History of Interpretation

Some of the basic details of this paper will be familiar to Adventist scholars and students of Adventist history. The fact that James White had a major stroke in 1865 and suffered through a prolonged illness has been noted in numerous publications. 1 But the challenges that James White's first stroke presented to the Seventh-day Adventist Church have not been sufficiently explored or adequately understood. This paper seeks to enrich our understanding of these events while offering some correctives to the historiography. First, scholars have minimized or ignored the tension between the Whites and key Adventist leaders that developed because of James White's first stroke and extended illness. Those authors who have briefly acknowledged a controversy, have either not named the Whites' antagonists, presented them as the Whites' defenders, or myopically suggested

A tradução de uma obra fundamental em um campo de estudos abre uma janela privilegiada para contemplarmos o desenvolvimento do pensamento científico, e, a partir da obra de Chesterman, podemos vislumbrar diversas dimensões desse movimento. Contemplamos aqui a publicação da tradução brasileira da obra Memes da tradução, de autoria de Andrew Chesterman (2022). Em primeiro lugar, tal tradução acrescenta uma pequena pedra no edifício do

Squire, Mark R. “Falling Far from the Tree?: God’s Rejection of Cain Outside the Garden of Eden.” S.T.M. Thesis, Concordia Seminary, 2018. 105 pp. This thesis offers a review of the history of interpretation of the account of Gen 4:1–16. Specifically, the focus of this thesis regards the question of why God favored Abel and his sacrifice and not Cain and his sacrifice. The paper provides an original translation of Gen 4:1–16, as well as translation notes. The historical interpretations of the answer to the question of why God favored Abel over Cain are grouped into three broad categories: Cain’s sacrifice, Cain himself, and Yahweh. The evidence offered in this thesis shows that, despite the fact that the text of Gen 4:1–16 itself does not give an answer to the question, nor does it seem interested in the question itself, scholars have debated the reason behind God’s favoring of Abel for over two millennia, arriving at any number of possible interpretations. Using the text of Gen 4:1...

©inTRAlinea & Gertrudis Payas (2025). "Historia de la traducción / historia de la interpretación ¿Por qué no se pueden disociar en los contextos coloniales?" inTRAlinea Special Issue: Intérpretes: historiografía, contextos y perspectivas de una práctica profesional inTRAlinea [ISSN 1827-000X] is the online translation journal of the Department of Interpreting and Translation (DIT) of the University of Bologna, Italy. This printout was generated directly from the online version of this article and can be freely distributed under Creative Commons License CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

In the last 15 years, there has been a somewhat confusing picture of Adventist views of feelings, emotions, psychology, psychotherapy, counseling, and related topics. And, as in almost any other topic with theological implications within Adventism, Ellen White’s writings played a significant role in arguing, expressing, and advocating differing and often conflicting perspectives. This paper aims to answer what is Ellen White’s perspective on the nature of emotions, and did she consider appropriate to share them with others for the sake of examination and emotional and mental well-being.

the purpose of this article is to present a history of interpretation of the image and likeness of god (gen 1:26-27) from Philo to the present. the article presents the various interpretations given, the reasons for their interpretations and changes in the major interpretation over time.

This essay argues for an unlikely metaphysical reading of hermeneutics that draws on Gadamer's understanding of Heidegger as a thinker who wanted to overcome the nominalist and nihilistic dead-end of modernity. It argues that Gadamer not only had a far more sympathetic and dialogical understanding of metaphysics than his teacher Heidegger but that he himself also relied heavily on the Platonic metaphysics of the Beautiful and the Medieval metaphysics of the transcendentals to establish his main thesis on the original belonging together of Being and Language expressed in his famous dictum "Being that can be understood is language." While acknowledging his debt towards metaphysics, Gadamer also recoiled from the metaphysics of the transcendentals he relied on. One has to ask if he was consistent in doing so.

This study proposes an integrated model of heritage interpretation that addresses the limitations of existing frameworksnamely, cognitively structured didactic models and unstructured hermeneutic approacheswhen applied to contested heritage. Drawing on inclusive and agonistic interpretive theories 1 , the model reframes interpretation as a participatory and political process that balances mutual understanding with structured confrontation.

This is the accepted manuscript of my article, which appeared in Archiv orientální 93(2): pp. 305–336. The final published version is available open access from the publisher at: https://aror.orient.cas.cz/index.php/ArOr/article/view/828.

On April 15, 1912, French writer, explorer, and spiritual seeker Alexandra David-Néel (1868–1969) became the first Western woman to have an interview with the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Ngawang Lobsang Thupten Gyatso (1876–1933). Reading her own French language accounts of this encounter against the Tibetan source, this article contends that the active interventions of Laden La, the interpreter whose presence was conveniently left out of all the official records of this meeting, enabled David-Néel and the Dalai Lama to find much common ground in their theological dialogue, despite talking at cross purposes. By reconstructing the key role played by an invisible interpreter in a historic interpreting event, this article not only offers a new research method for detecting the presence of interpreters in historiographical accounts of interlingual interreligious encounters but also casts fresh light on the pivotal role played by interpreters in the making of global Buddhism, despite their assumed invisibility.

The subject of hermeneutics has received much attention within Adventism in recent years. This is certainly not a new discussion, but as each new generation of believers takes ownership of the Seventh-day Adventist doctrines, message, and mission, old issues resurface and require new answers. I believe one way of finding answers to our current questions is to look at the way our pioneers studied Scriptures and found answers for themselves. In this paper, I wish to present how Ellen G. White's literal or plain reading of Scripture influenced her understanding of the sanctuary doctrine. She understood the doctrine of the sanctuary to be the basis of the Seventh-day Adventist message. In a 1906 letter to G. C. Tenney, she commented: "The correct understanding of the ministration [of Christ] in the heavenly sanctuary is the foundation of our faith" (Letter 208, 1906). Ellen White's conceptual understanding of the heavenly sanctuary and its ministries is a good example of the impact of hermeneutics upon one's belief system. Based primarily upon chapters in two of her most popular books, one in Patriarchs and Prophets and the other in The Great Controversy, 1 this study will show how she conceived many parallels between the heavenly sanctuary and its ministration and the earthly tabernacle and its services as a result of her hermeneutical principles.

Hearing interlocutors do not have auditory cues to signal the construction of identity of their Deaf interlocutors. Sign Language Interpreters have an impact on the perception of identity of signing Deaf interactants. The gender of a hearing interpreter plays into the negotiation of identity of signed interlocutors. In alignment with the understandings that the "indirect constitution of identity through language is an interactional process" (Bailey, 2000), and "identity may be ... in part an outcome of interactional negotiation, in part a construct of others' perceptions and representations" (Bucholtz & Hall, 2005), and beliefs about identity are "informed by a framework of ideas about language and about the kinds of people who speak in certain ways,  (Irvine ,1989). The gender of the voice that hearing interlocutors listen to in sign language interpreted interactions carries with it social meanings that constitute the perceived identity of interpreted Deaf interactants.

Slide 04 I recall looking back over my journey and remember the nearly ten years it took me to find my way back into the Adventist fold. The idea of understanding Adventist history came to me while focusing on doctrinal points. Slide 05 I figured if God indeed called this movement, He did so in time and space. If that is so, then I figured we needed to know our history. Slide 06 Coming out of the Millerite movement in 1844, we found ourselves on the cusp of the final movement and with that came the last message of hope to deliver to the world. We know we are in the right time, and in the right place for this last message because of 1844. It put us at a critical point in Salvation History. The central chapters of the book of Revelation unfold the description of the last battle for the kingdom. God is preparing to take back His world, and eclipse the kingdom of Babylon with the eternal kingdom of God. He's stepping up the stage of action to restore justice in an unjust world and call all those who belong to Him back into the fold to worship the creator God who made heaven, earth, sea and fountains of water. Slide 07 Understanding Adventist history and the core purpose for the rise of the Advent message is why I'm a Seventh-day Adventist today, and I why I can't be anything else after 22 years of running from God's calling on my life. I encourage you to join me as we spend some time this week exploring why this message should be important to you too. As Ellen White reminded us, "We have nothing to fear for the future, except as we shall forget the way the Lord has led us, and His teaching in our past history." 1 We are not here to do an adult Storytime for amusement purposes. Slide 08 Our pioneers were Strong and Courageous. They were given a sense of urgency and a message that comes with it just for such a time as this. Our history lays out the battle plan, and shows us our place in it. Slide 09 Our story begins in the early nineteenth century. The Pope had been arrested by General Berthier on Feb. 10, 1798 when he refused to abdicate his throne. We understand this date to be the end of the 1260 years of Daniel 7:25's prophecy of the, "time, times and half a time." The end of this period marks the beginning of the opening up of the numbers and days from out of the book of Daniel that God seals in chapter 12. Now was the time that people began to look up. The endtime was upon us and all the signs spoke of the return of Jesus. So much focus on end-times during this century (1838) even gave us a new word for the study of last things; eschatology. Taken from the Greek word, eschaton, which means last things. Slide 10 Coming of age at this time was a young man by the name of William Miller who lived in western New York near the southern end of Lake Champlain in the Slide 11 town of Low Hampton, about six miles from the Vermont border town of Poultney. Slide 12 William was born on Feb.

Seventh-day Adventists have traditionally interpreted the two witnesses of Rev 11 as the two testaments of the Bible. This paper puts that view within the history of interpretation. Then the paper examines the problems with that identification and the traditional interpretation of Rev 11:3-13.

This article investigates the historical and theological relationship between the Seventh-day Adventist Church and the Apocrypha, challenging modern assumptions about the fixed nature of the Adventist biblical canon. Drawing on overlooked archival materials, early denominational publications, and visionary statements by Ellen G. White, the study reveals that early Sabbatarian Adventists—particularly during the pre-1863 period—widely embraced select apocryphal texts, most notably 2 Esdras, as inspired scripture. Ellen White herself, in a little-known vision from 1849, affirmed the Apocrypha as divinely inspired and warned that its removal from Bibles was a satanic deception. Despite this strong endorsement, the Review and Herald and later denominational statements adopted a tone of agnosticism or silence, neither affirming nor rejecting the Apocrypha’s scriptural status. The article argues that Adventism’s early approach to sola scriptura was more fluid and contested than typically recognized and suggests that the canon was implicitly open or at least undelineated. This reevaluation of the Adventist canon invites a broader discussion about authority, tradition, and the evolving boundaries of Scripture in contemporary Adventist theology.

This article examines the concept of "present truth" in The Present Truth (1849-1850), edited by James White. It explores how early Sabbatarian Adventists connected time and truth within the framework of 19th-century epistemology. Present truth was understood as restorative, doctrinally systematic, participatory, future-oriented, mission-driven, and communitarian. The article concludes that this concept played a crucial role in theological development, eschatological urgency, and identity formation within early Seventh-day Adventism.

The Seventh-day Adventist understanding of the biblical earthly and heavenly sanctuaries is compatible with evangelical theology up to a point, beyond which the Adventist view is unique. The purpose of this paper is to briefly describe the commonality, specify the point of departure, and explain the uniqueness. For my understanding of the sanctuaries, I am indebted to many scholars, such as the Adventist authors of the Daniel and Revelation Committee Series (7 vols.; ed. Frank Holbrook) and my Jewish mentor at the University of California, Berkeley, Jacob Milgrom (author of the Anchor Bible series commentary on Leviticus; 3 vols.). However, rather than reviewing a lot of literature on the topic, perhaps the simplest and most precise way for me to begin the present dialogue is to cite aspects of the biblical sanctuaries that I was able to include in the volume I wrote on Leviticus, Numbers for the evangelical NIV Application Commentary series (Zondervan, 2004), and explain aspects I intentionally left out because they belong to the uniquely Adventist sphere of interpretation. This particular process requires me to be excessively self-referential, for which I apologize in advance. Here are some key concepts regarding the biblical sanctuaries and their functions (especially regarding sacrifices) that are presented in my Leviticus, Numbers commentary. Not all evangelicals would agree with all of these points, but acceptance of them is by no means confined to Seventh-day Adventists. 1. The life-and-death consequences graphically portrayed in all of the varied ancient Israelite animal sacrifices reached fulfillment in the rich, once-for-all sacrifice of Christ, "the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the world" (1:29). 1

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“All Scripture is given by inspiration of God …” We believe these words, but what do they actually mean? Did God exercise a dominating influence over the inspired writers of Scripture, or did He provide them with assistance in communicating His inspired messages? In their struggle to arrive at a biblical understanding of God’s influence in the inspiration process, Seventh-day Adventists have advocated a variety of views since their very beginning. During a period of grave tensions on the subject of divine inspiration in American Protestant Christianity (1830s–1920s), Adventists experienced in their midst a living prophetic claimant whose very presence pressed them to ponder about the Holy Spirit’s modus operandi. This book traces the interplay of various theories of divine inspiration in the writings of eleven key thinkers in that period of Seventh-day Adventist history.

Neste capítulo, tomam-se como objeto de tradução dois folhetos turísticos redigidos originalmente em alemão. Como nos capítulos anteriores deste livro, as traduções comentadas neste capítulo também foram realizadas por tradutores em formação vinculados ao CALEPINO: Núcleo de Lexicografia Multilíngue da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, sob orientação da Profa. Dra. Adja Balbino de Amorim Barbieri Durão, como parte das atividades previstas em seu projeto de pesquisa BanCo: Banco de Colocações Léxicas: unidades semifraseológicas da variante brasileira do português e seus equivalentes de tradução para a variante peninsular do espanhol².

Os folhetos turísticos tomados como objeto de estudo desta tradução comentada foram extraídos de dois catálogos editados por operadoras turísticas alemãs da cidade de Augsburg: a RED (Reisebüro REIM) e a Hörmann Reisen, que apresentavam a programação de excursões e viagens oferecidas por essas operadoras a seus clientes no ano de 2015.

This article examines newly discovered historical evidence regarding Ellen G. White’s views on the Apocrypha, particularly a possible lost statement attributed to her. While White’s early visions (1845–1850) affirm the Apocrypha’s significance, recent findings include a 1915 letter from Adventist administrator T.E. Bowen, who recalled a prophetic statement suggesting the Apocrypha contained "light for the remnant." This assertion parallels but also differs from known manuscripts, raising questions about whether White made additional, now-lost statements endorsing the Apocrypha. Bowen’s recollection, coupled with William C. White’s 1911 acknowledgment of his mother’s references to the Apocrypha, suggests that the memory of her engagement with these texts persisted beyond her early ministry. The study explores whether Bowen’s memory represents a distinct lost document or an interpretive paraphrase of known writings. Ultimately, the findings highlight the continued scholarly discussion surrounding Ellen White’s relationship with the Apocrypha and its potential theological implications for Adventist thought.

approach to Charlemagne's life: the reader goes from 'Boyhood' (Chapter one) to 'Imperator Augustus' (Chapter eight), but also from 'The Frankish Empire and the Wider World' (Chapter two) through 'The Warrior King' (Chapter three) to 'The Royal Court' (Chapter six). Charlemagne lived in an age of faith. Fried picks up and orders the little pieces of evidence that tell us about the king's personal relation to religion and the Church of Rome, but he also inserts this evidence into contexts that are much wider than Charlemagne's own life. Through the emperor's visits to Rome, we get a glimpse of the emerging principle of European political order, based on the double-edged sword of Empire and Church ('Gewalt und Glaube', as the original German subtitle of the book announces it). Charlemagne also lived in an age of war: the narration of his many, successful or disastrous, military campaigns to Bavaria, Saxony, the Iberian and Italian peninsulas is not only a tool to illustrate the personal qualities of the emperor in terms of leadership, but a way to appreciate the fact that European diplomacy in Charlemagne's time can be thought about in very similar terms a millennium later: alongside the logic of alliances and enmities, war and interest, representation and propaganda. Fried successfully develops his Charlemagne into a character that is not only able to introduce us to faith, politics, society, arts and morals in the Frankish Empire, but organically links these themes to the neighbouring cultural spheres of the Arab and the Byzantine worlds. Entanglements between the Carolingian Empire, an Italian peninsula divided between Byzantine, Frankish and papal rule, the Iberian Peninsula with its flourishing Muslim civilization, and even the Umayyad, then Abbasid caliphate beyond Byzantine territories, are sewn into the narrative in such a skilful way that the book on Charlemagne's life becomes a solid manual on Europe and the world around it in the eighth and ninth centuries. One could ask whether this latter feature of the book is an overreach and leads us too far from the original question about Charlemagne's person. Overreach or not, the narrative combines the different layers relating to Charlemagne's life and era in such a way that they give mutual contextualization and valuable additions to each other. The author does not claim to be able to account for every major event in Charlemagne's life; indeed, when he asks in the Epilogue what 'the core, the essence of the man' was, his answer has to be: 'we simply do not know' (p. 515). But through bringing to the surface the many gaps that we still cannot bridge in Charlemagne's life and in contemporary European history, Professor Fried helps us to take an inventory of these gaps, which makes the book not only enjoyable to read, but also a piece of historiography to rely on.

Introduction Prophetic inspiration is a mysterious and complex subject that has generated many discussions in Seventh-day Adventist circles over the years. Those discussions are largely due to the divine nature of inspiration and the human inability to fully grasp the supernatural inspiration process. William G. Johnsson suggests that “defining inspiration is like catching a rainbow. When we have put forth our best efforts, there will remain an elusive factor, an element of mystery.”1 But this should not prevent us from recognizing that God’s Word provides helpful knowledge of His mysterious communication process. While humbly admitting the limitations of our own reasoning, we should thoroughly study what the inspired writings actually say about themselves. In previous studies I have dealt with the historical development2 and the nature3 of inspiration from a Seventh-day Adventist perspective. This article provides some insight on the concept of divine accommodation and the cultural...

This paper was delivered on 26 November 2024 in the Use, Influence, and Impact program unit at the Society of Biblical Literature's (SBL) Annual Meeting. Abstract: This paper examines a novel understanding of the "chair of Moses" saying found in Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651/1668), where Hobbes departs from the usual focus on ecclesiastical authority. He uses Matt 23:2–3 and the chair of Moses (“Moses chaire” or “chayre”) as a justification of the right of monarchy and of a subject's total obedience to earthly sovereigns in any matter not running against explicit divine commandments. This politicization of the chair of Moses also enters into Hobbes’s arguments against Robert Bellarmine (1542–1621), who uses Matt 23:2–4, together with Matt 16:19, to illustrate the Pope’s legislative power over all Christians in whatever commonwealth. Against that position, Hobbes argues that Moses was Israel’s civil sovereign, and that the chair of Moses symbolized only the legislative power of Israel's civil sovereign—not the ecclesiastical authority of Peter or a later Pope, and especially not any authority to contradict other civil sovereigns. Hobbes’s connection between the chair of Moses and civil authority, which is sharply distinguished from the church, paves the way for other interpreters to secularize Jesus’s commendation-and-rebuke of the scribes and Pharisees. Hobbes highlights political implications of the Gospel according to Matthew that have been felt but often not stated.

Apresentamos aqui uma traducao comentada do conto sem titulo que a abre a coletânea Maridos, da escritora mexicana Angeles Mastretta, enfocando alguns questionamentos sobre as escolhas realizadas durante o processo tradutorio e tambem apontamos alguns elementos que caracterizam os textos de Mastretta como e o caso do protagonismo e a enfase nos problemas do cotidiano feminino.

This short paper explores what I consider the most glaring problem in the usual Adventist interpretation of Daniel. It considers the apparent parallels between Daniel 8:11–13; 9:26–27; 11:31; and 12:11 and notes implications for the Adventist interpretation of Daniel.

Conclusion The Reformation of Europe and the Turn to Jus Gentium About 500 years ago something remarkable happened: a crisis of authority across Europe, which had already been simmering for nearly five centuries, erupted into a fast and furious boil. Although we might deem Martin Luther's calls to reform the Catholic Church in the early decades of the sixteenthcentury as the flashpoint that transformed discontent into a seething mess of conflict and rebellion, by doing so we risk mistaking the manifestations of a long-term change for its cause and the pleas for the renewal and restoration of the true church-and the true state-as new rather than as part of a much longer history of calls, emanating from all corners of post-Roman Europe to reform secular and religious institutions and practices that had missed the mark of justice. We also risk overlooking-or at least underemphasizingthe ways in which, by the turn of sixteenth century, the long and haphazard process of city, territorial, and empire-state formation had already begun to transform nearly every aspect of socioeconomic , political, and religious life throughout Latin Christendom, a trend that required attention to, and reassessments of, long-held customs and laws as well as the accommodation and adaptation of new ones. Moreover, fixing our gaze on the causes and consequences of religious transformations might cause us to lose sight of the ways in which a fundamental shift in political and legal thought and practice, particularly in the early decades of the sixteenth century, helped to transform Europe from a collection of feudal-states-whose authority was based in and sanctioned by the eternal plan of God-to an array of increasingly secular states and empires whose authority was evidenced by the nature of man and anchored in ius and ius gentium. It also prompts us to reconsider the assessment that the ideas articulated by the Peace of Westphalia in 1648-and the corresponding political and legal thought that sought to explain and justify them-was solely the product of the wars, religious and secular, civil and international, on land and at sea, that dominated the affairs of Europeans states and empires in latter half of the sixteenth-and the first half of the seventeenth century.1

_________________________________________________________________________ Con las debidas cautelas terminológicas, la interpretación en los servicios públicos es, junto con la bilateral, una de las modalidades de interpretación más antiguas. Desde tiempos bien remotos, los poderes públicos establecidos en zonas fronterizas emplearon mediadores culturales conocedores de idiomas en las relaciones con sus súbditos. Junto a numerosos casos conocidos de intérpretes diplomáticos en las cortes renacentistas y en los reinos árabes del norte de África, existe documentación que demuestra la existencia de distintos oficios relacionados con la traducción e interpretación en la España medieval y en la América colonial. Las fuentes documentales de los siglos XIII a XVII confirman este ejercicio de la mediación lingüística en diversos espacios de la vida pública. Apuntan además a una cierta delimitación del perfil profesional: la legislación aplicable en España y en América reguló en fechas muy tempranas, anteriores a cualquier asociación colegial o gremial, aspectos prácticos como el modo de acceso al oficio, la retribución, el lugar de trabajo o el código de comportamiento, entre otros. En ambas orillas del Atlántico, y tanto en la América del norte y del sur, la administración de justicia (nahuatlatos) y el canje o liberación de cautivos (alfaqueques) fueron los ámbitos en los que su ejercicio profesional estuvo más regulado. Como es natural, estos espacios no coinciden exactamente con la gran variedad de entornos que hoy consideramos dentro de la interpretación en los servicios públicos. Sin embargo, la aparición de dichas normas y reglamentaciones sobre el oficio convierte a aquellos mediadores en un valioso antecedente de una profesión que las sociedades occidentales parecen redescubrir en las dos últimas décadas al calor del fenómeno migratorio. PALABRAS CLAVE: Interpretación en los servicios públicos, historia de la interpretación, mediación lingüística, espacios fronterizos, nahuatlatos en el México colonial, alfaqueques en la España medieval. Public service and bilateral interpreting are, in broad terms, two of the oldest interpreting modalities. From ancient times, public authorities in frontier areas used bilingual cultural mediators to communicate with their subjects. Besides the many well-documented examples of diplomatic

_________________________________________________________________________ Con las debidas cautelas terminológicas, la interpretación en los servicios públicos es, junto con la bilateral, una de las modalidades de interpretación más antiguas. Desde tiempos bien remotos, los poderes públicos establecidos en zonas fronterizas emplearon mediadores culturales conocedores de idiomas en las relaciones con sus súbditos. Junto a numerosos casos conocidos de intérpretes diplomáticos en las cortes renacentistas y en los reinos árabes del norte de África, existe documentación que demuestra la existencia de distintos oficios relacionados con la traducción e interpretación en la España medieval y en la América colonial. Las fuentes documentales de los siglos XIII a XVII confirman este ejercicio de la mediación lingüística en diversos espacios de la vida pública. Apuntan además a una cierta delimitación del perfil profesional: la legislación aplicable en España y en América reguló en fechas muy tempranas, anteriores a cualquier asociación colegial o gremial, aspectos prácticos como el modo de acceso al oficio, la retribución, el lugar de trabajo o el código de comportamiento, entre otros. En ambas orillas del Atlántico, y tanto en la América del norte y del sur, la administración de justicia (nahuatlatos) y el canje o liberación de cautivos (alfaqueques) fueron los ámbitos en los que su ejercicio profesional estuvo más regulado. Como es natural, estos espacios no coinciden exactamente con la gran variedad de entornos que hoy consideramos dentro de la interpretación en los servicios públicos. Sin embargo, la aparición de dichas normas y reglamentaciones sobre el oficio convierte a aquellos mediadores en un valioso antecedente de una profesión que las sociedades occidentales parecen redescubrir en las dos últimas décadas al calor del fenómeno migratorio. PALABRAS CLAVE: Interpretación en los servicios públicos, historia de la interpretación, mediación lingüística, espacios fronterizos, nahuatlatos en el México colonial, alfaqueques en la España medieval. Public service and bilateral interpreting are, in broad terms, two of the oldest interpreting modalities. From ancient times, public authorities in frontier areas used bilingual cultural mediators to communicate with their subjects. Besides the many well-documented examples of diplomatic

Theodore Beza (Théodore de Bèze, 1519–1605) was a prominent leader of the Reformed churches throughout Europe, known in his day for political acumen, penetrating scholarship, and pastoral vision. This study examines Beza’s Latin translation and annotations on John 8:44, using the text of the fifth and final major edition of Beza’s New Testament. The study’s twofold purpose touches on reception history and historical theology: first, to add further data concerning the reception and interpretation of John 8:44; and second, to provide a case study for Beza’s exegetical method. Related to the first purpose, this study finds that John 8:44 draws Beza’s attention not primarily to a characterization of “the Jews,” as it often does for post-Shoah interpreters who detect an anti-semitic/anti-judaistic message in Jesus’ response, but rather to the canonical identity and history of the devil. Despite certain ambiguities in the Greek, Beza receives this verse as an explicit teaching about the fall and corruption of the angels, including the devil. Related to the second purpose, this study adds an important datum to a lacuna in our understanding of Beza’s exegetical method. It has already been observed that Beza’s scholarly emphasis in the editions of his annotated New Testament was not on establishing the Greek text but on perfecting his Latin translation. It is also already clear that Beza’s text-critical and translational projects, both in Latin and in French, were always coordinated with his pastoral desire and duty to tend to his Genevan flock and to encourage Reformed ministers around the world in tending to their respective flocks. While Beza as a humanist par excellence enjoyed the business of biblical scholarship, the drive for translation arose from an ecclesiological position that the Church had a duty to provide the Scriptures to the people, “for the Church is what gives birth to the children of God and rears them by the proclamation of the word of God and indeed by examples of good works.” What the analysis of Beza’s annotations at John 8:44 adds is further detail on the means and mode by which the minister brings Scripture to the people. The annotations here betray Beza’s concern for a Latin translation that is both “transparent” in relation to the Greek text and “clearer” than the Greek text for the sake of doctrinal instruction.

A full translation of the text analyzed in this chapter is included in an appendix immediately following.