Islam and Politics

The article is devoted to the cultural and historical analysis of the role that national sports play in the formation of moral, spiritual qualities of the youth and the historical prerequisites of their emergence and development as well. Traditional martial arts, existing in the Kazakh culture, are a result of centurieslong mutual interaction of numerous cultures of Central Asia, which had impact at a certain stage of history. In modern days, in the era of high technology and fast-paced life, the role of the traditional sport events, various combat sports and wrestling has immensely increased because of the fact that they contribute to healthy mental and physical development, harmonization of people's daily living. The encouragement of martial arts among the younger generation subtilizes their sense of beauty, of nature and art, and it nurtures their will power; hence, it solves many training and moral educational tasks.

The article is devoted to the cultural and historical analysis of the role that national sports play in the formation of moral, spiritual qualities of the youth and the historical prerequisites of their emergence and development as well. Traditional martial arts, existing in the Kazakh culture, are a result of centurieslong mutual interaction of numerous cultures of Central Asia, which had impact at a certain stage of history. In modern days, in the era of high technology and fast-paced life, the role of the traditional sport events, various combat sports and wrestling has immensely increased because of the fact that they contribute to healthy mental and physical development, harmonization of people’s daily living. The encouragement of martial arts among the younger generation subtilizes their sense of beauty, of nature and art, and it nurtures their will power; hence, it solves many training and moral educational tasks.

Abstract (English)

The song Andromeda, performed by the Croatian group LELEK at Eurovision 2026 in Vienna, brought to the European stage a memory that contemporary Europe has never fully learned to articulate: the experience of Ottoman imperial rule as lived by the Christian communities of the Balkans. Five women appeared on stage with crosses and tattoo-like marks on their hands and faces, evoking sicanje, the centuries-old practice of Catholic Croatian women in Bosnia and Herzegovina who marked their bodies with Christian symbols as a boundary against imperial absorption - slavery, forced marriage, conversion, and sexual exploitation under Ottoman power.

The essay argues that this performance exposed a structural asymmetry in European memory politics. Victims of Western colonialism, racism, and fascism occupy a recognized place in Europe's moral hierarchy. Victims of Islamic imperial expansion - Ottoman domination, jihad, forced conversion, the devshirme system - do not. This silence is not accidental; it protects a moral cartography in which Islam figures only as an object of imperialism, never as its agent.

The analysis extends beyond the Balkans. Hamas, ISIS, Iran's revolutionary imperialism, and Erdoğan's neo-Ottoman political project have reintroduced into the modern world political forms that were supposed to belong to the past: sacred violence, hostage-taking, the claim over another people's bodies, and the demand that conquered peoples forget the name of the power that wounded them. After October 7, the Israeli experience confirms that these forms are not historical relics.

Drawing on Samuel Huntington's civilizational framework while arguing for its insufficiency, the essay proposes that today's deepest fault lines run not between civilizations but within them - within religions, nations, and political communities. An anecdote from a Kuwaiti cinema, where an Arab audience passionately supported the Spartans against Persia in the film 300 - thinking not of ancient Greece but of contemporary Iran - illustrates how civilizational identification operates across unexpected lines.
The essay concludes that mythology has become politically serious again - not because myths replace facts, but because they allow peoples to recognize the structures of danger faster than diplomatic language can explain them.

Rezumat (română)

Piesa Andromeda, interpretată de grupul croat LELEK la Eurovision 2026 la Viena, a adus pe scena europeană o memorie pe care Europa contemporană nu a învățat niciodată să o articuleze pe deplin: experiența stăpânirii imperiale otomane așa cum a fost trăită de comunitățile creștine din Balcani. Cinci femei au apărut pe scenă cu cruci și semne asemănătoare tatuajelor pe mâini și fețe, evocând sicanje, tradiția seculară a femeilor catolice croate din Bosnia și Herțegovina care își marcau trupurile cu simboluri creștine ca graniță împotriva absorbției imperiale - sclavie, căsătorie forțată, convertire și exploatare sexuală sub puterea otomană.

Eseul argumentează că acest spectacol a expus o asimetrie structurală în politica memoriei europene. Victimele colonialismului occidental, ale rasismului și ale fascismului ocupă un loc recunoscut în ierarhia morală a Europei. Victimele expansiunii imperiale islamice - dominația otomană, jihadul, convertirea forțată, sistemul devșirme - nu. Această tăcere nu este accidentală; ea protejează o cartografie morală în care islamul figurează doar ca obiect al imperialismului, niciodată ca agent al acestuia.

Analiza se extinde dincolo de Balcani. Hamas, ISIS, imperialismul revoluționar iranian și proiectul politic neo-otoman al lui Erdoğan au reintrodus în lumea modernă forme politice care ar fi trebuit să aparțină trecutului. După 7 octombrie, experiența israeliană confirmă că aceste forme nu sunt relicve istorice.

Pornind de la cadrul civilizațional al lui Samuel Huntington, dar argumentând insuficiența acestuia, eseul propune că cele mai adânci rupturi de astăzi nu trec între civilizații, ci în interiorul lor.

Keywords / Cuvinte cheie
Ottoman Empire, Balkans, Croatia, Eurovision, historical memory, imperial memory, sicanje, Islamic imperialism, civilizational conflict, Huntington, post-October 7, cultural boundaries, political mythology, devshirme, memory politics

This study examines the theological debates surrounding the Ibāḍī epistle of Khalaf b. Ziyād al-Baḥrānī, written in the early 2nd/8th century. The epistle, which focuses on the theological concept of al-asmāʾ wa-l-aḥkām (names and rulings), represents one of the earliest known discussions of faith classifications and their legal implications in Islam. Khalaf's work is compared to Kitāb al-Irjāʾ and the Epistle of Sālim ibn Dhakwān, highlighting how early Islamic sects, particularly the Ibāḍīs, Murjiʾites, and Muʿtazilites, debated the definitions of īmān (faith) and kufr (unbelief). The study situates Khalaf's epistle within the broader theological discourse of the period, showing how his classification of faith-related rulings influenced later Ibāḍī thought. It also challenges the assumption that Ibāḍism only matured as a structured doctrine in the 6th/12th century, demonstrating its continuous evolution from the early Islamic period.

This course is a general introduction to the major political developments that have helped to shape the modern Middle East, from the fall of the Ottoman Empire in the early-twentieth century up to the present period. The course strikes a balance between covering the major political developments in the region over the past century and taking a thematic approach to the major areas of political and intellectual debate that have affected the modern Middle Eastern politics. Among the major topics that will be addressed are: the Ottoman and colonial legacies in the Middle East, the struggle for independence, the rise of Arab nationalism, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the dynamics of authoritarian politics, the Islamist resurgence, the challenges of democracy, secularism, and human rights, the role of Islamic law in the modern Arab state, the Iraq war, the Syrian crisis, and the Arab Spring and its aftermath.

The pesantren, as Indonesia’s oldest Islamic educational institution, has long been central to shaping the religious and socio-cultural identity of Muslim communities. In Banten, pesantren represent deep traditional roots linked to the intellectual legacy of prominent scholars such as Shaykh Nawawi al-Bantani. Yet, the pressures of globalization and the influence of Islamic reform movements have positioned pesantren at the intersection of competing discourses—traditionalist, modernist, and transnational. This study explores the dialectical challenges encountered by pesantren in Banten as they negotiate among these currents. Using a qualitative approach that combines literature review and selected case studies, the research reveals the dynamic strategies employed by traditionalist pesantren to preserve classical Islamic learning while accommodating modern educational demands. Modernist pesantren, in turn, advocate for rationalism, curricular innovation, and the integration of secular sciences, though not without resistance from traditionalists. Meanwhile, transnational Islamic movements such as Salafism, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and Tablighi Jamaat introduce alternative notions of orthodoxy and authority. The study concludes that pesantren in Banten are undergoing a continuous process of negotiation that redefines their identity, demonstrating both resilience and adaptability in a rapidly globalizing Islamic context.

The article explores the foundations of political authority in Ibn Khaldūn through, on the one hand, his analysis of the historical evolution of political power between ʿAlī and Muʿāwiya, and on the other, his critique of the political theology of the falāsifa. Ibn Khaldūn includes Muʿāwiya among the Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-Rāshidūn), marking a break with the traditional interpretation that contrasts the caliphate with kingship. The caliphate is distinguished from the political regime and reduced to its purely spiritual function, just as the rational necessity of prophecy —advocated by al-Fārābī and Avicenna— is rejected in favor of the immanence of political authority within the communities over which it is exercised. Clan solidarity (ʿaṣabiyya) is the key factor that explains both the historical transition from tribal leadership to kingship and the obedience to the sovereign, within the immanence of political power. This approach illustrates a form of methodological secularization of history, enabling an analysis of politics that is independent of any religious transcendence. An appendix provides a previously unpublished translation of the passage from Kitāb al-ʿIbar discussing the transition between ʿAlī and Muʿāwiya.

مما لا شك فيه أن الشريعة الإسلامية قامت بتدبير الشأن العام في تنظيمها علاقة العبد بغيره، وذلك من خلال أحكام الأسرة، والمعاملات، والقضاء، وكذلك الأحكام المنظمة لعلاقة المسلمين بغيرهم، سلما وحربا، وكذا أحكام الحدود والتعزيرات، ويدل هذا على اهتمام الشريعة بكل ما من شأنه أن يسهم في رقي الأمم والمجتمعات. ولما تم نسيان هذا أو جهله أو إنكاره في هذا العصر، كان من المهم بيانه؛ لخلق الوعي لدى الشعوب المسلمة للمساهمة الإيجابية في رقي مجتمعاتهم، وهو الهدف الأساس لهذا البحث، من خلال وصف تحليلي لما كتبه الفقهاء والباحثون في هذا السياق. فكيف دبرت الشريعة الشأن العام؟ وكيف يمكن اعتبار هذا التدبير أساسا في رقي الأمم والمجتمعات؟ هذا أهم ما ينوي البحث الإجابة عنه. وقد توصل البحث إلى كون العلوم الإسلامية، ولا سيما المتصلة، بشكل مباشر، منها بتدبير الشأن العام، أساسا في الرقي الاجتماعي قديما وحديثا، وفي ضمان الحقوق، وتحقيق السلم والسلام؛ لشمولية تدبيرها لهذا الشأن، وتكريسها مبادئ المساواة، والحرية والعدل.

The Islamic Shari 'a, through its provisions, has undoubtedly managed public affair in regulating the relationship of the individual with others, as well as the relationship of Muslims with different people, in times of peace and war. This demonstrates the Shari' a's interest in all that can contribute to the advancement of nations and societies. And since this has been forgotten, ignored or denied in this era, it was important to explain it; to create awareness among Muslim masses in contributing positively to the advancement of their societies, which is the main objective of this research, through an analytical description of what scholars and researchers have written in this context. The research then concluded that Islamic Shari 'a is a fundamental in social advancement; because of its comprehensiveness in managing this affair, guaranteeing rights, and achieving peace and harmony; and its consecration of the principles of equality, freedom and justice.

This article examines the religious education for Muslim chaplains in France through a sociological case study of the Institut Al-Ghazali of the Grande Mosquée de Paris, considered to be one of the principal institutions for the training of imams and chaplains in France. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork, the study combines direct observation and semi-structured interviews with actors at the Institut Al-Ghazali, including students, graduates, instructors, and institutional representatives. The paper focuses also on analysing the internal curricula of this religious education intended for chaplains working in public institutions such as prisons and hospitals. The analysis of the Institute's internal training curricula, based primarily on the lived experience, combined with participant observation and the experiences of alumni, covers the period from 1994 up to 2020. The article thus contributes to sociological debates on the institutionalisation of Islam in Francophone Europe and the professionalisation of Muslim religious leadership within the secular framework of the French Republic.

The Holy Qur'an is the foundational source of Islamic law and guidance. However, certain verses-when viewed in isolation-may appear to be in contradiction with one another, particularly in the realm of jurisprudential rulings (ahkām fiqhiyyah). This analytical study aims to explore the concept of apparent contradictions (taʿāruḍ ẓāhirī) in Qur'anic legal verses, examine classical and contemporary scholarly methodologies to resolve such contradictions, and evaluate the epistemological and hermeneutical tools used to harmonize conflicting texts. The research delves into selected verses that have been traditionally perceived as contradictory in their legal implications, such as issues related to inheritance, punishment, dietary laws, and social justice. It further analyzes the role of naskh (abrogation), ʿām and khāṣṣ (general and specific), muṭlaq and muqayyad (absolute and restricted), and contextual interpretation in the resolution process. The study concludes that the appearance of contradiction often stems from partial readings, lack of contextual understanding, or absence of integration with Sunnah and scholarly consensus (ijmāʿ). Through a systematic exegetical approach, the Qur'anic system of law reveals its internal coherence and divine wisdom.

Penelitian ini menganalisis strategi kesantunan berbahasa dalam wacana publik terkait kebijakan tarif di tengah isu 'perang dagang', yang berfokus pada pernyataan Wakil Presiden Amerika Serikat. Analisis ini menggunakan kerangka teori kesantunan berbahasa Brown dan Levinson untuk mengidentifikasi dan mengklasifikasikan pilihan linguistik yang digunakan. Penelitian ini menerapkan metode deskriptif-kualitatif dengan pendekatan analisis wacana, menggunakan data dari cuplikan tangkapan layar pada konferensi pers, dan data data pendukung lainnya yang relevan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam sebuah siaran, Wakil Presiden Amerika Serikat menggunakan strategi tindakan ancaman muka (fta) yang disampaikan secara langsung dan dengan eksplisit (bald on-record) terkait isu 'perang dagang' terhadap china. Penggunaan strategi linguistik yang agresif ini ternyata menimbulkan efek timbal balik yang sama. Pernyataan langsung dan dengan eksplisit (bald on-record) tersebut memicu respons reaktif dari berbagai media dan platform di China, serta tanggapan dari juru bicara kementerian luar negeri China sendiri.

Narrating and problematizing "masculinity" or "man" through the eyes of the female writer has gained importance. Especially in today's Muslim fiction, women's experience of recounting and questioning men draws attention. Accordingly, in this article, I have examined how the male characters in the latest novels of British Muslim female writer Leila Aboulela of Sudanese origin and Turkish Muslim female writer Cihan Aktaş are reconstructed through the eyes of a female writer. In this context, the following works Şirin'in Düğünü (Şirin's wedding) and Seni Dinleyen Biri (Someone listening to you) by Cihan Aktaş and Minaret and The Translator by Leila Aboulela have been analysed focusing on the male protagonists in terms of the Western modernity paradigm and the irrationality of male characters as a repetitive pattern in contemporary Muslim women writing. In this sense, it is possible to discuss the representation of masculinity in contemporary Muslim fiction as well as understand the everyday life struggles of contemporary Muslim women.

Pendidikan Islam dan nasionalisme merupakan dua elemen penting dalam pembentukan identitas bangsa Indonesia, yang sering kali saling terkait dalam konteks sejarah. Kajian ini menganalisis dinamika hubungan antara pendidikan Islam dan nasionalisme selama era pemerintahan Presiden Prabowo Subianto, dengan fokus pada kebijakan pendidikan yang mengintegrasikan nilai-nilai Islam dengan semangat nasionalisme Pancasila. Melalui pendekatan sejarah kritis, penelitian ini mengeksplorasi bagaimana pemerintah Prabowo mendorong reformasi kurikulum pendidikan Islam untuk memperkuat solidaritas nasional, mengatasi tantangan radikalisme, dan mempromosikan toleransi antaragama. Temuan utama menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan tersebut berhasil meningkatkan partisipasi masyarakat dalam pendidikan berbasis nilai-nilai kebangsaan, meskipun menghadapi resistensi dari kelompok konservatif. Kajian ini berkontribusi pada pemahaman sejarah pendidikan di Indonesia, dengan implikasi untuk kebijakan masa depan yang lebih inklusif.

The modern stage of Azerbaijan-Syria relations dates back to the rule of the Soviet Union in Azerbaijan, when Hafiz Asad, the head of Syria, had consistent meetings and sophisticated bilateral relations with Heydar Aliyev, then-head of the Azerbaijani SSR and afterwards the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and it was followed by the diplomatic visits by both leaders in 1972 and 1984. After independence, the father Asad continued to collaborate with the Azerbaijani leader, and he was informed about the recent situation in the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh; however, the head of the Middle East country avoided taking sides in the war afterwards during the negotiation, building a delicate balance in regard to both parties.

Interestingly, several media sources close to the Azerbaijani government and citing officials highlighted the presence of the Armenian terrorist groups in Syria and training grounds for them, claiming that they were sent to Armenia in the 1980-1990s to participate in the war against Azerbaijan. When son-Assad came to power in 2000, the very state of the bilateral relations and Syria's position in the Karabakh conflict did not change; Azerbaijan opened an embassy in the Levantine country; nonetheless, the country was not involved in any platform for the peaceful resettlement of the conflict and made no signal to take any side.

In 2009, Bashar Asad himself tried to strengthen and broaden relations with official Baku, and following the normalisation process by recognising Turkey's borders, including Hatay, he visited Azerbaijan and held negotiations about gas supplies from the resource-rich Caucasian country, yet these efforts were unsuccessful.

It seeks to investigate how female initiative negotiates with and coexists with existing (and generally male-dominated) religion, as well as the role of women in its re-emergence. In the early twentieth century, a new wave of women's revivalist groups promoted the role of women in public spaces such as mosques and madrasas, spreading new or reinvented forms of religious practice, attire, and interpretation among Muslim women. Furthermore, women with formal education gained access to employment prospects traditionally exclusive to men. Nonetheless, the growth of female religious roles presents both possibilities and barriers. Women's presence and involvement in the mosque are demarcated by general perceptions of women's prayer at home, gender stereotypes, and leadership restrictions on women. Therefore, this paper concerns the struggles of women in the academic community of Unisba to sustain their existence in a male-dominated public environment. According to the findings of this study, women's agency at Unisba elevates its religious authority through building the mosque and organizing the numerous religious events geared primarily at women's empowerment. The qualitative technique employed includes in-depth observation, interviews, and pertinent social media sources.

Islamic law was characterized by its humane nature in legislation as it is the seal of all heavenly laws. This study aims to the following: Highlight the humane tendency in the legislation of Islam in times of peace and war. *Emphasize the validity of Sharia to rule humans in every time and space.*Point up the harmony of its provisions with human interests. *Show sharia's concern to those worldly interests that are legally considered. Through the study, I was keen on the scientific consolidation of the humane features in the provisions of Islamic Shari'ah as one of its most prominent features through highlighting and analyzing ancient and modern texts of jurists based on legislative texts. I also provided some models that highlighted that humane tendency in times of peace and war. Then I evidenced by listing some of the applied models in the provisions of worship and other legal rulings of punishments and provisions organizing jihad, in times of war, starting from its philosophy and ending with the provisions regulating the conduct of hostilities. Through the study, I concluded to highlight the humane nature of Islamic law and the nobility of its message that preserves the human soul, humanity, and freedom in times of peace and war. This was demonstrated through the examples of worship concessions and delaying the imposition of punishment in order to consider humans circumstances. In times of war, the phenomenon of war was represented in Islamic law as an exception to the state of peace in the relationship between Muslims and others. However, the declaration of war is not to waste human value as much as it is to ward off the evil of aggression and stop the aggression to the extent necessary for that.

Social observation-based da'wah is a da'wah approach that departs from an understanding of the reality and problems of society. Through social observation, da'i can compile materials and da'wah methods that are contextual and in accordance with the needs of mad'u. The approach of tarbiyah values in da'wah emphasizes a continuous educational process, including the development of faith, morals, and social awareness. The integration of social observation with tarbiyah values is expected to be able to make da'wah more effective, educational, and oriented towards changing individual and societal behavior for the better.

Social observation-based da'wah is a da'wah approach that departs from an understanding of the reality and problems of society. Through social observation, da'i can compile materials and da'wah methods that are contextual and in accordance with the needs of mad'u. The approach of tarbiyah values in da'wah emphasizes a continuous educational process, including the development of faith, morals, and social awareness. The integration of social observation with tarbiyah values is expected to be able to make da'wah more effective, educational, and oriented towards changing individual and societal behavior for the better.

Terrorist attacks in Casablanca in 2003 exposed vulnerabilities in Morocco’s religious infrastructure. The country began a comprehensive programme of religious reforms, centralising authority, expanding religious reach and promoting a moderate discourse. These efforts extended beyond national borders, targeting Sub-Saharan Africa and Europe through institutions like the Mohammed VI Institute and the Rabita Mohammedia of Muslim scholarship.

This report seeks to portray this national religious infrastructure, often referred to as “Moroccan Islam”.

This article presents a detailed chronological account of the Muslim presence in Hungary from the 9th century to the present day, dividing its history into five eras. The author proves with historical evidences that Islam has a long history in Hungary rather than being a recent phenomenon.

The author categorizing the history of Islam in Hungary into five distinct historical periods:

Early Arrival (9th–13th century): Muslims of Asiatic origin (often called böszörmény) joined the Hungarian tribes during the conquest and served the royal court as financial experts and soldiers.
The Ottoman Era (1541–1699): The most significant historical contact, where the central third of Hungary fell under Ottoman rule. This period saw large-scale Muslim settlement and administration, though this presence largely disappeared following the Ottoman withdrawal.
The Post-Ottoman & Austro-Hungarian Era: Following the 1878 occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosniak and Turkish Muslims migrated to Hungary. This era culminated in the Islam Act of 1916, which granted Islam official status as a recognized religion in the country.
The Communist Era (Post-WWII): Religious activities were strictly restricted and many Muslim community structures were terminated. By the late 1980s, only a very small number of practicing Muslims remained officially.
The Modern Era (1989–Present): Following the fall of communism, the community began rebuilding. Today’s population consists primarily of immigrants (Arab, Turkish, African, etc.) and a small number of Hungarian converts.

Nowadays, as a result of the Hungarian government’s extreme political and physical response to the refugee crisis in 2015, xenophobia and Islamophobia have increased significantly in the country, and shifted the entire Hungarian Muslim population, once again after centuries, into the category of enemy.

Modern siyasal düşünce tarihinin en tartışmalı ve karmaşık başlıklarından biri, modern ulus
devlet formu ile İslami yönetim ilkeleri arasındaki ontolojik ve yapısal ilişkidir. Özellikle 20.
yüzyıl boyunca Müslüman toplumların siyasal, ekonomik ve kültürel krizlerine bir çözüm
arayışı olarak yükselen "İslam devleti" ideali, günümüzde hem teorik hem de pratik düzlemde
ciddi bir sorgulamaya tabi tutulmaktadır. Bu çalışma, söz konusu ideali "imkân" ve "gereklilik"
kavramları ekseninde ele alarak, modern çağda bir İslam devletini imkansız gören Wael Hallaq
ile gereksiz olarak değerlendiren Asef Bayat’ın Post-İslamcılık teorisini karşılaştırmalı bir
analize tabi tutmayı amaçlamaktadır.

Kebetadzzn ldzm yang tipild di Inloaaa dan siuai politik Tang akomodztif akhirakhir ini; tehh mznlarong ram4inla t4ntutdn Padz pemerinuh untuk mmgahomodzsi kberapa yiwip lq&um lslzm ' Leuat uJisaa ini adz gzmbaran tent4rrg ProsPeh lulaon Istan dzn uaangan yang akan dthadzp bath oleh pemetinah ma*Pan amzt Ishm. Huk_urrt Islxnr dl lndonesirdan tcntu siriu Islanl se(Jd kescluruhen -IlKrlrpun\ni b('ntuk vJng : n&lt lipikrl, dib.rndingl.In derigln Isl:rtll di l)erba$r ,regJfir lainnyr. lslaDr di Indoneliir, nre' trr.lfi.rt bxnyak studi; :ld:ll:lh Islrlll y:lng akorrrodxtif (untuk tidlk disebtll el:ls' tis), :rdrlah iug, Isliutr ying Plirgnutis (untuk ti<lik disct)ut juslifik tor), se(ir bebedpJ istilrh lain Ftng lebih nte- nernpatkannyJ s!'l):lFli su:rtu x$rnB -tr€f,erur per.tngkxt hukunuya -)'rng s n€Ft $rbodinarii' P.rda perkcrrrb.rngan dekade ter' xkhir Hukum lslinr di Indoncsia, iltsrk' n}! ,krn merrrberikan lde )lrng lrin aurs gand.lngdn di al,s. khimy, truPA (Undang-Undang Per"adilxn Agrma ) Lrlrun l9l+), nrulai tenrkortrcxlasikann y.t hcbcrJpa xnldn tenrang prakik Pcr' l)xnkrn Isl:lnl dirlusukkilnnya scrtifi_ k:Lsi lxrlirl sebagai h.rginn dari uPJfJ 'l bis:r diljlut Pad, beberufxl krsus s:rnga( rlrmiusrfikasl; fars'x ketenlrun hu Lilut Ibrahinr }ldsen. dkli; Ptol.Ibtabtm dl radotusl4, Cv Puleri H:rdpan, n, c€l lslam haola dlprkai scbagai ralFng polnt l:6l-79, tat*a MUI irr.ru oknum MLll fJng telkesan k'um dagng kakk. kehilalan Pork S/SDSB Hosea daa Pofibabtaatt Hthaa ktatn L l99l. -ltrsa, drlarrr isttlah Dr Kuntos'lioyo. drla'n kanrpayc (P,'rsrrz, no. 5 Th 1988, No.8voLrO1997 1 Agus TrtFnta yundis peltinduhgao konsurnen rnu$ lhr, adalah lxber-apa contoh perkenr- brnlpn yang sangat 'tid:rk ]lnrcr'd ilut dari trend huku,n IslirDt scbcluDnya. f)en[Fn tanpa men[r<csiullprngk n sudut pandang politis, tuli$n ini ber- nrxksud untuk ureLhat brgairnenu prospek Flukunr Islanr di Indonesix. Ijntuk itu, nuu tidrk nxru, p.rlbirh.$n hi$orLs luRls dilakukxn di irwrl tulisirn ini. Ifukom Islam Masa Bclanda Vrlxupun kurung tc(ovcr sec,l|J baik, naurn lrukulll Islatn pxdx nurit keraiilan (sebelurn Belandi dJrtng) meruPakan surtu f:rse penting dillinl selamh hukunr Islanl (ll Indon!'si:t. I lxl itu dlsclarbkxn, birhw-.r sjt!-luh kcfiliilan Hindu drn Budh:r dig:rnrlkan dcnftrrn kerijaanAiasrrlrxndn Islxnr, p:rdx hir- kekatny:1, untuk pertJnE krliny:r llukum Isllnr relah eksis di Indonc'sir sebagai llrrkun) Poslrifl? hr buk:rnlirh sualu hal )nng tnnfrl ilas:ln. Indikxsi ke aiJh tersebut n mpak dilrtr rDdisi kemjrxn yang berbau Isl.m, scp(rri rEdisi sck ten, berbagai xcari tr:rdisi, filosofi drri bcrbx&ri benruk lrngunaD dan perlen!*rpan kribn, dan s€bagtinya, wr aupun udak dipungkiri, sangat berslfa! srnkretis. Bahkan sebelun') tbLnda menrperhi[ik:rn nr:lsirlah hukunr, parir Erj.l drrl berbagai keraiaan lshm telah orenjddikrn Hukur[ Islam sebigar Hukurn Pos,rif. Adanya gelilr ".dip.ri in8 :rlogo sirB'idm panorog(} nro' adxlxh sebuirh ternrinoloSi yang dcngrn *rng:rt ieLs tidrk akan lncrefer kc'cu:lli pirdr irsurnsr bilh\v:r p:lr.r l:rja edelah seonrng perntrrtptn lirng nrell- Irrlukuken hukuflr :rganL:l.' I)an nrenrxng, scl)ilSilinuna 1 :rng diungk.pkrn lllz-lur IiUrlurHn. h.rhn'r l^-girU scs{' o,ir rrg nlxsuk Isl:lnt, ,l:tkx hukrrrD :rg.rnu:rl*rn tcmnirlklln, k rcn:l Itlrku,D di dxlxnr lslir t n)cnrpakan hol yirng inhcR'n (lirn k('s:nlr:tn fitng t:lk lerpi- s.rhk:rn dcngiln ke-l$lxll-xrl s('s(-ot':lng.' DJn irrl.lx, ore,iunlt tc()rl irtrkrtit:ls chri IIAR (;illl). l).rll$ ([rng Islxnl, k:rl:ru tchh rncrrcrirrlr lsl:ll sclllgai :lg:tnrF nlil. i:r Dr(ncr D:l lttrtoritas hukrrrrr Islanr tcrlrrdxp drnn\:t.a Hukut)r lslirD. iusuk ko Ind.rnsix ltnun]llirn denstn ntxsuknyi Is- lxnl ke hrdonesia. Kcnap, kemudirln didirfxrtl l)ah$:r Hukurlt Islan) dt In. doneti:r bersifirt silngJl koDlprotnis, irlr iMoh. ldns R JDulyo, SH [41J. .4s..s./,lsar ,rz bam tskt , Sbrat eiqfika. )akaflt 199s, Id.38 Bis. dilrMr iulEr. bcbeErpll pam ..ria (sukan) lrrga trnrsatia untuk lrisr m€nsosiallsaslkan lslJn) ke dalant kenlfinn),:r (Slmuh, Itlsrik Islnm Kciawen Rlden Ngabehi Ronggowrntro. Ut Pres.s, lahnda, cd.t, 19Aa. hat. t2). JKaIorr ini t)crafi bahwr r.lh r<l:{ah seligai: pcrurnrp,nan di rne<hn lxrang r.,e- krlgus peDrlmpln/DerurJ (hlrrr egr 1, . . tFizlur R hmrq rsrr,rr, tcrjenrh Ahsrn lftrhimnli4 Dandung. pusrxk.r. cerl, l9g1 Iul 90. tlchdl.anto, SH. (lJLtl|n Har.um Isblt, df Indonesfq p€nyunttng Edr$ RLrdiana Aflef, sH, hal 19

This decision of the High Court of Tanzania in Sheikh Prof. Hamza Mustafa Njozi & Others v. Registrar of Societies & Others [2025] TZHC 8595, which clarified the legal status of the Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania (BAKWATA). The Court held that BAKWATA is not a representative body for all Muslims in Tanzania but rather represents adherents of the Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jama’ah as provided in its own constitution. The judgment reaffirmed the constitutional principle of freedom of religion and association by recognizing the legal autonomy of other Islamic denominations to organize, register, and manage their religious affairs independently. The decision further limited administrative interference in religious governance and emphasized that statutory authority must operate within constitutional boundaries. This case marks a significant development in Tanzanian constitutional jurisprudence on religious pluralism, institutional representation, and the rule of law.

In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, and blessings and peace be upon our master Muhammad, his family, and his companions all together.

This book, Ḥaqīqat al-Īmān wa al-Islām (The Reality of Faith and Islam), by the Mujaddid and Imām Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī (may Allah have mercy on him), is considered one of the foundational works of the period of his religious revival in the Western Sudan region during the 12th Hijri century [the 18th century CE]. The Shehu wrote it in an early stage of his revivalist movement, before he reached the rank of ijtihād (independent legal reasoning) in the sciences of Tawḥīd (monotheism) and Fiqh (jurisprudence).
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī was born in a period when the Western Sudan region, northern Nigeria and adjacent areas, suffered from the widespread proliferation of religious innovations (bid‘a) and superstitions, weakness in religious knowledge, and the dominance of tribal and kingdom leaders who did not adhere to the rulings of Islam. Therefore, the Shehu launched his revivalist movement, which combined preaching, education, and jihad, with the goal of establishing an Islamic state that applied the Sharia.
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī (1754–1817 CE) is considered one of the most prominent Islamic reformers (mujaddidūn) of Islam in central Bilad al-Sudan (the Western Sudan region) during a critical stage of its history. His movement was revivalist, jihadist, and educational, emerging in response to deteriorating conditions characterized by:
1.  The widespread proliferation of religious innovations (bid‘a) and superstitions: where pure Islam had mixed with pagan practices and tribal customs, with the spread of tomb and tree worship, and the prevalence of magic.
2.  Weakness in religious knowledge: alongside a scarcity of practicing scholars and the dominance of corrupt scholars who supported unjust rulers or participated in spreading innovations.
3.  Political fragmentation and social injustice: The region was divided into warring kingdoms and emirates, such as Hausa, Bornu, and Fulani, where the weak suffered from the oppression of rulers and tribes, alongside the spread of un-Islamic slavery and unjust taxes.
4.  External threat and intellectual challenge: The region was in contact with various intellectual currents, while remnants of pagan beliefs persisted, and some deviant Sufi ideas became common.
The book deals in detail with the reality of faith (īmān) and Islam as conveyed in the Book (Quran) and the Sunna. It emphasizes that faith is the firm, heartfelt conviction (taṣdīq qalbī jāzim) in what the Messengerﷺ brought of the essential principles of the religion, coupled with the declaration of the Two Testimonies of Faith (shahādatayn). The Shehu cited a number of Quranic verses and prophetic traditions to show that faith includes belief in Allah, His Angels, His Heavenly Books, His Messengers, the Last Day, and Divine decree (al-qadar), its good and its bad.
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī, may Allah have mercy on him, begins his book by praising Allah and sending blessings upon His Messenger, then clarifies that his purpose is to explain the reality of faith and Islam as conveyed in the revelation. He argued for the reality of faith with noble Quranic verses, such as the saying of Allah ta`ala: “The Messenger has believed in what was revealed to him from his Lord, and so have the believers. All of them have believed in Allah and His angels and His books and His messengers.” [2: 285], and the famous prophetic traditions of Gabriel in which the Prophetﷺ explained faith as: “To believe in Allah, His Angels, His Heavenly Books, His Messengers, the Last Day, and to believe in Divine decree, its good and its bad.”
The Shehu then moved to elaborate on a fundamental issue: what causes a Muslim to be declared a disbeliever (kāfir) and what does not? He established that the foundational principles of faith and Islam known necessarily from the religion (al-ma‘lūm min al-dīn bi al-ḍarūra), which are known to both the learned and the common people, are those the denial of which constitutes disbelief, such as denying the obligation of prayer (ṣalāh) or the prohibition of adultery (zinā) and alcohol (khamr). He cited the sayings of Imams from the established schools, such as al-Qāḍī ‘Iyāḍ, al-Nawawī, and al-Ghazālī, to affirm these important parameters, including:
1) That whoever denies something necessarily known from the religion is a disbeliever, unless they are a recent convert to Islam or grew up in a remote, isolated area.
2) A warning against hastiness in declaring takfīr (excommunication), especially in matters of legitimate scholarly disagreement (ikhtilāf) where there is no definitive text (naṣṣ qāṭi‘), or which require rational inquiry (naẓar) and deduction (istidlāl). The Shehu emphasized that disagreement among Ahl al-Qiblah (i.e., mainstream Sunnis) on issues like the divine attributes (ṣifāt) and others does not necessitate declaring each other disbelievers.
3) Distinguishing between those whose statements take them outside the foundational principles of Ahl al-Qiblah, like the philosophers (falāsifah) who deny physical resurrection (al-ba‘th al-jismānī), for they are disbelievers, and those who remain within the framework of Ahl al-Sunnah while falling into some innovations or errors of interpretation.
4) That faith, in its essence, is "heartfelt conviction" (al-taṣdīq al-qalbī) that is certain and resolute, and that uttering the Two Testimonies is a condition for the worldly legal ruling and for outwardly being described as a believer, but the core (al-aṣl) is what is in the heart. The Shehu argued this with evidence from the Quran and Sunna, such as the verse: “Allah has written faith within their hearts.” [58: 22].
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī then moved on to discuss the issue of "rational inquiry" (al-naẓar) and "emulation" (al-taqlīd) in the fundamentals of religion (uṣūl al-dīn). He concluded that the rational inquiry obligatory upon every legally responsible person (mukallaf) is not the complex theological reasoning of the scholastic theologians (mutakallimūn). Rather, it is reflection upon the cosmic and innate signs that point to the Creator, as in the answer of the Bedouin (al-a‘rābī) when asked: “How did you know your Lord?” He said: “The camel's dropping (al-bu‘rah) points to the camel (al-ba‘īr), and footprints point to a journey. So, a sky with constellations, an earth with pathways, and seas with waves, do they not point to the Subtle, the All-Aware (al-Laṭīf al-Khabīr)?” As for the detailed examination of evidence and refutation of doubts, that is a collective obligation (farḍ kifāyah) upon those qualified for it.
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī also discussed the issue of takfīr and warned against declaring as disbelievers Muslims who have not departed from the foundational principles of the religion known by necessity. He affirmed that disagreement in matters of scholarly interpretation (masā’il ijtihādiyyah) does not necessitate takfīr. The Shehu mentioned that faith is a light (nūr) which Allah casts into the heart, and not merely abstract theoretical knowledge.
The Shehu emphasized the obligation of adhering to what the predecessors (al-salaf) unanimously agreed upon, and prohibited delving into the differences of opinion within the Umma before acquiring deep knowledge and keeping the company of scholars, warning that this leads to misguidance and division. He, may Allah have mercy on him, issued a strong warning against delving into the differences of the Umma and immersing oneself in them before seeking correct religious knowledge and keeping the company of pious, insightful scholars. The Shehu saw this as a major gateway to division and misguidance, and urged holding fast to what the righteous predecessors unanimously agreed upon.
Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī then mentioned the means to solidify faith and strengthen the heart, which are: reflecting on the Quran, following the Sunna, emulating the righteous predecessors, and having fearful awareness of Allah (taqwā). He warned against occupying oneself with non-beneficial sciences like ancient philosophy (falsafah) and astrology (‘ilm al-falak) in its ancient form, and against extensively studying the schools of thought of opposing groups.
In the conclusion of the book, the Shehu summarized the practical benefits, including:
1) Not declaring as disbelievers those who have not departed from the foundational principles of Ahl al-Qiblah.
2) That faith is a light which Allah casts into the heart.
3) That the obligatory rational inquiry is the kind of reflection upon cosmic signs accessible to the common people.
4) The danger of delving into differences before being properly qualified.
5) The obligation of adhering to the community of Muslims and avoiding declaring takfīr based on whim (hawā).
6) That whoever denies something necessarily known from the religion is a disbeliever.
This book, the Ḥaqīqat al-Īmān wa al-Islām (The Reality of Faith and Islam), was part of his foundational efforts to correct beliefs and unify ranks, paving the way for the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate (Dawlat al-Khilāfah al-Sūkūṭiyyah), which he later founded. The Shehu’s writings represented a response to creedal and jurisprudential deviations and an affirmation of the methodology of the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jamā‘ah, in an environment where Islam had become mixed with local customs and pagan ideas.
In this atmosphere, Shehu ‘Uthmān ibn Fūdī wrote this book and others, like the Iḥyā’ al-Sunnah wa Ikhmād al-Bid‘a, as an intellectual and creedal foundation for his movement. The features of this context can be seen in his book through:
1) Emphasis on pure monotheism (al-tawḥīd al-khāliṣ) and rejection of shirk (polytheism): which suited an environment where both hidden and blatant shirk had spread.
2) Warning against reckless takfir: indicating the existence of takfiri tendencies or severe sectarian conflicts that coul...

Religion continues to play a significant role in shaping political processes in contemporary societies, despite global trends toward secularization. This scientific project examines how religious institutions, beliefs, and practices influence political participation, legitimacy, and public policy formation. Using a quantitative survey as the primary research tool, the study analyzes the relationship between individual religiosity and political engagement, attitudes toward the state, and trust in political and religious institutions. The literature indicates that religion may function both as a stabilizing force that strengthens social cohesion and as a source of political tension or polarization when instrumentalized by political actors. The findings of this research demonstrate that higher levels of religious involvement correlate with increased civic participation, stronger identification with collective values, and greater sensitivity to political messages framed in moral or religious terms. At the same time, the results reveal potential risks associated with the politicization of religion, including social fragmentation and the intensification of ideological divides. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of the dual role of religion in modern political life and highlights the importance of careful state-religion interaction in maintaining political stability.

This paper examines the doctrine of tasawwuf and its relationship with orthodox Islamic practice as defined by prominent scholars. The article further discusses the historical development and influence of major Turkish Sufi orders—such as the Mevlaviya and Naqshabandiya—demonstrating their significant role in social organization and political power dynamics from the Ottoman era to modern-day Turkey.

Islamic revivalism led to the development of Islamic awakening throughout the Muslim world by uniting the Muslim society. In the process of liberating the Muslim countries from the colonists, all Muslims, including the traditionalists and secularists, felt the necessity of unity. Historically, Islamic awakening brought about the spirit of establishing principles of Islam in all affairs of the country, including the establishment of an Islamic state and the implementation of Islamic laws. In the case of Egypt, the Islamic awakening resulted in the emergence of three distinct Muslim groups, namely moderate Muslims, secularists, and radicals. This paper concentrates on the moderate Muslims, because in our view they are able to successfully incorporate Islamic principles at the grass root level. The Islamic organization, i.e. the Muslim Brotherhood (al-IkhwÉn al-MuslimËn), was established by the moderate Muslims and are actively involved in social services and charity activities.

One of the recent legal issues in society is the matter of heavy dowries. In fact, the determination of high dowries by couples, which are sometimes beyond the financial capacity of the husband, has become a common legal issue. These dowries are often placed as a general obligation on the husband, while the circumstances show that the obligor not only lacks the actual ability to pay but also has little to no probability of being able to pay in the future. The invalidity of such dowries due to their inability to be delivered has been discussed. However ,this objection, based on invalidity, is not referenced in jurisprudence. It seems that the invalidity of dowries on the grounds of being impossible to deliver is only possible based on certain jurisprudential foundations. After discussing and analyzing various possibilities on the matter, the belief in the invalidity of heavy dowries due to being impossible to deliver is preferred. Another argument that can be made is the lack of will from the obligor to pay the dowry, where the inability to pay is seen as an indication of a lack of intent to fulfill the obligation. This study uses a descriptive method and library sources to explore the relevant issues and analyze the problems related to heavy dowries.

Islam merupakan Agama yang paling banyak dianut di Indonesia, dan apabila kita membicarakan politik di Indonesia dengan mengkaitkan Islam maka memang benar bahwasanya politik di Indonesia tidak lepas dari Islam, karena Islam merupakan Agama dominan di Indonesia, dan Islam pun merupakan unsur terpenting dalam politik, dan dalam kebudayaan Indonesia pun, Islam mempengaruhinya. 1 Politik Islam kembali secara besar-besaran sejak Soeharto meletakan jabatannya sebagai Presiden ke dua Republik Indonesia. Hampir setengah dari 48 partai yang di umumkan memenuhi syarat untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan umum tahun 1999 dapat disebut sebagai partai yang bercorak Islam. Bukan hanya jatuhnya Soeharto atau lengsernya masa Orde Baru dari kekukasaannya sebagai Presiden pada bulan mei 1998, menyusulnya krisis keuangan dan krisis ekonomi di Indonesia mengantar suatu tahapan baru dalam sejarah Indonesia. Tahapan baru ini tidak saja ditandai oleh pergantian kekuasaan dari Soeharto ke BJ.Habibie, wakil presidennya, tetapi lebih penting lagi ditandai oleh jumlah perubahan penting yang terjadi setelah pelantikan Habibie sebagai Presiden.

Pergeseran ideologis Ennahda mencerminkan transformasi penting dalam politik Tunisia pasca Arab Spring. Awalnya dikenal sebagai partai Islam politik, Ennahda kemudian mengadopsi identitas sebagai “Demokrat Muslim” untuk menegaskan bahwa nilai-nilai Islam dapat berjalan harmonis dengan prinsip demokrasi modern tanpa menjadikan agama sebagai dasar negara. Langkah ini memiliki dimensi domestik dan internasional: secara internal, perubahan tersebut membantu meredakan ketegangan dengan kelompok sekuler dan menjaga stabilitas politik; secara eksternal, Ennahda memposisikan Tunisia sebagai model rekonsiliasi antara Islam dan demokrasi di dunia Muslim. Pergeseran ini dijustifikasi melalui konsep Shura (musyawarah) dan Maslaha (kepentingan umum), yang menjadi landasan bagi sikap pragmatis mereka dalam menerima sistem parlementer sebagai mekanisme politik yang paling sesuai dengan konteks Tunisia yang dinamis.

Oleh: Khilmi Zuhroni Pengantar Muhammadiyah bukan semata organisasi keagamaan; ia adalah aktor sejarah dan laboratorium sosial yang telah membentuk arah perjalanan bangsa Indonesia sejak masa kolonial, pra-kemerdekaan, hingga era demokrasi modern. Dinamika politik Muhammadiyah senantiasa diwarnai oleh dialektika antara idealisme Islam modernis, nasionalisme kebangsaan, dan kebutuhan transformatif masyarakat Indonesia. Dalam percaturan politik nasional, Muhammadiyah konsisten menjadi kekuatan moral, bukan partai formal, namun kekuatan advokasinya terhadap nilai-nilai keadilan, kemanusiaan, dan kemajuan ilmu, menjadikan organisasi ini salah satu poros "civil society" terkuat di Indonesia.

Abstrak Studies on political Islam have not yet paid attention to observing the patterns of thought and its transformation within political organizations. However, several studies have conducted and analyzed them using case studies in their respective political sectors. This article begins with the question of how to examine the genealogy of political Islam and how it transformed into Islam-based political parties in democratic Indonesia. The unit of analysis in this study is Islam-based parties, which have received major support from Islamic religious organizations and have held seats in parliament since the 1999 elections. This study reveals an important finding: that Islam-based parties have made adjustments while transforming the doctrine of political Islam into a more flexible one. This is evident through tracing the interplay between the values, platforms, and programs of the parties, both within parliament and in the public. This study combines a historical-discursive approach and genealogy as an analytical framework.

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) stands as a central pillar in the global architecture of international security governance. Since its inception in 1945, the composition and functioning of the UNSC have been subject of intense scrutiny and debate, and there have been many attempts to reform it-without significant results, however. In the last decades, rising powers have been the main actors seeking the Council's reform. In the previous two decades, Brazil has become one of the prominent emerging vocal players advocating the organ's restructure. This article discusses these difficulties in changing the status quo at the UNSC by analyzing how the five permanent members' views on Brazil's bid for a permanent seat underscore the Council's immutability and anachronism. It draws from a theoretical framework of status in international relations to argue that status anxiety justifies the interest in maintaining the status quo for the P5. The study was developed through a reflexive thematic analysis of 60 interviews with the foreign policy community of these states. Taking stock of the Brazilian case, the article argues that, despite the UNSC's outdated structure, reform efforts are deemed unlikely to result in changes due to the challenges they pose to the current permanent members' power and status, as well as to the rival states.

Buku Pengantar Ilmu Politik: Teori, Sistem, dan Tantangan Kontemporer di Era Digital menawarkan pandangan menyeluruh mengenai perkembangan ilmu politik di tengah perubahan sosial, ekonomi, dan kemajuan teknologi yang pesat. Dengan gaya penulisan yang ilmiah namun mudah dipahami, penulis berupaya menghubungkan teori-teori politik klasik dengan dinamika politik modern, terutama dalam konteks masyarakat Indonesia pasca-reformasi dan era digital. Pembahasannya mencakup berbagai aspek penting seperti teori politik, sistem pemerintahan, partisipasi masyarakat, serta tantangan baru yang muncul akibat digitalisasi dan penyebaran disinformasi.

Lebih dari sekadar buku teks akademik, karya ini juga menyoroti pentingnya pendidikan politik, literasi digital, dan peran aktif warga negara dalam menjaga kualitas demokrasi. Tema-tema seperti cyberpolitics, big data, kecerdasan buatan, etika digital, dan polarisasi media sosial dibahas secara mendalam untuk menggambarkan bagaimana ilmu politik beradaptasi terhadap tantangan zaman. Buku ini menjadi referensi berharga bagi mahasiswa, peneliti, maupun masyarakat umum yang ingin memahami politik secara kritis dan kontekstual, serta menjadi panduan menuju tatanan masyarakat inklusif dan berkeadilan di era teknologi modern.