European Studies

The purpose of this paper is to present to what extent does influencer marketing solves the problems of modern content marketing. This consists of decreasing the credibility of published information on the web, which was in the first place, caused by the weak barrier of information entering into the internet, as well as the increase in the user competence in the implementation of, so called, active trust. Design/Methodology/Approach: In order to verify the hypothesis, various studies from the areas of literature, as well as empirical methods based on survey, have been used. The results of the study showcases that respondents tend to trust more the information published on the internet by the sources that they are somehow connected to. Practical Implications: The results of the presented study can be used in building content marketing strategies that are based on categories related with trust, thus actions that will be more effective. Originality/view: The new quality brought by this article is the empirical verification of the impact of persuasive tools such as influencer marketing, on consumer attitude within the internet.

This abstract provides an overview of fundamental religious concepts, concentrating on their significance and social impact. The objective is to examine how key religious beliefs form cultural practices and individual behaviours across several traditions. The method adopts a qualitative approach, using textual analysis of primary religious texts and secondary academic sources (Freiberger, 2018). This study is underpinned by established comparative religion theories, specifically drawing on Ninian Smart’s seven dimensions of religion model (Smart, 1996) and Mircea Eliade’s approach to identifying recurring symbols and myths across traditions (Eliade, 1959). These frameworks provide a theoretical basis for comparing beliefs, rituals, ethical systems, and community frameworks within diverse religions. The results identify common themes such as morality, rituals, and community values that recur across various religions. The outcome shows that while each tradition retains unique doctrines, many share ethical principles and social functions. The study finds that religious concepts influence both cultural identity and social cohesion (Seul, 1999). The relevance of this research lies in its capacity to resonate with students and academic readers, encouraging respectful dialogue and deeper insight into religious diversity.

This article explores the ramifications of the war in Ukraine on Serbian politics. Attention is paid to the governing Serbian Progressive Party/SNS and the "broader right" (national conservative, radical, and extreme right) between 2022 and 2025. This study demonstrates that the war granted Serbia's "broader right" a temporary "common ground" but not a long-term opportunity structure against SNS. The nexus of Russophilia in Serbia is not "fixed" but situationally adaptive. It is conditional upon ideology, the patterns of political engagement among heterogeneous actors, and the unpredictable impact of watersheds in domestic politics.

In spite of its Western European core, and due to its decidedly problem-oriented nature, as well as the constant refinement and broadening of its analytical tools, Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) has progressively become appealing to the larger European continent, as well as to other Western and non-Western contexts such as the US, Australia, China or Brazil.This chapter provides an overview of the main contexts, concepts and methods employed by European CDS scholars working on migration politics.

Since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14th in Paris 1995, the political but also general social scene of Bosnia and Herzegovina has been overwhelmed with the issues of reforms and changes in regard to the Constitutional settlement agreed in Dayton. The Bosnian-Herzegovinian everyday reality that the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina face with on a daily basis stands as an unquestionable witness to the necessity of the Constitution changes, which was adopted as an integral part of a Peace Agreement which only or most important goal was to "end the war". After the cessation of armed conflict, the large number of B&H administration, overlapping of competencies, inconsistency of internal structure (one part (entity) functions on the "republican model" while the other on the "federal"), and above all the reality of everyday life, as well as the challenges encountered by the citizens of B&H imposed as a necessity changes of the Constitu...

Cet article interroge les usages managériaux du droit à travers le cas du travail détaché, soit l’envoi temporaire de salariés au sein d’entreprises d’autres États membres de l’Union européenne, qui demeurent affiliés au régime de sécurité sociale du pays d’origine. L’article se focalise sur les entreprises de travail temporaires (ETT) détachant leurs salariés en France, dont les représentants font office d’intermédiaires entre intérimaires, entreprises utilisatrices et autorités publiques de régulation du travail et de la protection sociale. Il vise à comprendre comment ces agences d’intérim tirent paradoxalement profit d’un cadre légal toujours plus contraignant. L’essor du détachement intérimaire est d’abord présenté comme une forme d’européanisation du marché du travail par le bas, tant en matière de réglementations de l’emploi et de la protection sociale que de catégories de salariés concernés. Si les réformes légales renforcent l’intermédiarité des ETT, leurs activités ne se pérennisent qu’à travers le ciblage de secteurs professionnels concentrant une main-d’œuvre étrangère très précaire. Sont ensuite distingués trois rôles d’intermédiaires du droit et du marché européen, incarnés par les représentants de ces agences d’intérim : fournir une main-d’œuvre bon marché tout en promouvant sa fiabilité et sa flexibilité ; assurer l’hypermobilité des salariés et leur maintien à distance du droit et des institutions en mesure de les défendre ; attester de la conformité juridique du travail déclaré par les entreprises utilisatrices auprès des autorités légales.

The present book European Classical Literature, MJC - 2 of Semester - II, has been carefully prepared to meet the academic requirements of undergraduate students pursuing English under the CBCS curriculum. The book aims to provide a clear, comprehensive, and student-friendly understanding of the prescribed texts, authors, and concepts included in the syllabus.
Each unit of the book has been structured to offer both conceptual clarity and critical insight. The chapters include summaries, analyses, thematic discussions, and important questions designed to help students develop a deeper appreciation of literature as both an art form and a reflection of human experience. Efforts have been made to maintain academic precision while ensuring accessibility for learners at all levels.
This book is intended not merely as an aid for examination preparation, but as a companion for serious engagement with literature. It encourages students to think independently, interpret creatively, and develop linguistic and analytical competence.
I extend my sincere gratitude to T T International Publication for their continued encouragement and support in bringing this book to life. My thanks also go to fellow teachers, students, and readers whose valuable feedback has enriched this work.
It is my hope that this reference book will serve as a reliable guide and a meaningful contribution to the study of English Literature at the undergraduate level.

Dr Tarun Kumar Yadav

This book outlines major trends in language use by early modern diplomats, mainly in the European context, through a series of case studies and overviews of regional diplomatic traditions.
During the early modern period, linguistic practices in European diplomacy changed drastically, as the decline of Latin and German as diplomatic languages paved the way for the rise of French as a pan-European medium of diplomacy. While it was no secret that French was the dominant language of European elites during the eighteenth century, surprisingly little is known about the way this cultural trend translated into a major linguistic shift in diplomacy. This volume offers a broader perspective, tracking these changes throughout the early modern period. Spanning three centuries and extending across and beyond continental Europe, the contributors map the pace, the mechanisms, the reasons and the limits for changes in the use of languages in early modern diplomacy and explore the linguistic practices of diplomats as an indicator of wider social, cultural, and political changes.
A novel study of European diplomacy and linguistic interactions, this book will be of interest to historians, in particular those working on language practices in diplomacy and the social history of languages.

Cet essai examine les conséquences sociales et politiques des politiques d'austérité mises en œuvre dans les démocraties contemporaines.         
À travers les notions de violence structurelle, de désindustrialisation et d'autoritarisme par la dette, il interroge la tendance des systèmes économiques modernes à faire peser les coûts des déséquilibres financiers sur les catégories les plus vulnérables : malades, pensionnés, chômeurs et jeunes générations. L'exemple de la stabilisation monétaire allemande de 1923, fondée sur la restauration de la confiance et des capacités productives, est mobilisé pour illustrer qu'un redressement durable ne peut reposer sur la seule accumulation de sacrifices. L'article défend l'idée que la vitalité d'une démocratie se mesure moins à ses institutions qu'à sa capacité à préserver la dignité et les droits fondamentaux de ses citoyens les plus fragiles.

Purpose of the study. Development of a mathematical tool for assessing and predicting strategies of deferred demand on the market of household appliances. Methodological basis of the study is the basic tenets of neo-Keynesian economic theory and methods of statistical analysis: the method of grouping and binary regression. The study analyzed more than 800 questionnaires of consumers of household appliances. The study results in the authors' definition of deferred demand as an economic category, provides main reasons for the transfer of part of the demand into deferred in the face of uncertainty, identifies factors that shape deferred demand on the market of household appliances; marks general and specific features of the market of household appliances in the Republic of Bashkortostan distinguishing it from the Russian market as a whole; a model of binary regression was built and tested; a strong correlation between the amount of deferred demand, price index, dollar exchange rate, unemployment rate and the index of consumer confidence was proved, which allows to predict the subsequent deferred demand for household appliances. The proposed study results represent a continuation and development of the study of consumer demand and behavior conducted by the authors in this field.

Oly időket élünk, amikor a világ, így az Európai Unió tagállamainak életét is felforgatta a koronavírus-járvány és az egyre csak eszkalálódó ukrán-orosz fegyveres konfliktus. Ezek különösen az EU gazdaságát érintik súlyosan. Az ellátási nehézségek az energiaellátottság területén, illetve a felfelé kúszó infláció komoly kihívásokkal szembesítették a tagállamok kormányait, arra késztetve őket, hogy beavatkozzanak a piaci viszonyokba a kedvezőtlen folyamatok megakadályozására, illetve ezek negatív hatásait próbálják megfékezni, amennyire csak lehet. Szinte soha nem látott mértékben és volumenben folyamodnak a lakosságot és vállalkozásokat érintő állami támogatásokhoz. Jogi szempontból a fő kérdés az, hogy adott esetben fennáll-e olyan rendkívüli helyzet, amely alapján az állami beavatkozás kellően indokolt és arányos. Tény, hogy a Covid19-járvány rendkívüli helyzetet teremtett, hiszen egy világjárvánnyá vált. Ugyanakkor az e világjárványhoz kapcsolódó állami intézkedéseket, azok megalapozottságát egyenként kell megvizsgálni, és el kell végezni az idevonatkozó versenyjogi teszteket, különösen akkor, ha az intézkedések más uniós tagállam alanyait is érintik, és azoknak vélt vagy valós versenyhátrányt okoznak.

This paper examines the politics of appropriation through which the meaning of academic freedom is strategically redeployed within contemporary struggles over knowledge and governance. Across both illiberal regimes and consolidated liberal democracies, recent years have witnessed escalating disputes over freedom of speech and academic freedom – concepts increasingly collapsed in political and public discourse. This conflation is not incidental but strategic: by invoking the authority of “free speech”, political actors reframe academic freedom thereby narrowing its scope and undermining its democratic potential. What appears as the protection of freedom thus functions as a disciplinary mechanism, reordering scientific knowledge for national, cultural, or geopolitical advantage. This politics of appropriation is powerful precisely because it does not present itself as censorship but as the mainstreaming of anti-liberal norms within the very institutions designed to protect post-war freedoms. Academic freedom is thereby transformed from a practice of critical inquiry into an instrument aligned with nationalist, authoritarian, and neoliberal orders. Reclaiming academic freedom as a contingent, collective practice of inquiry and truth-telling remains crucial if universities are to serve as spaces of accountability and democratic imagination in a fractured geopolitical order.

Создание корпусов текстов является одним из приоритетных направлений в современной компьютерной лингвистике. Проведение конференции по данной тематике знакомит ученых с современными разработками и новыми технологическими решениями в этой области, а также способствует обобщению опыта научных исследований по корпусной лингвистике.

The article presents a methodology whose aim was: first, to present the problem of the influence of conflicts upon family and business spheres in family businesses and to conduct a statistical analysis on a large sample, second: to check whether similar results can be obtained making use of small samples, randomly chosen from a large sample and analyzed using Grey Systems Theory tools. Design/Methodology/Approach: The obtained data was used for correlation analyses and analyses that follow the procedure of Grey Incidence Analysis. The research outcome corroborated the convergence of results for both analytical approaches, which, according to the authors, allows the presented research methodology to be used with small samples of family businesses. The obtained research results confirm the hypothesis which says that the results of conclusions drawn from a small amount of data using the GST methods are in keeping with the results of correlational research for a large amount of data defining the same phenomenon. Practical implications: The results of the research indicate the usefulness of grey incidence analysis in empirical research on family business issues. Originality/value: The research presented in the article is a positive verification of grey analytical models which can be extremely useful for empirical analyses conducted on small research samples.

In the context of the ongoing crisis, the EU must re-evaluate why enlargement has been successful in the past and understand the obstacles facing it today. Only then will the EU be able to reconceptualise enlargement for a new era and revive its foundering soft power. Abstract The paper focuses on three main topics: 1. The paradigmal change in EU enlargement studies which results from a series of thematic shifts-from the study of the factors influencing the success of the enlargement towards the registration and understanding of the crisis in the Eastern enlargement which culminates in the reversibility of Europeanization; from the commonality of the processes of enlargement, or at least of compatibility of the national states, the crisis redirects the attention at national, sectoral and temporal differences; from levels of harmonization of Law through the crisis of the acquis implementation and the protracted fight against corruption towards the more fundamental problem of the rule...

For Europe’s strongest middle powers, the summit between Xi Jinping and Donald Trump is a structural marker of the international system’s consolidation into bipolarity. The symbolism of two leaders negotiating trade, technology controls, crisis management, and geopolitical red lines underscores a reality that European policymakers have been slow to internalize. The gravitational center of global politics lies in Washington and Beijing. Europe’s agency and strategic autonomy is consequential but conditional.

Today, an important part of the threats facing the EU comes from its southern neighborhood namely the MENA region. Along with this trend, the EU's approach to the MENA region has been constantly evolving since the end of the Cold War. In this framework, aiming to analyze regions' policies towards each other during different periods generally, and EU's approach towards MENA in particular, by using an eclectic theoretical model in order to illustrate the relevance, and even growing prominence of geopolitics in 21rst century's global and regional politics, this article asks "how and why has the EU's policy towards the MENA changed since the 1990s?" To answer this question, by using the proposed theoretical model, the current EU interests and challenges in the MENA are discussed; then, drawing on a historical analysis, it is showed how have intra-regional dynamisms of the EU, interregional dynamisms between the EU and the MENA, and transregional developments prevalent on their relations evolved during three recent decades; and the reflection of the EU's "return to geopolitics" in its policies towards MENA are documentarily examined. In other words, the article exemplifies how the EU has changed its policy towards the MENA, from Geo-culture-based to Geo-economics-based, and at last, to Geopolitics-based. Finally, while summarizing the possible research achievements, its implications for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially in its relations with the EU, are pointed out. Given that we, on the one hand, have developed a causal model for analyzing regions' policy towards each other, and on the other hand, have analyzed the EU's policy documents, drawn on both explanatory and descriptive methods simultaneously.

Purpose: This article aims to analyse the effectiveness of the monitoring
system for sector strategies, with particular attention to public administration
reform in Kosovo. It seeks to determine whether the monitoring
system serves its purpose in measuring performance and the achievement
of the results envisaged in sector strategies, thereby supporting
evidence-based decision-making, the measurement of institutional performance,
and related processes.
Design/methodology/approach: The study employs a qualitative research
methodology, combining document analysis of monitoring and evaluation
reports published by Kosovo institutions during 2024 and 2025, public administration
reform strategies, and sector strategies related to the published
monitoring and evaluation reports. This method is complemented
by the authors’ non-participatory observation and by secondary literature
from various international organisations, particularly the OECD, the
World Bank and UNDP, as well as from civil society and other domestic
stakeholders shaping results-based monitoring in Kosovo.
Findings: The study reveals that Kosovo’s public administration has undertaken
formal steps to institutionalise a results-based monitoring
system in public sector planning, including strategic planning requirements,
reporting procedures and general reporting practices. However,
challenges remain regarding the quality of the results-based monitoring
system and its components, including objectives, indicators, targets and
related elements. Reporting, particularly the annual reporting system, is
in place and practised. However, most of the analysed reports contain
information primarily at the output-indicator level, while some report at
the outcome level. Reporting, monitoring and evaluation at the impact
level remain overly ambitious. The study also provides evidence that
monitoring continues to rely heavily on administrative data, that the use
of diversified information-collection methods is limited, and that civil society
involvement remains restricted.
Academic contribution to the field: The article contributes to the body
of literature on public sector monitoring systems, particularly in newly
established and transitional public administrations. It provides a country-
specific analysis of Kosovo and enriches the comparative regional
literature on monitoring and evaluation systems in the Western Balkan
countries. The article also links theoretical perspectives with the practical
implications of monitoring frameworks in public sector reforms.
Originality/significance/value: The article focuses on the analysis of documents
that present the monitoring framework in the context of public
administration reforms and the country’s European integration process.
It is valuable for public administration institutions, policy-makers in Kosovo,
civil society stakeholders, donors and development partners, as
well as scholars interested in public administration reforms, particularly
monitoring systems in public administration.

Internationalization of value chains and of for-profit as well as non-profit organizations, and as a result of cheaper and safer mass migration, transnational labor mobility is of increasing importance. The article presents the development of the different types of cross-border labor mobility (from long-term labor migration over expatriats/inpatriats up to business traveling); it analyses crucial aspects of labor conditions and how the collective regulation of working, employment and participation conditions in general is affected: could local or national forms of labor regulation cope with these new conditions? What are the main challenges when it comes to collective bargaining and the monitoring of labor conditions? The article is based on a three year international and comparative research in Germany and Mexico. First, different ideal types of transnational labor mobility are distinguished that have emerged as a result of increasing cross-border labor mobility. Then potential sou...

RESUMO Este trabalho aborda o problema da "categorização", ou seja, a forma com a qual organizamos nossa experiência, através da Teoria dos Protótipos. Para tanto, tem dois obje-tivos: primeiro, apresentar uma revisão crítica da evolução dos estudos acerca da categori-zação, desde a abordagem clássica até a da Teoria dos Protótipos e, segundo, estabelecer as diferenças entre dois momentos desta teoria: a versão padrão, que vê o protótipo como o exemplar mais idôneo de uma categoria e a versão ampliada que, na verdade, não é uma evolução, mas sim uma ruptura, pois abandona a noção de protótipo e adota a de graus de prototipicidade.

Cet article examine le paradoxe entre les hiérarchies de puissance visibles et les potentiels stratégiques latents dans les relations internationales. En partant du parallèle historique de 1939 , où les États-Unis et l'Union soviétique étaient systématiquement sous-estimés malgré leur profondeur structurelle,  il analyse les positions contemporaines des États-Unis, de la Chine, de la Russie et de l'Europe. L'Union européenne y est présentée non comme un acteur en déclin, mais comme une puissance silencieuse, dont la densité économique, scientifique, industrielle et normative constitue un capital latent considérable. L'article soutient que le facteur décisif des transformations géopolitiques n'est pas la puissance apparente à un moment donné, mais la capacité à convertir des structures diffuses en action collective lorsque les circonstances historiques l'exigent.

In its practice so far, the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) has two key sources of inspiration regarding the protection of fundamental rights: the first source is the constitutional traditions of the EU Member States, while the second one is the international agreements that protect human rights and freedoms, signed by the Member States of the Union. Although it is a question of two intertwined and interdependent sources, the CJEU still very often considers them separately on a case-by-case basis. In the legal argumentation, it is a fact that the EU Member States remain obliged to respect not only EU law, but also the UN human rights conventions, to take care of the application of the law of the Council of Europe, and in certain cases, the international customary law. There are strong arguments in support of this position in EU law as well. Therefore, the position of the EU is represented as a key factor in the respect of human rights and freedoms that directly derive from the UN Charter and from other UN conventions for the protection of human rights. In order to protect human rights from parallel multifacetedness that can lead to negative implications, the EU institutions, predominantly through the CJEU, cooperate with the competent institutions of the Council of Europe and the UN and, on a formal or informal level, accept the already established standards in the promotion and protection of human rights. In the paper, the emphasis of the analysis will be on explaining the phenomenology of this legal and/or procedural game that takes place at the institutional level with special reference to the principle of primacy and legitimacy. The basic hypothesis of the paper is that Europe has complex system of fundamental rights protection. It is a truly "crowded house". 1

Greece has gradually realigned itself towards a multilateral diplomatic and economic policy in the first two decades of the 21st century. Greece balances between its various geopolitical identities, its Euro-Atlantic dimension being a member of the EU and NATO, its Eurasian dimension being a member of the BRI and the gateway of China into EU with its Piraeus port, and its regional dimension manifested in cooperation networks with Egypt and Israel. In an era of regional friction, the challenges for Greek foreign policy remain pressing with Greece attempting to navigate the global geopolitical environment as an independent actor and safeguard its interests.

Politics in the advanced industrialized democracies has become increasingly polarized around the divide between liberal democrats and right-wing populists. The aim here is to better understand the nature of this contest. Challenging the prevailing view among political scientists that rightwing populism constitutes only a "thin" ideology, I argue that it represents a coherent vision of human nature, society, and governance that differs fundamentally from liberal democracy in its basic assumptions about the nature and dynamics of social life and the moral principles that guide it. Focusing on mutual accusations of corruption, I elucidate the ideological foundations that underlie each side's vision of the other as a threat to what is true and good. The essay concludes with a brief consideration of two possible paths forward: deliberative engagement grounded in shared human concerns and fundamental beliefs, or strategic conflict driven by a recognition of irreconcilable differences.

This paper examines the crises that affected the medieval and early modern periods, focusing on social, economic, political, and environmental issues (Kalan, 2024; Swinney & Crawford, 2021). The main goal is to analyze these crises and their effects, including famines, plagues, and political conflicts, and to understand their lasting influence on European society (Benedictow, n.d.; Muhlberger, 2020). The study seeks to uncover the connections between historical events and their broader impacts, offering a clear view of how these crises produced significant changes in governance, social structures, and economic systems (Editors, 2026; Encyclopedia Britannica, 2026). Unlike previous studies that often treat each crisis separately or underscore either destruction or renewal, this paper provides an integrated synthesis across several crisis types and regions, highlighting the interrelated nature of these events and their combined role as both sources of hardship and catalysts for transformation (Kalan, 2024; Swinney & Crawford, 2021). The research uses a mixed-method approach, combining analysis of historical texts with data on population changes, trade, and financial indicators (Kalan, 2024). It includes case studies of important crises, such as the Black Death and the Thirty Years' War, and draws on ideas from history, sociology, and economics (Benedictow, n.d.; Muhlberger, 2020). The results show that while crises often caused immediate suffering, they also triggered innovation and reform (Kalan, 2024; Editors, 2026). For example, the demographic changes following the Black Death created labour shortages, thereby improving peasants' status (Benedictow, n.d.). Similarly, political upheavals, though destabilizing, often led to stronger, more effective governing systems (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2026). The findings show how societies can bounce back from hardships and the difficulty of managing crises in history. In conclusion, understanding these crises is vital for grasping the development of modern Europe and offers lessons for current challenges (Muhlberger, 2020; Swinney & Crawford, 2021).

Ireland and the United Kingdom: A Century of Relations (1921–2021) offers a comprehensive analysis of one hundred years of complex political, legal, and social relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom. Beginning with the partition of Ireland and the establishment of the Irish Free State, the book traces the evolving nature of bilateral relations through conflict, cooperation, and reconciliation. Particular attention is paid to constitutional developments, questions of sovereignty and identity, the Northern Ireland conflict, and the impact of European integration, including Brexit. Combining historical inquiry with legal and political analysis, the monograph adopts a multidisciplinary approach to capture the changing dynamics between the two states. By situating key events within their broader international and European contexts, the book provides a nuanced assessment of how past legacies continue to shape present and future relations between Ireland and the United Kingdom.

Autorka se u radu bavi pitanjem položaja zaposlenih sa porodičnim dužnostima u evropskom pravu. S obzirom na to da se zaposleni sa porodičnim dužnostima suočavaju sa nizom izazova na profesionalnom planu, neophodno je da pozitivno zakonodavstvo prepozna ove izazove i poteškoće i da na adekvatan način odgovori na njih. Uspostavljanje ravnoteže profesionalnog i porodičnog života je imperativ koji mora biti na odgovarajući način manifestovan u zakonodavstvu. U tom smislu je u radu analizirano regulisanje položaja zaposlenih sa porodičnim dužnostima u nekomunitarnom i komunitarnom, odnosno pravu Evropske unije. Iako su zaposleni sa porodičnim dužnostima u određenom stepenu zaštićeni, treba podsticati garantovanje što većeg stepena zaštite u evropskom zakonodavstvu i praksi. Ključne reči: zaposleni sa porodičnim dužnostima, ravnoteža profesionalnog i porodičnog života, jednakost polova, nekomunitarno evropsko pravo, pravo Evropske unije Pitanje ljudskog dostojanstva je neodvojivo od pitanja zaposlenja budući da posao obezbeđuje zaposlenima, tj. njihovim članovima porodice sredstva za život. 1 * Autorka je student doktorskih studija Pravnog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu i advokatski pripravnik u advokatskoj kancelariji Gecić Law, Beograd.

This article reconsiders the phenomenon whereby individuals feel compelled to become members of political parties through the conceptual framework of Hakki Tan's Reality Paradigm. Political party membership is commonly understood within modern political theory as an act of voluntary participation, ideological commitment or civic association. Yet in many political and social contexts, party membership may function not merely as an expression of belief, but as a code of recognition, protection, access, social survival and systemic legibility. The article does not treat party membership as a uniform act of obedience. Rather, it examines it as a contested threshold between recognition, counter-recognition, strategic action, risk, temporal opposition, cartelised opposition, high electoral turnout, selective legibility, post-party energy management, antagonistic legibility, Onopticonic interruption and opacity. It applies the concepts of the Onopticon, Homovictimus, compulsory recognition, selective legibility, the imposition of the field of possibility, weak contestability, local Onopticons, temporal opposition, cartelised opposition, energy management, symbiotic reality, antagonistic legibility, Onopticonic interruption, infrastructural collapse, biological interruption and opacity to the domains of party membership and electoral reality. in order to operate. Event, interruption, infrastructural collapse and biological limits therefore mark the boundaries of Onopticonic power.

Közép-és Kelet-Európa politikai kultúráját figyelembe véve, a globalizációval és az európaizációval járó jelentős társadalmi változásokat leginkább a társadalmi mozgalmak képesek előidézni. Számos kutatás ellenére kérdéses, hogy a V4-ek országaira jellemző mozgalmak inkább a konfliktusos vagy az együttműködéses megoldást választják. A dolgozat célja, hogy az erre utaló általános tendenciákat empirikus adatok segítségével tárja fel. A tanulmány a következő kérdésekre keresi a választ: a) Melyek azok a normák, amelyek a jelenlegi V4-ek országaiban fennálló "stabil" társadalmi rendet alkotják? b) Ezzel szemben milyen szereplők szeretnének változást? c) Van-e lényeges eltérés a nemzeti, illetve az uniós cselekvési térben szereplő aktorok és domináns cselekvési módjaik között? A kutatás a European Social Survey, a GDELT (Global Data on Events, Location and Tone), valamint a Transparency Register adatait használja fel. Globalization and Europeanization have significantly contributed to a change in the role of the nation states. Considering the specifics of Central and Eastern European political culture, major societal changes are most likely to be triggered by social movements. Despite numerous researches, it is still debated whether the most significant social movements of the V4 countries tend to choose the cooperative or the conflictual way as their dominant action strategy. The purpose of this paper is to examine the general tendencies of the social movements using empirical data. The study seeks answers to the following questions: a) Which norms best characterize the "stable" Máthé Réka Zsuzsánna a Nemzeti Közszolgálati Egyetem doktorjelöltje.

to the journal of the International Language and Law Society (www.illa.org). All manner of all scientific discourse is couched in language. This holds for language in the domain of law with a vengeance: all concepts in law are linguistically constituted and expressed. All legally relevant meanings and contexts are transported through the vehicle of language. They are thus created through and in language, and cannot therefore be independent of language, just as the law cannot be independent of society, which is where language resides. While the laws of nature would be valid even if nobody would ever have verbalized them, the laws of society only come about via communication. The laws of society do not exist before they are debated and negotiated. The "meaning"-and the change of meaning-of concepts in law, as well as the "interpretation" of terms is to a large extent some kind of linguistic analysis, with attendant and persistent problems including issues of vagueness, ambiguity, precision and "plainness". Apart from this inherent fundamental affinity between language and law, there are numerous ways in which the legal process at various stages involves language in negotiations or contestations, such as court proceedings or police interviews, for which linguistic analysis has developed well-established concepts of description and explanation. These concepts can be taken up to elucidate the legal process and help analyze and teach successful procedure. Language, languages, and dialects are themselves often the issue in many legal procedures around the world, apart from the language-related issues of access to justice. In addition, there are many ways in which law, language and society are inextricably interrelated. Law-makers and judges should be supplied with a body of scientific knowledge to draw upon in making their decisions. It is therefore appropriate that an international society should advance and focus research on the interdependence of language and law in all of its facets, from theoretical approaches to the resolution of practical issues. With the world moving together ever closer in trade, law and communication, it is appropriate that the study of language in law comprise all points of interface between these disciplines. As these issues appear in law generally and are not restricted to a particular

If NATO were to disintegrate, the first thing to be lost would not be a building, a logo, or the headquarters in Brussels. The first thing to be lost would be the sense of automaticity. Today, NATO's most important strength is not merely tanks, aircraft, or missiles; its most important strength lies in the fact that, in the event of an attack, the adversary cannot provide a clear answer to the question: "Am I fighting just this country, or the entire alliance?" Deterrence feeds on precisely this uncertainty. NATO's Article 5 states that an armed attack against one member is considered an attack against all members, and this provision has a significant political impact. This unity makes it difficult for the aggressor to calculate the consequences.

Purpose: The Covid-19 pandemic caused significant changes in the functioning of social services in Europe and in the world, and these changes affected both developing and developed countries. The aim of this article is to answer the question of how these changes are evaluated by social workers themselves. Design/Methodology/Approach: The basis for the article was the analysis of: 1/ the results of the original research project 'Social work during the Covid-19 pandemic' conducted in 2020-2021 in the Pomeranian Voivodeship in Poland, 2/ legal regulations regarding the organisation of work in social welfare institutions. 12 social workers from various institutions of the social welfare sector took part in the qualitative research. The interviews focused on two main areas, i.e. 1/ the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the organisation of work (including the emerging of changes in legal regulations) and 2/ the impact on the psychological comfort of work, stress level and possible changes in interpersonal relations of the employees and their charges. Conclusions resulting from the second of the mentioned research areas have been shown in this article. Findings: The introduced legal and organisational regulations resulting from sanitary restrictions significantly influenced the methods of social work in social welfare institutions. These changes enabled the implementation of key tasks of social workers towards their charges and at the same time ensured a relatively high level of health security. By means of the research, thinking of maintaining the continuity of the support provided, the organisation of social work during the pandemic can be evaluated as positive. Nevertheless, the experience of the first waves of the pandemic shows that it is necessary to develop methods of remote social work in those areas where it is possible. Practical implications: In the light of the analysed research material, three recommendations are particularly important. The first one is methodological, it is recommended to treat the analysed qualitative research as a pilot study for research projects with a nationwide (in relation to Poland) and European area, taking into account the differences and similarities in the organisation of social assistance systems in particular countries. The second concerns a deep evaluation of the effectiveness of the introduced legislative regulations regarding the methods of providing support, and at the same time protecting social workers against epidemiological threats. The last of them is educational: it is recommended to develop and organise standardised training for employees of the social welfare sector, including social workers 1/ in the area of sanitary and epidemiological procedures that should be implemented in emergencies, 2/ in the area of application and adaptation of ICT technologies for remote social work, 3/ in the area of dealing with stress.
Originality/value: The article draws attention to the experiences of employees of social welfare institutions in the pandemic. Interpersonal relations with charges, personal meetings, face-to-face communication are one of the most important tools in social work. The Covid-19 pandemic inevitably led to a situation in which the health security of employees and their charges was in some way opposed to the social security of the latter. The introduced rules of social distance made it difficult, and often prevented, the use of useful methods and techniques used in social work. In order to analyse the organisational and legal solutions used in Poland during the first waves of the pandemic, the results of the original qualitative research with social workers (Pomeranian Voivodeship) were used.

This is a master plan that fuses geopolitical diagnosis, institutional economics, and great-power strategic design into a single, coherent blueprint for Europe’s next fifteen years. Its central judgment is as cold as it is clear: American hegemony is entering a 15-to-20-year structural collapse—encompassing economic foundations, social cohesion, and military overextension—and if Europe continues to serve as a “blood bag” for the transatlantic system, it will become a pawn on the great-power chessboard by the 2040s, not a player.

The book weaves “strategic autonomy” and “mutually beneficial symbiosis” into a unified strategic logic. The author does not indulge in the fantasy of incremental reform within Brussels’ bureaucratic machinery. Instead, it designs an immediately executable “Franco-German dual-track architecture”: the full EU-27 provides institutional legitimacy and funding scale, while the E6 core group (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, the Netherlands) serves as the real strategic engine, leveraging Article 20 of the Treaty on Lisbon—“enhanced cooperation”—to bypass the unanimity trap that has paralyzed European action at every critical juncture.

What truly distinguishes this work from conventional EU studies is its complete strategic engineering across three continents.

The Russia dimension rejects the moralized prolongation of confrontation. It offers a rigorously phased, ten-year rapprochement roadmap: from political ice-breaking and high-level secret channels, to comprehensive agreement signing and staged sanctions relief, to deep institutional alignment between the EAEU and the EU Single Market, the reconstruction of the OSCE into a pan-European security body, and the construction of a euro-denominated energy settlement system. The ultimate objective is not appeasement, but a new security architecture “from the Atlantic to the Urals” that restores European energy security and strategic breathing room.

The Africa dimension abandons the charity logic of development aid in favor of industrial symbiosis and resource complementarity. Using the five North African countries as forward pivots, it maps the EU-Africa Industrial Corridor—European design and management, African production, European markets—across three implementation phases. It details the African Green Hydrogen Corridor as Europe’s future energy lifeline, and embeds human-capital bonds through European Partnership Universities and technical colleges that create a trans-Mediterranean professional network whose loyalty is structural, not sentimental.

The military dimension confronts Europe’s ultimate vulnerability: the absence of credible autonomous deterrence. It proposes the “Europeanization” of France’s nuclear arsenal through a shared-cost, shared-benefit framework, and the creation of a European Defence Joint Command—built around a five-nation core, independent from NATO but in transitional parallel—capable of autonomous judgment when core European interests diverge from Washington’s priorities.

Beneath this strategic superstructure lies a precision-built institutional OS. The legal and governance framework covers international-law compliance, bilateral investment treaties, sanctions-circumvention pathways, and ESG safeguards that preempt “neo-colonialism” accusations. The fiscal architecture introduces Strategic Autonomy Bonds collateralized by Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism revenues, a €30 billion Strategic Action Rapid Fund for agile deployment, and the concept of a Euro-African Development Investment Bank independent of the Washington-controlled system. The strategic-communications chapter provides narrative-reconstruction manuals to neutralize populist resistance and seize discourse initiative in the Global South.

If you follow EU institutional reform and the political mechanics of East-West interest coordination; if you track the energy geopolitics of the EU-Russia-China triangle; if you need a practical handbook that decomposes macro vision into annual indicators, financing leverage ratios, and legal pathways—this book delivers a rare, end-to-end strategic framework. It is not a wish list of what Europe should become. It is an operating-system upgrade: a detailed, budget-conscious, legally grounded manual for how Europe can complete the historical leap from vassal to pole without triggering systemic shock.

The European Union (EU) membership perspective has not motivated Western Balkan countries to fully adopt the liberal values and ideas constituting the EU normative community. Regional leaders have been acting for some time as creative resisters to the political conditions for EU accession. This chapter investigates the extent to which norm contestation in the Western Balkans has been the outcome of authoritarian norm diffusion by external illiberal actors such as Russia, China, and Türkiye. It argues that the contestatory practices of Russia, China, and Türkiye are not the main drivers of the region-wide non-compliance with the democracy and rule of law norms. External illiberal powers have been playing a secondary role, supporting some of the contestatory practices of local leaders against liberal norms. Therefore, considering its power of attraction in most of the Western Balkans, the EU should demand more tenaciously from regional governments to consistently carry out the necessary reforms that would foster the resilience of local institutions against both internal and external illiberal pressures.

On May 7, 2026 Yanis Varoufakis was interviewed by Glenn Diesen. The theme was Europe Entering a Century of Humiliation? Few contemporary European intellectuals provoke as much controversy as Yanis Varoufakis. To supporters, he is one of the few European politicians willing to confront the structural contradictions of globalization, financial capitalism, and European technocracy. To critics, he is a brilliant but theatrical radical whose diagnoses often exceed his practical solutions. Varoufakis is not merely an academic economist. He became an international political figure during the Greek debt crisis of 2015, when he served briefly as finance minister in the left-wing Syriza government under Alexis Tsipras. During negotiations with the so-called "Troika"the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the European Commission-Varoufakis became the most visible critic of Europe's austerity regime. His experience during those negotiations shaped his worldview profoundly. Varoufakis concluded that the eurozone crisis was not simply an economic crisis, but evidence that democratic sovereignty inside the European Union had become subordinate to financial governance and technocratic management. When Greek voters rejected austerity in a national referendum, the underlying policy direction barely changed. To Varoufakis, this demonstrated that economic power within the EU had migrated away from democratic electorates toward supranational institutions, creditor interests, and unelected financial structures. Whether one agrees with him or not, Varoufakis forced Europe to confront uncomfortable questions: • Who truly governs Europe? • Can democratic sovereignty survive inside highly integrated financial systems? • Is the European Union becoming politically detached from the societies it governs? • And can Europe remain strategically relevant in a world increasingly dominated by continental-scale powers such as United States and China? His recent warning that Europe may face a "century of humiliation" should therefore not be dismissed as rhetorical excess alone. It reflects

espanolLa seguridad energetica es un tema de importancia en la Union Europea. Existen diversas iniciativas que agrupan a varios Estados miembros de la Union Europea en torno a sus intereses energeticos regionales. En este documento tratamos de entender el contexto energetico europeo desde las perspectiva espanola. De esta manera, la Estrategia de Seguridad Energetica Nacional estrenada el 20 de julio de 2015 adquiere su verdadera dimension EnglishThe Energetic Security is an important subject in European Union. There are several initiatives that gather several European Union Member States by regional energetic objectives. This paper shows energetic European context from Spanish point of view. This approach allows us better comprehension of The Spanish Energetic Security Strategy launched in July 2015.

Michel Serres proposes a philosophy of science based on connections and relations. Adopting an orientation of porosity where rigid categories of knowledge are traversed and deconstructed, Serres's approach maintains individual truths while working toward better comprehension of the collective human condition. A polymath, Serres bridges the sciences and humanities, bringing diverse thinkers, events, and historical eras together to critique axiomatic truths and hegemonic categories of knowledge. He suggests new orders, social contracts, and novel politics that show how humans can invent new ways of being in a world founded on violence and parasitism.

Historia upadku Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej stanowi fascynujący przykład rozpadu struktur totalitarnej-lub raczej już posttotalitarnej-struktury władzy. Gdy po 45 latach funkcjonowania niedemokratycznego systemu politycznego dochodzi do serii niekontrolowanych, a zarazem pokojowych przekształceń, partia-państwo jest niewątpliwie jednym z najważniejszych aktorów na politycznej scenie. Nie wystarczy poprzestać na stwierdzeniu, że partia w gruncie rzeczy wrosła w struktury państwowe. Była ona przecież zarazem zbiorowością ludzi będących jej członkami, wstępujących z różnych motywacji w jej szeregi. Próba naszkicowania portretu zbiorowego, a jednocześnie po prostu odpowiedzi na pytanie, czym w gruncie rzeczy była partia komunistyczna w ostatnich miesiącach swojego funkcjonowania, to pomysł zasługujący na uznanie. Chociaż literatura na temat ostatnich lat funkcjonowania PRL jest obfita, ma też znaczące luki. Jednym z istotniejszych braków są właśnie dzieje partii komunistycznej. W dalszym ciągu podstawową pozycją pozostaje monografia Antoniego Dudka1, rekonstruująca wielopłaszczyznowo proces polityczny od głębokiego kryzysu władzy PZPR aż po ustąpienie Wojciecha Jaruzelskiego ze stanowiska Prezydenta III RP. Politykę Jaruzelskiego od X Zjazdu do wyborów czerwcowych przedstawił w swojej monografii Paweł Kowal. Wypada podkreślić, że tego autora nie interesuje niestety sam schyłek funkcjonowania PZPR. W ostatnich latach ukazały się zbiory studiów poświęcone różnym aspektom transformacji od komunizmu do kapitalizmu i od dyktatury do demokracji, w których kontekstowo pojawiała się także problematyka ewolucji i rozpadu struktur partyjnych.

What is the relationship between the European Union and the Western Balkans, and Serbia in particular? The author reviews the process of accession of the Western Balkan countries (with a focus on Serbia) to the European Union, but also the geopolitical stakes in this region, which is sought after by external actors such as China and Russia, and which the European Union should pay more attention in order to strengthen its strategic autonomy. The EU needs to take a bold stance in the Western Balkans and France wants to be at the forefront. European actors must show future member states that the door to full membership is indeed open, but only if they can truly embrace democratic values. In his analysis, the author writes about Serbia's path towards EU integration through an increasingly close relationship with France. The current situation in Serbia is rather complex. Will it continue with its "hamster in the wheel" approach, where the result is always expected to be the same, or should Serbia adopt a different approach for the future? As concerns Serbia, France will certainly continue to insist on economic cooperation and the improvement of French investments in Serbia. They will also take a stand against damaging foreign influences which they believe could potentially destabilize the region and are fundamentally at cross purposes with the policy favored by the European Union.

This study presents a two-part argument of considerable prophetic consequence.

Part I, The Edomite Hypothesis, argues from first-century historiography, modern genetics, and prophetic Scripture that the ruling class of modern Jerusalem—like the Herodian dynasty of antiquity—are largely Edomite (Idumean) converts to Judaism and not the biological descendants of the Tribe of Judah.

Part II, The Lost Sheep Found, then addresses the natural follow-on question raised by Part I: if the modern Ashkenazi are not ethnic Israel, where are the true genetic descendants of Jacob today? To answer this poignant question, I present eight data-driven criteria anchored to the biblical timeline of the 1446 BC Exodus and the 1399 BC Conquest of Canaan. In this portion of the study, I have presented and tested my hypothesis against peer-reviewed genetic research, ancient DNA studies, historical primary sources, and comparative linguistics.

Both parts are governed by two foundational principles: first, salvation is by faith in Jesus Christ alone, not by blood or ancestry (Gal 3:28; Rom 10:13); second, God declared that ethnic Israel would never cease to exist as a distinct people (Jer 31:35-37). Consequently, they can be found.

The convergence of evidence across both studies points toward a single conclusion: the modern occupiers of Jerusalem are Edomite impostors, while the genetic descendants of Jacob—Haplogroup R populations of Europe and their diaspora—remain in prophetic amnesia (Jeremiah 50:6), awaiting their awakening and gathering at the return of the Messiah (Ezekiel 37).

“My people have become Lost Sheep;
Their shepherds have led them astray.
They have made them turn aside on the mountains;
They have gone along from mountain to hill
And have forgotten their resting place.”
Jeremiah 50:6

This study considers choreographic knowledge as a foundational yet insufficiently theorised dimension of dance therapy, particularly within the European context. Drawing on selected European choreographers, movement systems, and therapeutic approaches, the study reflects on whether dance therapy can be understood beyond improvisation and reconsidered through compositional, rhythmic, and structured movement practices. Particular attention is given to the therapeutic potential of choreographic knowledge as an embodied, relational, and culturally informed mode of movement understanding.

Ackermans & van Haaren en Europe du Sud-Ouest. Une collaboration européenne avant la lettre raconte la naissance et le développement d’une entreprise familiale aux ambitions de croissance internationales dans le sud de l’Europe et en Irlande dans la première moitié du xxe siècle.
La présente publication se concentre sur les activités du groupe en France, en Espagne, au Portugal et en Irlande. Quel a été le rôle joué par Ackermans & van Haaren comme partenaire des grandes entreprises  de construction françaises dans le sud de l’Europe et  en Irlande ? Dans quelle mesure les conditions difficiles qui prévalaient alors ont-elles affecté la réalisation de ses activités hydrauliques ?
Ce livre fait partie d’une série de publications sur la première période de l’histoire d’Ackermans & van Haaren (1850-1950). Né vers 1850, le groupe est l’émanation d’une entreprise néerlandaise qui a évolué des travaux terrestres vers les travaux maritimes et qui s’est ensuite spécialisée dans le génie hydraulique. Au début du xxe siècle, le champ d’activité s’est élargi de l’Europe vers l’Amérique latine, l’Afrique et l’Asie.
DEME (Dredging, Environmental and Marine Engineering), filiale d’Ackermans & van Haaren, possède aujourd’hui une expérience inégalée dans les travaux de génie hydraulique et affiche l’un des plus beaux palmarès au niveau mondial tout en s’appuyant sur une longue tradition.

As of early 2026, discussions on Ukraine’s prospective membership dominate international coverage of the European Union’s evolving borders. That is somewhat peculiar, given that the website of the European Commission lists1 as many as 10 countries as “candidates for membership.” With the exception of Türkiye— whose accession remains politically unlikely—the remaining candidates emerged from the disintegration of the former socialist bloc and exhibit substantially lower per capita incomes than any state previously admitted to the EU. The largest and poorest among them is war-torn Ukraine. This paper reviews the historical trajectory of the EU’s enlargements using data from the World Bank’s World Development Indicators. Drawing on conceptual tools from world systems analysis, it assesses the economic feasibility and political willingness of the EU to address the development challenges associated with further enlargement. The study also evaluates the likely forms of integration
that may emerge between the EU and its current candidate countries.

Ackermans & van Haaren in Southwest Europe. European cooperation before its time focuses on the foundation and development of a family-owned business with international growth ambitions in southern Europe and Ireland in the first half of the 20th century.
This publication examines the group’s activities in France, Spain, Portugal and Ireland. What was the role of Ackermans & van Haaren as a partner of leading French construction companies in Southern Europe and Ireland? To what extent did difficult times have an impact on the execution of hydraulic engineering works?
This book is part of a series of publications on the earliest history of Ackermans & van Haaren (1850–1950). The group originated around 1850 from a Dutch company that evolved from land-based contracting to marine contracting and went on to specialize in marine engineering. At the beginning of the 20th century, the group extended its geographical scope from Europe to Latin America, Africa and Asia.
DEME (Dredging, Environmental and Marine Engineering), a subsidiary of Ackermans & van Haaren, today boasts unrivalled experience in marine engineering and is one of the most successful companies worldwide with a centuries-old tradition.