Maternal imprisonment

This study investigates the interplay between patriarchal and colonial influences within the Egyptian legal system, resulting in a disproportionate burden on female prisoners in regard to motherhood. The research explores how incarceration deprives women of motherhood, either through locking up women during their child-bearing years or by depriving them from their children . By examining the historical development of Egyptian prison regulations, the analysis unveils how legislation overlooks the unique needs of mothers, effectively rendering them invisible within the system. This asymmetry raises questions about the objectivity of the law, exposing it as a potential myth and how women pay an extra price for their imprisonment that affects their whole lives . Using legal feminist theory, decolonial legal theory, abolitionist theory, and intersectionality, the research dissects legal biases and traces their roots in colonialism and modernity's shift towards imprisonment as the central form of punishment. The human cost of these biases is explored through interviews with former female prisoners, amplifying their experiences. Additionally, the study surveys lawyers to get their perspectives on potential gender bias exhibited by legislators and judges in the creation and application of laws. Through this multifaceted approach, the research sheds light on the unequal impact of the Egyptian legal system on women's experiences of motherhood and incarceration.

The mother figure brings together, in one moment and one body, all the new beginnings that preceded her and all those beginnings that will follow, collapsing time and relations together. (Šimic´ and Underwood-Lee, Maternal Performance: Feminist Relations) Maternal performance goes over it again and again, we repeat ourselves, repeat our mothers, and our feminist mothers and our performance mothers. … We must remake again and again. (Šimic´ and Underwood-Lee, "Manifesto," Day 36a)

It is understood that pregnant women make up around 6% of the female prison population although precise numbers are not collated, this amounts to around 600 pregnant women held in prisons in England and Wales and some 100 babies born to women prisoners. There are limited qualitative studies published that document the experiences of pregnancy whilst serving a prison sentence. This study provides qualitative, ethnographic research of the pregnancy experience. The study took place during 2015-2016 and involved non-participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 28 female prisoners in three English prisons who were pregnant or had recently given birth. Ten members of prison and health care staff were also interviewed. Apart from the experiences of being on 'bed watch' with pregnant or labouring women, a new typology of prison officer has emerged from this study: the 'maternal'; a member of prison staff who accompanies pregnant, labouring women to hospital where the role of 'bed watch officer' can become that of a birth supporter. The officer (s) attending pregnant women in hospital have an important role to play and may have been 'chosen' by the woman. This paper provides narratives of these experiences and discusses the relationship of the bed watch officer who may be both guarding and supporting the woman. Pseudonyms are used throughout. Midwives, usually based in local community teams, provide antenatal care in a prison, monitoring the pregnancy and wellbeing of the women and visiting them post-birth in order to provide post-natal care. Scans and specialist referrals are usually facilitated in the local hospital and women are typically escorted by two prison officers unless she has been released on temporary license. When a woman's labour begins in prison, either by her having regular contractions or if it is suspected that her membranes have spontaneously ruptured (waters breaking), she will be transferred to the local hospital in a taxi or prison van, usually accompanied by prison officers (PO's). Following birth, dependent on whether a woman has been allocated a place in a prison Mother and Baby Unit (MBU), she will return either to the MBU with her baby, or to the general prison without her baby. brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by University of Hertfordshire Research Archive There are six MBUs attached to prisons in the UK and babies can reside with their mothers for up to 18 months. Each prison has an MBU liaison officer and any eligible women can apply to one unit and subsequently attend an MBU board, consisting of a multi-disciplinary team, usually including a social worker, who decides suitability 1 . Decision making centres upon 'the best interest of the child' and the 'welfare and safety' of the mothers and babies who reside in the unit. 2 There is a variation in MBU provision and Her Majesty's Inspectorate (HMI) have described good practice, for example units that provide: 'an excellent facility' but also reports their 'underuse'. 3 New gender specific standards for female prisoners suggest that women should be supported to breastfeed or express milk for their babies, be provided with facilities to cook for their babies and have additional family visits 4 . Nonetheless, it is reported that far more separations of babies from their mothers, soon after birth, than places are provided on MBUs although exact numbers are not collected 5 . Plans for separation are governed by MBU rules and women prisoner's policy and detailed in Prison Service Instructions 67 Research shows that women feel a loss of autonomy over their environment and choices 8 : A woman who is pregnant in prison, although in receipt of health care, has little choice over the 1 1 Sikand, M. (2017). Lost Spaces: Is the Current Provision for Women Prisoners to Gain a Place in a Prison Mother and Baby

Since the early 1990s, the number of children with imprisoned mothers has increased 131%. A mother's imprisonment potentially exposes children to a concentrated disadvantage that undermines their cognitive, emotional, and intellectual abilities. Additionally, such experiences can have deleterious effects on mother-child relationships, stand-in caregivers, foster care caseloads, the penal system, and society. Less may be understood, however, about how imprisonment affects the ways in which women view themselves as mothers. This study examines mothering attitudes for a sample of 210 Black, White, and Hispanic imprisoned mothers. Nested modeling results suggest a positive relationship between favorable views about mothering and children's profiles and mothers' expectations about future custody. Regular contact with their children through letter writing and telephone calls foster the most favorable views.

In recent years, sharp increases in the female prison population have landed more mothers behind bars. While the experiences of imprisoned women may differ substantially from free mothers, studies suggest that motherhood is important for many imprisoned mothers. The current study uses a sample of 210 imprisoned mothers and multivariate modeling to investigate how familial relationships before and during imprisonment and mothers' postrelease expectations influence the salience of maternal identity. Findings suggest that regardless of demographic factors, close mother-caregiver relationships, contact with family during imprisonment, and expecting to have custody of children upon release positively impacts imprisoned women's mothering identities.

Women's incarceration rates have increased dramatically within the last 40 years. Many of the women who find themselves in the grips of confinement are mothers. Maternity can be central to women's identities, making them reluctant to relinquish mothering roles once they become incarcerated. When women serve time, they can no longer be directly responsible for day-today caregiving for their young children. Thus, children are often placed in the care of proxy caregivers. Notwithstanding, many women retain their maternal identities and wish to engage as mothers while they are incarcerated. As such, women must manage motherhood with and through their children's caregivers. Using group interviews, this study investigates how maternity is managed from prison with children's caregivers. Findings reveal the strategies women employ to maintain their roleidentities as mothers while serving time. Policy implications are discussed.

Women's incarceration rates have increased dramatically within the last 40 years. Many of the women who find themselves in the grips of confinement are mothers. Maternity can be central to women's identities, making them reluctant to relinquish mothering roles once they become incarcerated. When women serve time, they can no longer be directly responsible for day-today caregiving for their young children. Thus, children are often placed in the care of proxy caregivers. Notwithstanding, many women retain their maternal identities and wish to engage as mothers while they are incarcerated. As such, women must manage motherhood with and through their children's caregivers. Using group interviews, this study investigates how maternity is managed from prison with children's caregivers. Findings reveal the strategies women employ to maintain their roleidentities as mothers while serving time. Policy implications are discussed.

In recent years, sharp increases in the female prison population have landed more mothers behind bars. While the experiences of imprisoned women may differ substantially from free mothers, studies suggest that motherhood is important for many imprisoned mothers. The current study uses a sample of 210 imprisoned mothers and multivariate modeling to investigate how familial relationships before and during imprisonment and mothers’ postrelease expectations influence the salience of maternal identity. Findings suggest that regardless of demographic factors, close mother–caregiver relationships, contact with family during imprisonment, and expecting to have custody of children upon release positively impacts imprisoned women’s mothering identities.

Since the early 1990s, the number of children with imprisoned mothers has increased 131%. A mother's imprisonment potentially exposes children to a concentrated disadvantage that undermines their cognitive, emotional, and intellectual abilities. Additionally, such experiences can have deleterious effects on mother‐child relationships, stand‐in caregivers, foster care caseloads, the penal system, and society. Less may be understood, however, about how imprisonment affects the ways in which women view themselves as mothers. This study examines mothering attitudes for a sample of 210 Black, White, and Hispanic imprisoned mothers. Nested modeling results suggest a positive relationship between favorable views about mothering and children's profiles and mothers' expectations about future custody. Regular contact with their children through letter writing and telephone calls foster the most favorable views.

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Understanding the experiences of criminalised women as they navigate punishment and criminal justice supervision within the community is an area that has been largely overlooked within mainstream criminology. The implementation of Transforming Rehabilitation (2013) fundamentally changed the delivery of women’s community punishment, with a more formal move to integrating unpaid work and probation supervision into gender-specific community settings, such as women’s centres. This movement led to a contradiction between the pains of punishment and the aim of female empowerment traditionally associated with women’s centres. Despite this change, how women experience punishment in the community in a post-Transforming Rehabilitation era is still largely unknown. This research uses Participatory Action Research (PAR) within a Feminist methodology to co-produce with criminalised women a piece of research that draws attention to their daily experiences whilst subject to community punishment. T...

We also acknowledge the contribution of researchers Dr Anne Crowley and Dr Jennifer Lyttleton-Smith for helping with data collection. 'I don't think the funding should stop…without PACT visits, we wouldn't you know we wouldn't have gotten through my mam being inside' (Young woman age 16).

List of figures and tables Dedication 14 Chapter One-Women, Crime, Mothers and Prison: An Imperfect Storm Chapter 1: Women, Crime, Mothers and Prison: An imperfect storm "In there [prison] I was not a mother, they stripped that from me, I was just a prisoner, not someone's mum, now I'm out I don't really know what I am, half a mother, half a failure. I don't think I'll ever feel like a good mum again." (Queenie)

The born female criminal is, so to speak, doubly exceptional, first as a woman and then as a criminal. This is because criminals are exceptions among civilized people, and women are exceptions among criminals. […] As a double exception, then, the criminal woman is a true monster. 1

This article is about the experience of telephone supervision from the perspective of practitioners. It is set in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, which changed and challenged the nature of probation supervision and required service users and supervisors to communicate remotely, using the telephone, rather than by meeting face-to-face. The article explores some of the impacts and consequences of telephone contact and examines the extent to which this approach has a part to play in future, post-pandemic, ways of working. The article draws on findings from a research project examining remote supervision practice during the pandemic. Fieldwork (comprising an online survey and a series of semi-structured interviews) was conducted between July and September 2020 in three divisions within an English community rehabilitation company. The article reinforces the importance of face-to-face work in probation practice but suggests that there is scope to retain some use of telephone supervi...

Female descendants within biological families are connected on multiple levels. While the female foetus floats in the liquid of her mother’s womb, her body silently manufactures the eggs that may one day create her own daughter. In this sense, the granddaughter is formed within the grandmother: she shares her cellular material and has inhabited the same body. In societies where children have a singular maternal figure providing care — such as industrialized countries in the twentieth and twentieth-first centuries — female generations also share an emotional matrilineal inheritance. When a woman becomes a mother for the first time, she undergoes a psychological transformation that American psychiatrist and psychoanalytic theorist Daniel Stern calls ‘the birth of the mother’.1 The emotional negotiation of new motherhood includes several layers of inter-subjective dialogue for the new mother: with herself, her child, her partner if present, her friends and her family. In the process of fashioning her own sense of herself as a mother — her maternality2 — a woman’s own infancy and childhood is emotionally revisited and re-evaluated. Sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, she is drawn into a re-evaluation of her relationship with her own mother and her mother’s parenting style. Whether willingly or reluctantly, the process of becoming a mother necessarily invokes the spectre of one’s own experience of being mothered.

Prison visits are recognised as an important feature of a humane prison system, providing important benefits for prisoners and their family in maintaining ties (McCarthy and Adams, 2017). Scotland has a history of penal welfarism and a rightbased agenda in relation to visits (McCarthy and Adams, 2017); however, there is a lack of research that focuses on visits in the context of Scottish prisons. Equally, there is limited research that considers the perspective of children visiting a parent in custody. This paper explores the experiences of children visiting a parent in prison in Scotland, highlighting lessons for policy and practice.

List of figures and tables Dedication 14 Chapter One-Women, Crime, Mothers and Prison: An Imperfect Storm Chapter 1: Women, Crime, Mothers and Prison: An imperfect storm "In there [prison] I was not a mother, they stripped that from me, I was just a prisoner, not someone's mum, now I'm out I don't really know what I am, half a mother, half a failure. I don't think I'll ever feel like a good mum again." (Queenie)

Objectives: The overarching aim of this thesis is to understand and explore the impact that positive interpersonal relationships have on reducing re-offending behaviour. This thesis addresses this aim via three pieces of work. A systematic review which explores the impact of prison visits on wellbeing, rule-breaking behaviour in prison and recidivism; a qualitative study of prisoners and their partners' experience through the prison sentence and the impact on offending behaviour; and a critique of a popular psychometric tool, the Relationship Scales Questionnaire (RSQ), used to measure adult attachment. Method: A systematic review was conducted using online resources. Ten studies met the inclusion criteria. Studies were reviewed using a standardised quality assessment tool. The research study involved interviewing four couples, in relation to the study's areas of interest. The data was then analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis. Evaluation of the psychometric tool was based on the available literature. Results: In the systematic review there was considerable variation in study quality, methods used, and findings. Studies consistently found generally positive effects of prisoners receiving visits. There was good evidence that prison visits reduced depressive symptoms. However, impact on prison rule-breaking behaviour suggested a negative relationship. A high quality study identified that visits reduced rates of recidivism. In the research study the analysis of the stories resulted in the emergence of four main themes to explain the couples' experience, the maintenance of the relationship and the impact on offending; having a special connection, challenges and threats, reciprocal behaviours and maintaining a belief in the future. The outcome of the evaluation of the RSQ suggests that with reservations it is effective tool to use in research. Conclusions: The findings suggest a number of ways in which prisoners' relationships influence desistance and has practical implications for supporting couples to maintain their relationships in the future. It also provides suggestions for future research in this area.

Following a number of postponements, the long awaited and much needed female offender strategy for England and Wales was finally published in June 2018. The strategy reflects the strong agreement across the sector of the need for a ‘distinct’ or ‘gender-specific’ approach to respond to the vulnerabilities of women in the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Despite this, the strategy lacks clarity and offers little assurance that the direction taken will result in actual change and positive reform. It is vital that the government’s implementation of the female offender strategy provides and demonstrates a genuine commitment to appropriate provision for females in the CJS through ring-fenced permanent funding as well as top-down accountability.

Despite a growing body of international work describing the negative consequences of imprisonment for children and families, few studies have explored the accessibility and functionality of prison telephones. Mother–child contact has recurrently been identified as an important mechanism to alleviate and manage some of the emotional and practical adversities which accompany maternal imprisonment, and telephone contact has the potential to provide regular, perhaps even daily, contact for these separated family members. Responding to the knowledge gap, this article qualitatively explores the narratives of 15 mothers in prison with first-hand experience of using prison telephones to communicate with their children. Thematic data analysis revealed four critical obstacles and challenges with prison telephone facilities for Reconnecting in the first weeks, in the Cost of calling, in Telephoning privileges and Inconsistencies across prisons. Contrary to legal and policy guidelines, the find...

This article critiques the focus on responsibilisation of criminalised women within desistance research, policy and practice, through the neglect of the structural conditions surrounding women’s criminalisation and victimisation. The concept of the ‘good woman’ within these areas is grounded in patriarchal and neoliberal discourse. Drawing upon women’s narratives, we show this results in feelings of shame and stigmatisation, negatively affecting relational networks and leading to a denial of victimhood. Research from two complementing studies drawn together here suggest that positive relationships which challenge feelings of shame and stigmatisation are essential to women’s desistance both from crime and harm, and are therefore fundamental considerations for practice.

Scholarship on criminal careers and desistance from crime employing longitudinal methodologies has paid scant attention to sociological and anthropological debates regarding epistemology, reflexivity and researcher positionality. This is surprising in light of a recent phenomenological turn in desistance research wherein (former) lawbreakers’ identity, reflexivity and self-understanding have become central preoccupations. In this article I interrogate aspects of the methodological ‘underside’ of qualitative longitudinal research with criminalized women through an examination of the surveillant position of the researcher. Focusing on methods, ethics and power, I examine some contradictions of feminist concerns to ‘give women voice’ in research involving re-tracing an over-surveilled and highly stigmatized population. I reflect on the effects of researcher positionality through a conceptualization of re-tracing methods as, at worst, a form of sociological stalking.

An invited entry contribution to CLINKS growing evidence library covering key issues in criminal justice in the UK.This evidence review provides an in-depth look at the issue of maternal imprisonment and the impact of this imprisonment on the children affected, the mothers themselves and the family members (typically grandmothers) who take over childcare responsibilities. It covers a number of key issues: The extent of maternal imprisonment in the UK and the numbers of children affected The impact on children The impact on mothers, both in prison and on release The impact on family carers and family relationships The response of the criminal justice system Recommendations for change

An invited entry contribution to CLINKS growing evidence library covering key issues in criminal justice in the UK.This evidence review provides an in-depth look at the issue of maternal imprisonment and the impact of this imprisonment on the children affected, the mothers themselves and the family members (typically grandmothers) who take over childcare responsibilities. It covers a number of key issues: The extent of maternal imprisonment in the UK and the numbers of children affected The impact on children The impact on mothers, both in prison and on release The impact on family carers and family relationships The response of the criminal justice system Recommendations for change

The need for self-actualization and increasing economic needs make women more and more involved to work outside the home. What if this happens if the woman had become a mother. It had an effect on the domestic sphere of a mother, especially in terms of child care. Mothers who work will involve third parties in caring for their children. It will had an impact on the pattern of care provided and how the attachment relationship between mother and child.

The born female criminal is, so to speak, doubly exceptional, first as a woman and then as a criminal. This is because criminals are exceptions among civilized people, and women are exceptions among criminals. […] As a double exception, then, the criminal woman is a true monster. 1

Feminist research seeks to authenticate, substantiate and illuminate women's thoughts, feelings and experiences (Oakley, 2016; Renzetti, 2013; Maynard and Purvis, 1994). Trusting the memories, accounts and assimilated experiences of participants, and their authentic reproduction is an essential aspect to feminist research principles, whether those memories and experiences are recent or distant. This is particularly important concerning a population who are so often mistrusted, silenced, unheard or muted, i.e. prisoners, criminalised women, and children (Baldwin in Lockwood, forthcoming, Bozkurt and Aresti 2019, O'Malley 2018, Wahidin 2004). Aresti et al (2016), argue that lack of visibility and voice in academic criminological research results in prisoners and criminalised individuals often being excluded from the processes of research, furthermore, often being entirely invisible in the products of research, (i.e. research reports, theses, dissertations). Feminist researchers Oakley (1981, 2016), Finch (1984), and Maynard and Purvis (1994) highlight the importance of increased and evidenced reflexivity, alongside a minimisation of power imbalance. Which, they argue can be achieved at least in part, by not viewing research participants as simply being done to as opposed to researched with. Thus, in feminist research, reflexivity is essential, as are the presence and voices of research participants as evident in the process and products of research. This chapter explored the research dynamic between researcher and researched in feminist studies, highlighting and arguing for greater involvement of participants in research, and more creative means of generating knowledge and understanding. The chapter has a global reach in terms of its application. It will identify examples of particularly interactive and creative research and conclude with recommendations for good practice internationally.

Scholarship on criminal careers and desistance from crime employing longitudinal methodologies has paid scant attention to sociological and anthropological debates regarding epistemology, reflexivity and researcher positionality. This is surprising in light of a recent phenomenological turn in desistance research wherein (former) lawbreakersÕ identity, reflexivity, and self-understanding have become central preoccupations. In this article I interrogate aspects of the methodological ÔundersideÕ (Gelsthorpe, 2007) of qualitative longitudinal research with criminalised women through an examination of the surveillant position of the researcher. Focusing on methods, ethics and power, I examine some contradictions of feminist concerns to Ôgive women voiceÕ in research involving retracing an over-surveilled and highly stigmatised population. I reflect on the effects of researcher positionality through a conceptualisation of retracing methods as, at worst, a form of sociological stalking.

The persistent pains of maternal imprisonment, especially beyond five years post-release, is underexplored. A particular knowledge deficit concerns maternal identity and role. This study combined feminist and matricentric lenses to explore criminalised motherhood through prison and beyond. A matricentric-feminist criminological methodology was developed and applied, forming part of the original contribution of the thesis. In line with matricentric and feminist principles, 43 criminalised mothers contributed to the design and execution of this qualitative study through one-to-one interviews and letters. This research centres the Mothers  and their voices, and, in a loyally feminist methodology a reflexive exploration of my positionality as a mother, grandmother, former practitioner, and researcher is recognised, accounted for, and included in the thesis. The Mothers described criminalised motherhood as a paradox; they experienced judgement, discrimination and oppression alongside joy and hope. When motherhood was combined with criminalisation, the judgement and gaze the Mothers experienced in a patriarchally constructed and influenced society were magnified. Navigating through the criminal justice system and especially through imprisonment was a painful experience for Mothers. Not least because of the physical separation from children, but additionally due to institutional thoughtlessness and lack of recognition concerning their maternal identity, maternal emotions, and maternal role; which occurred at every stage of the criminal justice system. The investigation produced new knowledge and understanding about the profound, traumatic, and enduring impact of maternal imprisonment.  The impact was intergenerational and had implications for Mothers wellbeing, engagement in rehabilitation and desistance. Further original contribution is demonstrated in the knowledge gained about the experiences of criminalised grandmothers, again especially in relation to maternal identity and role. The findings conclude with matricentric-feminist criminological recommendations for research, policy and practice that would contribute to understanding and challenging the social, political, and criminal justice context of mothers who break the law. If implemented, they would lead to fewer mothers being imprisoned and better outcomes for criminalised mothers, which in turn would facilitate better outcomes for children and society.

A series of films and briefing papers have been produced for all criminal justice professionals involved in sentencing in England and Wales. These highlight the Sentencing Guidelines and Case law relevant to the consideration of dependent children within sentencing decisions, and in addition provide information, based on the research of Dr Shona Minson, on the impacts of maternal imprisonment on children.

'Reconceptualising the Harms It is my contention that all the harms suffered by a child whose parent is being punished through imprisonment have their origin in prison culture and stigmatisation relating to the parent's imprisonment, and consequently these harms are different to those suffered due to parent and child separation experienced for any other reason, for example marital breakdown or bereavement. Drawing on Comfort's work I suggest that the harms raise particular concerns and have 'corrosive' damaging impacts on children because their origin is in punishment within the criminal justice system: the criminal justice system is distinct…in that it is charged with exacting control and distributing punishment, and hence a spillover effect is inherently more corrosive to bystanders than that of an institutional process concerned with providing a social good, such as medical treatment or education. 1 I offer the suggestion that harms which children of imprisoned mothers experience come from two different social acts and attach to children in two specific ways. Children experience the first group of harms because the prison's reach extends into their lives through 'secondary prisonisation' 2 and they attach to the children through the prison's regulation of their relationship with their parent and the demands which the physical separation and limited contact place upon them. The