregrounding developing regions’ historical conditions, prioritising explanation over critique, strengthening independent scholarship in the Global South, and embracing theoretical pluralism rather than a universal blueprint.

Regional integration and regionalism have taken on remarkable importance since the end of the Second World War. The formation of regional blocs, regional organisations, and the institutionalisation of regional cooperation are global historical phenomena. The European Union (EU), formally established with the Maastricht Treaty of 1992, currently comprises the only example of a common market between its 27 member countries with aspects of monetary union. For 80 years, European integration has constantly changed following trends of widening (geographical expansion with the accession of new members) and deepening (intensification of integration). This rela-tively fast pace of empirical changes gave rise to different theoretical and conceptual explanations that account for unprecedented levels of integration and transfer of authority in Europe. In other words, when we see the creation of regional blocs, International Relations (IR) researchers began to take a closer look at the European context, giving rise to different theories of regional integration, many of which would have the ambition of universal relevance and external validity.

Regionalism is an ideology and political movement that seeks to advance the causes of regions. As a course of action it plays a very significant role both nationally as well as internationally. At national level it refers to a process in which sub-state actors become increasingly powerful; power devolves from central level to regional governments. These are the regions within country, distinguished in culture, language and other socio-cultural factors. At the international level, regionalism refers to transnational cooperation to meet a common goal or to resolve a shared problem or it refers to a group of countries such as Western Europe, or Southeast Asia, linked by geography, history or economic features. In south Asia regionalism has different meanings than what is meant by it in other regions like European Union, African Union, and Organization of American states etc., because south Asia is prone to many problems like Terrorism, Insecurity, Poverty, Diseases, etc. Besides this there is mistrust, misunderstanding between and among countries of south Asia. The non-functionality of South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a result of tussle between India and Pakistan and is a concrete example of mistrust and misunderstanding between the two. This tussle has led to the failure of SAARC and now south Asian countries are looking for alternate regional and trans-regional organizations. The present paper tries to analyze how new regionalism is growing in South Asia and how it impacts the countries of south Asia. Moreover in this paper we will discuss the problems of SAARC and the emergence of new regional organizations viz BIMSTEC, BBIN and their impact and role the region. The work is mostly based on secondary data sources. The main sources of data are journals, magazines, newspapers, books, online sources and so on.

Indonesian Institute for Counseling, Education and Therapy (as publisher) makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the "Content") contained in the publications. However, we make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors and are not the views of or endorsed by Indonesian Institute for Counseling, Education and Therapy. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Indonesian Institute for Counseling, Education and Therapy shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to, or arising out of the use of the content. JPPI (Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Indonesia) is published by Indonesian Institute for Counseling, Education and Therapy comply with the Principles of Transparency and Best Practice in Scholarly Publishing at all stages of the publication process. JPPI (Jurnal Penelitian Pendidikan Indonesia) also may contain links to web sites operated by other parties. These links are provided purely for educational purpose.

Este artículo analiza la evolución de la política de México hacia la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) desde la Guerra Fría hasta comienzos del siglo XXI. A partir de una aproximación histórica, examina cómo la relación con Estados Unidos y las concepciones mexicanas sobre seguridad hemisférica han condicionado su grado de cercanía, distancia o activismo dentro del organismo. El texto muestra que la OEA ha funcionado para México tanto como un espacio de contención diplomática frente a la asimetría con Estados Unidos como un foro útil para gestionar problemas regionales, particularmente en materia de seguridad y cooperación multilateral.

La erradicacion de la pobreza ha sido considerada un tema secundario por parte de los bloques economicos del continente suramericano. La Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) y el Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur) incorporaron este objetivo dentro de sus agendas sociales. La Agenda Social Andina de la CAN y la iniciativa de lucha contra la pobreza del Mercosur muestran el interes y la metodologia propia de cada bloque para lidiar con este problema. Mientras que los andinos, a traves de su esquema supranacional, adoptan un acercamiento programatico aunado al esfuerzo por unificar el sistema de estadisticas para hacer seguimiento a la politica comunitaria de erradicacion de la pobreza, el Mercosur adopta un metodo practico de coordinacion entre representantes de los gobiernos, consistente en crear un fondo para superar las asimetrias internas del bloque. A traves de la Union Suramericana de Naciones (Unasur), la CAN y Mercosur han tratado de afrontar problemas comunes, como el de erradica...

La erradicación de la pobreza ha sido considerada un tema secundario por parte de los bloques económicos del continente suramericano. La Comunidad Andina de Naciones (CAN) y el Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) incorporaron este objetivo dentro de sus agendas sociales. La Agenda Social Andina de la CAN y la iniciativa de lucha contra la pobreza del Mercosur muestran el interés y la metodología propia de cada bloque para lidiar con este problema. Mientras que los andinos, a través de su esquema supranacional, adoptan un acercamiento programático aunado al esfuerzo por unificar el sistema de estadísticas para hacer seguimiento a la política comunitaria