European History

El proceso de creación de las formaciones políticas se vio acompañado siempre por la voluntad de extender al conjunto de la sociedad la obligación de contribuir a las cargas públicas, pero, semejante pretensión también movió a los contribuyentes a tratar de minimizar o eludir el impacto del esfuerzo que se les exigía. El problema se agudizaba en el caso de aquellas formaciones sociopolíticas en las que, como ocurría en el Antiguo Régimen, el privilegio de la exención fiscal estaba indisolublemente unido a su misma estructura. La abolición de esta situación de privilegio en el tránsito a la Revolución Liberal no anuló por entero la propensión a defraudar, pero sí forzó a su reformulación y a su represión.
Es propósito de este libro abordar desde una perspectiva interdisciplinar el estudio del fraude fiscal a lo largo de la historia, desde su inicial formulación medieval en términos fundamentalmente morales, hasta su posterior redefinición desde el punto de vista del derecho y de la política. El fraude fiscal será abordado, así, en un contexto europeo y específicamente español tanto en sus aspectos teóricos –la noción de fraude y sus diversas interpretaciones–, como prácticos –los mecanismos de defraudación utilizados tanto por los contribuyentes y los propios administradores–, institucionales –los mecanismos de denuncia, control y represión del fraude– y sociales –el análisis de la tolerancia social como fenómeno histórico ante los comportamientos defraudadores–.

The valuation of material objects and collections, along with related inventory practices, has been intertwined since the establishment of museums in the 19th century. Collections arise not solely from individual interests but also from historical and institutional frameworks that predetermine knowledge production. Critics of museums highlighted the marginalization and loss of the intrinsic histories and contexts of individual items. The modern focus on epistemic valuation frequently overlooks the socio-political legacies of colonialism inherent in anthropological collections. Provenance research has revealed the cultural and historical contexts of many objects, facilitating meaningful dialogue among stakeholders, including descendants of the original societies. Within this framework, restitution can be seen as a transformative practice that reconnects objects with their histories and communities, fostering a nuanced understanding of their value. Consequently, restitution can revitalize museum collections and lead to their upvaluation. Collaborative approaches recognizing the complexities of cultural heritage are essential for achieving this goal.

Cet article reviens sur ces 3 petits états qui eurent leur indépendances après la guerre de 14/18 et qui la perdirent suite au pacte germano soviétique de l'été 1939, pour la retrouver avec la fin de l'URSS aux début des années 90. Retour sur les états Baltes au coeur des enjeux géostratégiques actuels.

Studying the work of Nazi special services among the Protestant denominations of the Reichskommissariat Ukraine during World War II is an under-explored aspect of modern historical science. The article attempts to fill this gap by covering the work of the Nazi secret services, Gestapo1 and Sicherheitsdienst (SD),2 among Evangelical Christians (EC), Baptists (B), and Christians of the Evangelical Faith (Pentecostals, CEF) of the RKU. The basis of this study is the recently declassified documents and archival materials of the KGB of the USSR. The article first provides a brief analysis of the activities of the Soviet intelligence services (NKVD3) in this area in the pre-war period, as well as consideration for the work of the Nazi special services in the religious spheres of the Reich and the General Government for the occupied Polish lands (GG).4 The main purpose of the Nazi special services in the religious sphere of the RKU was to intensify religious life, revive Protestant council...

Історія стосунків вже старого гетьмана та його юної хрещениці десятиліттями обростала мітами, доносами й літературними вигадками. Мазепа запропонував Мотрі не тільки статус, а й альтернативний життєвий сценарій: світ, де її почуття і особиста гідність мали значення. Чи було це фатальне засліплення, чи останній відчайдушний порив великого серця, що прагнуло щастя всупереч канонам і політичним інтригам?

Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Medieval Studies.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the European reaction to the Mongol attack of 1241 and to argue that the efforts to resist the invaders were stronger and more organised than has been previously supposed by scholars. This episode exists as a glaring oversight in the history of thirteenth century Europe and the primary concern of this thesis is to reconsider the significance of the events of 1241 and to highlight that the subject is in need of drastic re-assessment. To this end I have chosen to focus on the military reaction in the affected areas of Europe and the launching of a crusade against the Mongols over the summer of 1241 in the Holy Roman Empire, how this response was organised and coordinated and the eventual outcome of the movement. Despite the challenging political situations that existed in Europe during 1241, internal conflicts are shown to have not prevented an organised response to the arrival of the Mongols into Europe from occurring.
In addition to this, the secondary concern of this thesis will be the question of the place of this crusade within the broader context of the phenomenon in the Middle Ages. While generations of crusade historians have failed to agree on a definition for a crusade, the examination of this particular example provides a new way of viewing how crusades were authorized, legitimized, instigated and organised in mid-thirteenth century Europe. The timing of the event, fifty years before the loss of the final crusader foothold in the Holy land, the city of Acre, in 1291, allows for a fascinating insight into crusading during a century which saw the expansion of the scope of the phenomenon and the evolution of what a crusade could be for contemporaries.

A House for the History of Europe:
The House of European History, a museum operating under the auspices of the European Parliament, opened in May 2017. Its defining feature is a transnational approach to European history. Its creation began from scratch in 2011, with the establishment of a multinational team of historians and museologists tasked with shaping the narrative and content of the permanent exhibition. This paper briefly examines the process through which the museum was developed and the theoretical framework on which it was based, analyses its principal traits and objectives, and assesses its first nine years of operation. It presents both the impact the museum has had and the reactions it has provoked, discusses its temporary exhibitions, and considers the challenges and prospects for its future.

Το Σπίτι της Ευρωπαϊκής Ιστορίας, μουσείο υπό την αιγίδα του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου, εγκαινιάστηκε τον Μάιο του 2017. Βασικό χαρακτηριστικό του είναι η υπερεθνική αφήγηση της ευρωπαϊκής ιστορίας. H δημιουργία του ξεκίνησε το 2011 εκ του μηδενός, με τη συγκρότηση μιας πολυεθνικής ομάδας ιστορικών και μουσειολόγων που ανέλαβε να διαμορφώσει το αφήγημα και το περιεχόμενο της μόνιμης έκθεσης. Το κείμενο που ακολουθεί εξετάζει εν συντομία τη διαδικασία διαμόρφωσης του μουσείου και το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο στο οποίο βασίστηκε, αναλύει τα χαρακτηριστικά και τις επιδιώξεις του, και αποτιμά τα πρώτα εννέα χρόνια λειτουργίας του. Παρουσιάζει την απήχηση που είχε, κάποιες αντιδράσεις που προκάλεσε, τη διοργάνωση των περιοδικών εκθέσεών του, καθώς και τις προκλήσεις και τις προοπτικές για το μέλλον του.

Resumo: Neste artigo, defendo que In Nomine Dei (1993) é mais um argumento saramaguiano contra o elevado valor que se atribui à razão humana e uma exortação a que sejamos não só lugares de testemunho e reflexão dos erros do passado e do presente mas também atores envolvidos na construção de um futuro menos trágico. Na peça, o ceticismo de José Saramago em relação à religião enquanto crença num ser metafísico não é o problema fundamental; a questão está na sua desconfiança relativamente à razão humana, tantas vezes apresentada orgulhosamente como atributo superior que distingue o Homem dos animais irracionais (e de toda a natureza, que existe, como se proclama no Génesis e noutros livros da Bíblia, para que o ser humano a administre, a subjugue e se sirva dela). O tratamento dramático dado a personagens como o anabatista Jan Van Leiden e o bispo cristão Waldeck e a outras que em vão se lhes opõem, sobretudo mulheres, permite a Saramago expressar a falência da Reforma e expor a tendência do Homem para a morte mais violenta e em larga escala.

Palavras-chave: José Saramago; In Nomine Dei; anabatismo; protestantismo; irracionalidade.

Abstract: In this article, I argue that In Nomine Dei (1993) is another  argument by José Saramago against the high value attributed to human reason and an exhortation for us to be not only places of witness and reflection on the errors of the past and present but also actors involved in the construction of a less tragic future. In the play, José Saramago's skepticism towards religion as a belief in a metaphysical being is not the fundamental problem; the issue lies in his distrust of human reason, so often proudly presented as a superior attribute that distinguishes Man from irrational animals (and from all of nature, which exists, as proclaimed in Genesis and other books of the Bible, for human beings to subjugate and use). The dramatic treatment given to characters such as the Anabaptist Jan Van Leiden and the Christian bishop Waldeck and others who vainly oppose them, especially women, allows Saramago to express the failure of the Reformation and expose Man's tendency towards the most violent and large-scale death.

Keywords: José Saramago; In Nomine Dei; anabaptism; protestantism; irrationality.

Belgrade, January 10 2025. The students of the Technical Faculty gathered on the staircase in front of their building entrance to perform "A choir rendition of the poem 'Serbia' by Oskar Davičo" - as it was announced earlier on a poster with graphics typifying a red clenched fist and a set of white teeth. The performance started in a seemingly conventional way in which some patriotic speech choir, led by a conductor, should set off emotional response to words of love and respect to the patria. The words of Davičo's poem, as they went on, called into question such a style of recitation, and with the each next verse, members of the choir started slowly shutting themselves up by covering their mouths with their hands. They continued with the recitation of the poem whilst  swallowing and biting their fingers, and eventually gagging themselves entirely by their own fists. All the time they mumbled the words of the poem, which were at that time barely recognizable. Exhausted by the impossible quest to continue with their recitation, they paused....

Association des Professeurs d'Histoire et de Géographie > L'enseignant > Préparation des concours > Pédagogie > Les enquêtes ouvrières dans l'Europe contemporaine Les enquêtes ouvrières dans l'Europe contemporaine Autour de l'ouvrage co-dirigé par E. Geerkens, N. Hatzfeld, I. Lespinet-Moret, X. Vigna (La Découverte, 2019) mercredi 6 mai 2020 La parution de l'ouvrage collectif Les enquêtes ouvrières dans l'Europe contemporaine est l'occasion de redécouvrir la « question sociale », qui traverse l'histoire européenne, sous un angle novateur, en s'intéressant aux enquêtes menées par un vaste ensemble de chercheurs en sciences sociales, de personnalités politiques et de collectifs de travailleurs. Des enquêtes qui nous font parcourir le monde ouvrier européen selon une perspective transnationale, des premiers pas de l'industrialisation aux décennies les plus récentes. L'APHG a eu la chance de pouvoir s'entretenir avec Eric Geerkens et Xavier Vigna qui nous éclairent sur les renouvellements apportés par ce livre. Présentation de l'ouvrage sur le site des éditions de La Découverte : ...

For my parents, Michael and Peg Dillon; and for the next generation This book started out as my Ph.D. Dissertation in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. My most direct debt goes to my dissertation committee, Todd Gitlin, Kristin Luker, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes, each of whose own scholarship I greatly admire. I would like also to thank Ann Swidler for her comments, encouragement, and advice; Abigail Stewart and Conor Ward for comments on various chapters; and Peg Dillon and Geraldine Groarke for long-distance research assistance. My husband, Paul Wink, read this manuscript in its many forms; I value his intellectual and emotional companionship. I am fortunate also to have a caring and benevolent family and good friends.

For my parents, Michael and Peg Dillon; and for the next generation This book started out as my Ph.D. Dissertation in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley. My most direct debt goes to my dissertation committee, Todd Gitlin, Kristin Luker, and Nancy Scheper-Hughes, each of whose own scholarship I greatly admire. I would like also to thank Ann Swidler for her comments, encouragement, and advice; Abigail Stewart and Conor Ward for comments on various chapters; and Peg Dillon and Geraldine Groarke for long-distance research assistance. My husband, Paul Wink, read this manuscript in its many forms; I value his intellectual and emotional companionship. I am fortunate also to have a caring and benevolent family and good friends.

ITALIENBILDER
INTERMEDIALE UND INTERDISZIPLINÄRE ANNÄHERUNGEN
La Dolce Vita. Das geflügelte Wort ruft nicht nur Assoziationen an Federico Fellinis epochalen Meilenstein der Filmgeschichte wach, sondern hat sich längst zum Sinnbild einer italienisch-konnotierten Lebensart entwickelt, die von unbändiger Leichtigkeit, Genuss und Lust durchdrungen ist. Die Sehnsucht nach dem vermeintlich süßen Leben dient dem vorliegenden Band als Ausgangspunkt einer interdisziplinären Annäherung an mediale Repräsentationen des Bel paese. Die hier versammelten medien-, literatur-, sprach- und kulturwissenschaftlichen Beiträge widmen sich facettenreichen Darstellungen Italiens in Selbst- und Fremdbildern und spannen dabei einen Bogen von den Schönen Künsten bis hin zu Alltagsmedien, von der Antike bis in die Gegenwart. Im Spannungsfeld von nationaler Ikonografie und tradierten Stereotypen rücken Klassiker der Weltliteratur und Meisterwerke der Malerei, populäre Filme und Filmgenres, Beispiele aus Werbung und Musik sowie Sprachliches und Intermediales in den Fokus.

This work examines the political situation of Europe in the thirteenth century. The political struggle between the Papacy, the Holy Roman Empire, the Hungarian Kingdom, the Kingdom of Bohemia, and the Polish Kingdom at the beginning of the thirteenth century, until the Mongol Invasion of Europe. The primary reason for investigating these states is that they played a vital role in European history, particularly during the Mongol Invasion of Europe. The Hungarian, Bohemian, and Polish Kingdoms were mainly affected by the invaders from economic and political perspectives. Meanwhile, the article will try to show the milestones of the Fifth Crusade as preparation and aftermath to explain how it affected the relationship between the Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire. It also tries to clarify why this power struggle became an essential factor for the future of Europe during the Mongol Invasion.

Михайло Драгоманов - масштабна та парадоксальна постать української інтелектуальної історії, політики, культури, науки й освіти. А ще - недооцінений інтелектуал, який синергував ідеї соціалізму, лібералізму й анархізму, найбільший український адепт європейської цивілізації та культури XIX століття. Водночас Драгоманов — перший політичний мислитель, який однозначно пов’язав український проект із європейським поступом. Найменше відомо про його еміграційну, точніше — Женевську добу (1876—1889). Це й стало фокусом швейцарсько-українського проекту, який об’єднав науковців з Інституту історії України НАН України й Університету Лозанни під керівництвом члена-кореспондента НАН України Олексія Яся і професора Бели Капоссі. Проект стартував на початку 2025 року в межах міжнародної конкурсної програми Національного фонду досліджень України та Швейцарського національного наукового фонду, яку фінансує швейцарська сторона.
Що варто знати про Михайла Драгоманова як одного з найвидатніших українських і європейських політичних мислителів XIX століття? Чи випадково він обрав Швейцарію, коли емігрував з осійської імперії? Яким бачив успішний український національний проект? Про все це Олексія Яся розпитала пресслужба НАН України.

This thesis analyzes David Jones’s In Parenthesis to demonstrate the failed notion of chivalry, courtesy, and knighthood in modernity during and after the war. Jones’s semi-autobiographical prose poem recounting his experiences of WWI was published in 1937, nineteen years after the war ended. Jones applied the concepts of chivalry, courtesy, and knighthood to his experiences during WWI through In Parenthesis. Jones used these concepts, which originated in the classical period and the Middle Ages, to demonstrate how they have changed over time, especially given the events of WWI. The best way for Jones to demonstrate the impact of WWI was to use the medieval ideas of knighthood (which were arguably idealized up until the war) to describe how the modern world could no longer be identified with those ideals

When epidemics struck early modern Europe, people reached for every remedy available — practical and spiritual, natural and supernatural. This lecture explores how Jewish communities in central and western Europe responded to epidemic disease, through vivid examples drawn from books and pamphlets written in Yiddish, the everyday language of European Jews.

Long before modern medicine, healing was never purely physical. Across religions, illness was understood as both a bodily and a moral event — a disruption of the order between humanity and God. Jewish healers and rabbis navigated this world with remarkable creativity, combining herbal recipes, dietary advice, quarantine rules, and prayer into a single, practical system of care.

We will encounter amulets prepared by Jewish mystics — rooted in ancient Greek medicine and shared across Jewish, Christian, and Islamic traditions.

A Yiddish plague treatise that offered rules for surviving an outbreak, weaving hygiene, community solidarity, and spiritual discipline into one coherent guide. And a Jewish physician’s war against smallpox, in a frightened early modern European community struggling to see that protecting life was not a challenge to faith — it was its fulfilment.

Together, these stories reveal a world in which prayer and medicine, faith and science, were not opposites — but partners in the urgent, deeply human work of survival.

Though never performed, María Rosa de Gálvez's tragedy Zinda (1804) occupies a crucial intersection between the early modern transatlantic slave trade and the emerging liberal discourse of abolition. Set in seventeenth-century Congo, the play portrays African resistance to European domination, yet its resolution aligns with European colonial authority, reflecting Spain's ambivalence toward meaningful abolition. This paper situates the play within its sociohistorical and cultural context—between the Haitian Revolution and the parliamentary debates at the Cortes of Cádiz—and argues that Zinda not only exposes Spanish anxieties about African Blackness, slavery, and colonialism but also anticipates the limits of liberal reform by revealing how Enlightenment ideals were constrained by racialized hierarchies and imperial authority.

This article tries to reconstruct the figure of Walter Hallstein, as an emblematic representative (practical and theoretical) of the fundamental directions taken, over the decades, by the development of European integration. Thus, we attempt to analyze some essential elements of his theoretical-legal conception, to emphasize the critical links with the ideological dimension of the Union’s structure. First, we provide a brief comparison with other theorists of European integration. Second, we trace, specifically, some fundamental thematic elements that emerge from internal reflection on Hallstein’swritings. Third, we highlight the similarities with the theoretical positions of that complex of doctrines attributable to the so-called German ‘ordoliberalism’. Considering these analytical passages, we try to argue the profound connection of Hallstein’s perspective with some founding paradigms of the architectural structure of the EU, which see the centrality of law as one of their key elements. The perspective of the German politician and jurist sees the legal dimension as the indefectible requirement
for a solid and structured European integration (even if this does not exclude the importance of politics and economics). The centrality of law is what reveals the relevance of Hallstein’s positions to understand, on a genealogical level, and from a philosophical-political profile, a good part of the historical and institutional developments of the EU.

Este volumen colectivo examina las diversas formas de poder y representación femenina en la Europa Moderna. Partiendo del concepto de marginalidad principesca, los ensayos que integran la obra analizan cómo reinas, princesas, infantas y aristócratas articularon estrategias de acción y visibilidad incluso cuando se hallaban situadas en los márgenes del poder, transformando la aparente periferia en un espacio de agencia política, simbólica y dinástica. El recorrido, que abarca desde los siglos xv al xix, reúne estudios de caso de las monarquías francesa, hispánica, italiana e inglesa, atendiendo a las dimensiones ceremonial, diplomática y familiar del ejercicio del poder femenino. La obra propone, así, una relectura de la sociedad de corte como escenario de negociación constante entre centro y periferia, donde las mujeres se revelan como protagonistas esenciales en la configuración política y cultural del Antiguo Régimen europeo.

Accordingly, on the day devoted to commemorate the Lord's Incarnation, [25 March 1823] in the Church of the Ascension at Donaldsonville, amidst a great concourse of people, the following pastors and members of the clergy of the Diocese being present ... I was anointed and consecrated by the Right Rev. Louis William DuBourg." 1 With these unadorned words, Joseph Rosati, described how he became the first Vincentian bishop in the United States, as well as the first Italian ordained a bishop in the New World. Who was this confrere raised to the episcopacy far from his homeland, and what is his story? Born in Sora, a small town then in the kingdom of Naples, on 12 January 1789, he was baptized the next day with the mellifluous names Pietro Luigi Giuseppe Raffaele. Revolution and revolutionary ideas were the order of the day in the closing years of the eighteenth century, but young Giuseppe turned his thoughts to the Church. At the astonishing age of twelve he received the tonsure, and then began his philosophy studies. His providential participation in a mission preached in Sora by a Vincentian led him to apply for entrance into the Congregation. He began his novitiate in Rome 23 June 1807, and made his vows barely nine months later, 1 April 1808. He and his fellow novices had received a special papal dispensation in view of the occupation of Rome by French troops, and the attendant difficulty of continuing in the Eternal City. After a visit to his ailing father in Sora, Giuseppe Rosati, C.M., returned to Rome in November to begin his theology at the already ancient house of Montecitorio. His professor of dogmatic theology would have a decisive impact on the rest of his life: Felix DeAndreis (1778-1820), later his superior in the foundation of the American mission. Because of Giuseppe's young age at entry, he finished his theological studies early and was ordained to the priesthood in the Montecitorio chapel, 10 February 1811, at age 22, again with a papal dispensation, His life as a missioner then began in earnest, despite the presence of occupation troops. For example, he records in his meticulous diary the following for 23 April of the next year: "On the twenty-third, we left Ponticelli for Poggio Mojano. Just before arriving there, I and my horse fell down a precipice but, thank the Lord, I was uninjured. On the twenty-fourth, the Mission began. I gave the talks and the fervorino." 2 Three weeks later he nearly had a similar fall from his horse. His robust constitution and good health would serve him well in the wilds of America five years later.

This paper proposes that the legendary figure Iddig Corn Prydain, known from the Welsh tale The Dream of Rhonabwy and referenced in the Welsh Triads, is identifiable as the unnamed British secretary of Arvandus, Praetorian Prefect of Gaul, whose testimony is recorded in Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistulae I.7 (c. 469 AD). The identification is advanced through the Synonymous Name Method and is supported by close analysis of the epithet Corn Prydain as a reference to the inkhorn vessel-the universal emblem of the late antique shorthand writer and the recognised badge of legal and secretarial status. Primary source evidence, confirmed in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, establishes that those serving under the Praefecti Praetorii were specifically designated Notarii Praetoriani. A palaeographical argument is advanced to explain the later scribal alteration of Corn to Cordd in the manuscript tradition. The paper argues that the Welsh literary tradition has preserved a genuine fifth-century historical memory of a British Notarius Praetorianus involved in the most dramatic treason trial of late Roman Gaul.

Table of contents Introduction 3 Brigitte Leucht and Katja Seidel Merger Control and the European Courts: A historical institutionalist account 5 Nathalie Aubry Rhetorical convergence: The motivations and effects of German support to Eastward Enlargement in 14 the definition of a ...

Війна між Великим князівством Московським і Великим князівством
Литовським, яка розпочалась в 1512 році, виразно показала зміну розстановки сил у східній Європі.
31 липня 1514 р. москалі під командуванням московського великого князя Василя 3-го облогою здобули Смоленськ. Їх передові загони пройшли далі на захід аж до Березини (приблизно 230 км від Смоленська) і показували явний намір захопити усе Велике князівство Литовське.
Литовське військо відкинуло москалів на схід і розгромило їх у великій битві під Оршею (110 км на захід від Смоленська). Однак литовцям не вистачило сил, щоб відвоювати Смоленськ, який до 1611 р. перебував у складі Московської держави.
Розмежування, яке склалось на кінець 1514 р., було закріплене перемир’ям 1522 р. Цей кордон, змінюючи свій статус, аж до сьогодні править за державний кордон Росії та Білорусії. В цій роботі я хочу розглянути передумови, перебіг та наслідки війни.

Η παρούσα διπλωματική διατριβή διερευνά τις σχέσεις του λεπροκομείου της Σπιναλόγκας με τη γη απέναντι: τις οικονομικές και κοινωνικές σχέσεις που είχαν αναπτυχθεί μεταξύ των έγκλειστων ασθενών κατοίκων του νησιού και των υγιών κατοίκων των χωριών της γύρω περιοχής. Παράλληλα ασχολείται με το θέμα των «παιδιών της Σπιναλόγκας», των παιδιών που γεννήθηκαν υγιή από ασθενείς γονείς.
Αντικείμενο μεταγραφής αποτελούν μια σειρά εγγράφων, τα περισσότερα από τα οποία τοποθετούνται στα πρώτα χρόνια λειτουργίας του λεπροκομείου: από το 1906 έως το 1924. Παράλληλα, μεταγράφονται πέντε συνεντεύξεις: η πρώτη είναι ενός πρώην χανσενικού, που γεννήθηκε και έζησε ως παιδί στη Σπιναλόγκα. Οι επόμενες τέσσερις είναι κατοίκων των γύρω χωριών που είχαν στενή προσωπική σχέση με το νησί.
Ιδιαίτερη αναφορά θα γίνει στην ιδιαιτερότητα του ιδρύματος της Σπιναλόγκας. Οι ασθενείς λαμβάνουν ένα επίδομα από το κράτος, χάρη στο οποίο εξασφαλίζουν τη διαβίωσή τους. Με το επίδομα αυτό αγοράζουν τα τρόφιμα και γενικώς τα προϊόντα και τις υπηρεσίες που έχουν ανάγκη από τη γύρω φτωχή περιοχή. Αποτέλεσμα, το επίδομα αυτό να μετατρέπεται σε μέσο συντήρησης όχι μόνο των ασθενών, αλλά και των φτωχών κατοίκων των γειτονικών χωριών. Ιδιαίτερη βαρύτητα στην εργασία δίδεται στη συλλογική μνήμη της τοπικής κοινωνίας σχετικά με τη λειτουργία του λεπροκομείου και τις σχέσεις που είχαν αναπτυχθεί μεταξύ των δυο κοινοτήτων, των ασθενών και των υγιών.

La edición de esta obra ha contado con la colaboración del proyecto «La Década Ominosa (1823)(1824)(1825)(1826)(1827)(1828)(1829)(1830)(1831)(1832)(1833). Entre la contrarrevolución y el reformismo» (CIGE/2023/34) financiado por la Conselleria d'Educació, Cultura, Universitats i Ocupació de la Generalitat Valenciana. Las imágenes que se incluyen en esta publicación científica lo son para su análisis y juicio previo en los términos que establece el artículo 32 de la Ley de Propiedad Intelectual para el llamado derecho de cita con fines de investigación.

Ropstvo i prinudni rad postoje vekovima. Iako postoji mnogo definicija, i dalje ostaje pitanje kako definisati ropstvo s obzirom na činjenicu da se ono pojavljuje u novim i „inovativnim“ oblicima. Međutim, to ne znači da bi međunarodna zajednica trebalo da prestane da se bori protiv ropstva i prinudnog rada. Autorka ovog rada se fokusira na objašnjavanje razlike između modernog ropstva i ropstva tokom vekova. Razmatra se i kako su različiti međunarodni dokumenti koje su donele Ujedinjene nacije i Međunarodna organizacija rada i rad Evropskog suda za ljudska prava uticali na broj ljudi koji se nalaze u ropstvu i na borbu protiv ropstva. Ipak, statistički podaci pokazuju da je preko četrdeset miliona ljudi danas u ropstvu. Кako nastaviti bitku sa ropstvom, ostaje pitanje ne samo za pravnike već i za sve ljude. Neophodno je izgraditi svest o ropstvu ne samo kao zabranjenom već i kao protivnom bilo kojoj ideji civilizacijskog napretka.

For those who deny that the Holocaust ever took place and ignore oral and visual testimonies, yet another method exists that few know about:  indicators of post-Holocaust survivors on their tombstones (matzevot).  When this began is uncertain, but those who post-trauma managed to live and thrive afterwards, provide all of us with hope and inspiration.  Here are some examples and help us find more.

This is a master plan that fuses geopolitical diagnosis, institutional economics, and great-power strategic design into a single, coherent blueprint for Europe’s next fifteen years. Its central judgment is as cold as it is clear: American hegemony is entering a 15-to-20-year structural collapse—encompassing economic foundations, social cohesion, and military overextension—and if Europe continues to serve as a “blood bag” for the transatlantic system, it will become a pawn on the great-power chessboard by the 2040s, not a player.

The book weaves “strategic autonomy” and “mutually beneficial symbiosis” into a unified strategic logic. The author does not indulge in the fantasy of incremental reform within Brussels’ bureaucratic machinery. Instead, it designs an immediately executable “Franco-German dual-track architecture”: the full EU-27 provides institutional legitimacy and funding scale, while the E6 core group (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, the Netherlands) serves as the real strategic engine, leveraging Article 20 of the Treaty on Lisbon—“enhanced cooperation”—to bypass the unanimity trap that has paralyzed European action at every critical juncture.

What truly distinguishes this work from conventional EU studies is its complete strategic engineering across three continents.

The Russia dimension rejects the moralized prolongation of confrontation. It offers a rigorously phased, ten-year rapprochement roadmap: from political ice-breaking and high-level secret channels, to comprehensive agreement signing and staged sanctions relief, to deep institutional alignment between the EAEU and the EU Single Market, the reconstruction of the OSCE into a pan-European security body, and the construction of a euro-denominated energy settlement system. The ultimate objective is not appeasement, but a new security architecture “from the Atlantic to the Urals” that restores European energy security and strategic breathing room.

The Africa dimension abandons the charity logic of development aid in favor of industrial symbiosis and resource complementarity. Using the five North African countries as forward pivots, it maps the EU-Africa Industrial Corridor—European design and management, African production, European markets—across three implementation phases. It details the African Green Hydrogen Corridor as Europe’s future energy lifeline, and embeds human-capital bonds through European Partnership Universities and technical colleges that create a trans-Mediterranean professional network whose loyalty is structural, not sentimental.

The military dimension confronts Europe’s ultimate vulnerability: the absence of credible autonomous deterrence. It proposes the “Europeanization” of France’s nuclear arsenal through a shared-cost, shared-benefit framework, and the creation of a European Defence Joint Command—built around a five-nation core, independent from NATO but in transitional parallel—capable of autonomous judgment when core European interests diverge from Washington’s priorities.

Beneath this strategic superstructure lies a precision-built institutional OS. The legal and governance framework covers international-law compliance, bilateral investment treaties, sanctions-circumvention pathways, and ESG safeguards that preempt “neo-colonialism” accusations. The fiscal architecture introduces Strategic Autonomy Bonds collateralized by Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism revenues, a €30 billion Strategic Action Rapid Fund for agile deployment, and the concept of a Euro-African Development Investment Bank independent of the Washington-controlled system. The strategic-communications chapter provides narrative-reconstruction manuals to neutralize populist resistance and seize discourse initiative in the Global South.

If you follow EU institutional reform and the political mechanics of East-West interest coordination; if you track the energy geopolitics of the EU-Russia-China triangle; if you need a practical handbook that decomposes macro vision into annual indicators, financing leverage ratios, and legal pathways—this book delivers a rare, end-to-end strategic framework. It is not a wish list of what Europe should become. It is an operating-system upgrade: a detailed, budget-conscious, legally grounded manual for how Europe can complete the historical leap from vassal to pole without triggering systemic shock.

Manoscritti e corrispondenza vanno indirizzati al Coordinamento di redazione. Ogni contributo destinato ad un numero di Mo.do digitale viene inviato dalla redazione a due referees per avere una valutazione dettagliata, rispettando il criterio dell'anonimato. La direzione, quindi, discute i giudizi ricevuti insieme al curatore del numero e, infine, decide se pubblicare l'articolo, accettato con o senza modifiche, oppure respingerlo. Tutti i diritti di proprietà letteraria ed artistica sono riservati. Riproduzione vietata. Manoscritti e fotografie, anche se non pubblicati, non si restituiscono.

This paper is a written contribution made by Dr. Anwen Elias on behalf of the Coppieters Foundation to the Fourth session of the Forum on Human Rights, Democracy and the Rule of Law. It aims to contribute to the discussion of strengthening democracy by sharing the perspectives of movements for self-determination across Europe.

Czy w latach 1980–1981 władze NRD szykowały się do interwencji zbrojnej w Polsce, by powstrzymać rewolucję „Solidarności”? Dlaczego Erich Honecker bał się „polskiej choroby”? W jaki sposób wschodnioniemieckie resorty siłowe pomogły Wojciechowi Jaruzelskiemu w podjęciu decyzji o wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego? „Polski nie oddamy” to analiza polityki Niemieckiej Republiki Demokratycznej w czasie przełomowych wydarzeń w PRL – od strajków sierpniowych po 13 grudnia 1981 r. Autor przeprowadził skrupulatną kwerendę w archiwach, wnikliwej analizie poddał też źródła drukowane. Monografia nie tylko porządkuje dotychczasowe ustalenia badaczy, lecz także znacząco poszerza wiedzę o NRD i najnowszej historii Polski.

Mounting a searing critique of Martin Heidegger and Carl Schmidt –and their broader influence on the contemporary Left, including the work of Giorgio Agamben, Alain Badiou, and Slavoj Zizek—Anthony Mansueto’s Metaphysics of Power argues that the common flaw of all contemporary political projects –Left and Right— is a narrow strategic focus on achieving and holding state power. This focus is grounded in a doctrine of sovereignty (divine and human) rooted in a decisionist political theology which derives ultimately from Paul of Tarsus and which made historic Christianity from the beginning an ideology of Empire. In the place of this decisionist political theology he proposes that we understand Being –and thus God— as a relational, transformative generativity which acts only as final cause and only from outside space and time, making even divine sovereignty logically impossible. Seeking to become God, but trapped in a contingency which cannot be transcended, we create structures which attempt divinity by means of exploiting and oppressing others, structures which, like the commodification of labor power, ultimately strip us of our humanity, making resistance impossible. And yet we are also lured by the incredible Beauty of God to mend the torn fabric of the universe, to build and rebuild relationships and institutions which challenge and nurture us, and thus to ripen a contingent being which will always fall short of its End, but is capable of finding meaning and joy nonetheless.

Este capítulo nos permite abordar una serie de cuestiones vinculadas con las Unidades 4 y 5
del Programa de la materia. En palabras del historiador Eric Hobsbawm, se trata de un “siglo largo”,
que se extiende desde finales del siglo XVIII hasta principios del siglo XX. En términos políticos,
comienza con el derrocamiento del Antiguo Régimen y culmina con la finalización de la Primera
Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Se caracteriza por la consolidación de la burguesía como clase dominante, la formación de la sociedad capitalista y la formación del Estado liberal. Con respecto a
los fenómenos educativos, asistimos a la expansión de los sistemas nacionales de educación, la
escolarización de masas y el triunfo de la escuela moderna, liberal, capitalista, republicana, como
institución hegemónica. En este contexto, Inglaterra (junto con Francia) era una de las potencias
más importantes de Europa. Se trataba del Estado con mayor poderío económico, marítimo, comercial y financiero del mundo, impulsado por una clase burguesa, industrial y comercial que consiguió lentamente ocupar un lugar más relevante en la sociedad sin necesidad de transformar radicalmente la estructura política, tal como había ocurrido con el caso francés.

Hunnic components in the Hungarian ethnogenesis

The Hungarians (according to their vernacular ethnonym: Magyars) are the only surviving historical community whose first state-organisation and ethnogenesis took place concurrently in the steppe cultural environment. With this Eastern heritage integrated the ancient Hungarians into the medieval intellectual and political Western European environment, and within it expressing the legacy of its culture in the Carpathian Basin.
The problem of the relationship between the Huns and the Hungarians has long been the subject of heated debate. The present study intends to join this debate by enumerating through what course of events could the Huns have been included in the process of Hungarian ethnogenesis.
I must admit that the Hunnic – and of course non-Hunnic – strands in the Hungarian ethnogenesis presents a highly fragmented frame. There is nothing surprising in this for those who approach the scarce sources with abundant uncertainties. In addition to the written sources, there are other additional data, relics of intellectual and material culture, and the evidence of human remains, but the overall picture still remains incomplete and debatable. At the current level of our knowledge, no researcher can say whether the late owner of the skeleton of a steppe warrior, for example, identified himself as a Kutrigur or an Utigur, and in what language he expressed this, and in what version may he have heard the Legend of the Miraculous Deer from his ancestors. But in light of the paucity of data, it is particularly surprising to see that in many places, after the end of the Hunnic empire, the “Hun” factor is apparent for centuries. Of course, if we pay attention to when, where, and in what sense someone can be called a “Hun”, we can think more flexibly, accepting that early medieval ethnogenesis was a network of actions running on several chanels, and the ancient past of the Hungarians is no exception.
The possible “Hun” components in the Hungarian ethnogenesis are the following. The king of the Kutrigur-Huns called “Muagyerisz” (~ Magyar) appeared in 528 beside the Black Sea. The Avar Khaganate based on “Var and Chunni” people integrated the Carpathian Basin (568–822). Other “Var and Chunni” groups (e. g. Sabirs, Kutrigurs) joined them (ca. 595). After the fall of the Avar Khaganate the Hungarians conquered the Carpathian Basin (862–895) led by Álmos and his son Árpád, who were descendants of Attila according to the historical tradition recorded by Hungarian Christian chroniclers before the 13th century. The conquering Hungarians integrated the “Avar” survivors (e. g. Christian “Huns” mentioned in 871). In consequence the Hungarian ethnogenesis was not a linear process but contains several threads and scenes. a process which today we call multilineal ethnogenesis. Thus, it can be described as an early medieval Turkic-Hungarian network.