Political Attitudes

This study examines the mobilization of social and cultural capital among first and secondgeneration Afro-Caribbeans in Canada, focusing specifically on Jamaican and Haitian populations. Employing an analytical model grounded in resistance and identity multipositionality, this research utilizes Yosso's theory of cultural wealth as a theoretical framework. Qualitative data were collected through focus groups and an intake survey aimed at exploring the dual objectives of defining Blackness and constructing an in-group Black identity alongside the establishment and contestation of social capital within these groups. The findings reveal a dynamic interplay between resistance and identity, highlighting how marginalized groups leverage their resilience to build robust social networks that challenge hegemonic norms. Significant generational differences were identified in experiences of racism, discrimination, and cultural preservation among the participants. This study contributes to the broader discourse on immigrant integration, social cohesion, and the role of cultural capital in mitigating systemic inequalities. The results underscore the necessity for intersectional approaches to comprehend the complexities of identity formation and social integration in multicultural societies. Moreover, the research emphasizes the critical importance of cultural heritage, identity, and community support as sources of strength and resilience for Afro-Caribbean communities in Canada.

Trolling Ourselves to Death es una cruda advertencia sobre los peligros de la era digital, pero también una invitación a la reflexión colectiva para restaurar el civismo, la confianza y los valores democráticos en la esfera pública contemporánea.

El uso de internet simboliza una nueva práctica dentro de la comunicación política que tendrá un impacto en las actitudes políticas de las y los jóvenes. Éstos representan a una parte muy importante de la población en la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey, Nuevo León México (ZMM); aproximadamente el 28.75% (a marzo de 2019) de la lista nominal. La metodología que se utilizó fue de corte cuantitativo, ya que se aplicó encuesta de opinión a las y los jóvenes entre 18 y 29 años. Los objetivos planteados son los siguientes: identificar los niveles de uso de internet en materia política, de interés en la política, de eficacia política interna y de confianza en las instituciones políticas y de gobierno. Asimismo, se tiene la intención de determinar si el uso de internet en lo que corresponde al área política explica las diferentes actitudes políticas de los jóvenes en la ZMM. Los resultados más relevantes muestran que los niveles de interés en la política y la sensación de eficacia política interna son positivos. Por otra parte, la confianza en las instituciones políticas y de gobierno es muy baja, mientras que el menor nivel de confianza se tiene frente a los partidos políticos y la Presidencia de la República. Es importante resaltar que el uso de internet con fines políticos presenta un nivel explicativo relevante frente al interés en la política y medianamente importante sobre la sensación de eficacia política interna.

Communicative practices along with the approach to political issues are elements of political communication that must have a positive impact on the different types of political participation youth groups. At the same time, the political participation that youth represents in development, not only at present times but also the future, is essential for its democratic improvement. Regarding the study methodology, it is quantitative given that an opinion poll was applied. The aim of the study was to identify the levels of political participation, of interpersonal and interactive political talks, of interest to politics in traditional media and the Internet; Likewise, an attempt was made to determine the explanatory level of communication practices and attention to political issues in the different types of political participation of youth. The most relevant outcomes of the study indicate that the levels of political participation except electoral participation were very low, in the same sense, political talks and attention to political issues were presented. On the other hand, the variables that have a higher explanatory level about conventional and unconventional political participation are interpersonal and interactive political talks.

The political participation of young people between the ages of 18 and 29 is essential for the development of democracy in the State of Nuevo León. Therefore, the objective of this study is to identify the explanatory level of membership in associations, as well as the feeling of solidarity as elements of social capital, which reveal the political participation (electoral, conventional and unconventional) of young people. The methodology used for the present study is quantitative. With regard to the most relevant results, it was found that the variable membership in associations is not related to electoral participation, however, if it is related to conventional and non-conventional political participation; In the same way, the results revealed that in the variable sense of solidarity there is no relation with electoral participation, and if there is a relation with conventional and nonconventional political participation.

he present research aims to study the conventional and unconventional political participation of young people in the metropolitan area of Monterrey and the explanatory level that have political attitudes as they would be the political sophistication and the sense of political efficiency. In the present study of longitudinal quantitative cut, two opinion polls were applied, where the field work was carried out with the financing of Programa para el Desarrollo Profesional Docente, para el tipo superior (PRODEP). The objectives of the study were to determine the level of conventional and unconventional political participation, political sophistication and political efficiency; In addition to identifying the explanatory level of political sophistication and political efficacy on the different types of political participation in young people. In relation to the most relevant results, it was determined that the sensation of political efficacy has a greater explanatory level on the different types of participation, reflecting a higher level of significance in conventional participation.

Reinforcement Learning (RL) is a decision-making framework where an agent learns through interaction, delayed feedback, and long-term optimization. This article provides an extensive and original treatment of RL foundations, objective design, optimization dynamics, algorithmic families, and research-to-production engineering constraints. It also discusses our project context through the sofia-rl repository (https://github.com/rootcastleco/sofia-rl), emphasizing modular experimentation, reproducibility, and evaluation rigor. Multiple visual assets are included to explain exploration scheduling, optimization behavior, algorithm comparison, and training pipeline structure.

The article examines how Republican judge Federico Enjuto Ferrán conducted the 1936 legal case against José Antonio Primo de Rivera, revealing the Spanish Republic’s effort to uphold due process and judicial integrity even amid civil war. Drawing on Enjuto’s newly published memoirs, it shows how the Republic sought to replace extrajudicial violence with people’s courts where professional magistrates guided citizen juries. Enjuto distinguished between ideological responsibility and criminal liability, insisting on evidence-based judgment despite political pressure, shifting directives, and the symbolic weight of the defendant. The article contrasts this commitment to legality with the Francoist regime’s later mythologization of José Antonio as el Ausente, which erased the history of the trial. It concludes by situating Enjuto’s later intellectual life in Puerto Rico, where he reflected on the fragility of democratic institutions and the ethical responsibilities of jurists confronting authoritarianism.


El artículo reconstruye cómo el juez republicano Federico Enjuto Ferrán instruyó en 1936 el proceso contra José Antonio Primo de Rivera, mostrando que, incluso en plena Guerra Civil, la República intentó sostener la legalidad, la prueba judicial y la distinción entre juicio político y juicio penal. A partir de las memorias inéditas de Enjuto, el texto revela el esfuerzo institucional por sustituir la violencia extrajudicial por tribunales populares donde magistrados profesionales guiaban a jurados ciudadanos. Aunque el caso estuvo sometido a enormes presiones políticas y militares, Enjuto defendió la necesidad de fundamentar la responsabilidad criminal con rigor jurídico, no con revancha. El artículo contrasta este empeño con la posterior mitificación franquista del “Ausente”, que borró deliberadamente la existencia de un juicio. Finalmente, sitúa la figura de Enjuto en el exilio puertorriqueño, donde continuó su labor intelectual y reflexionó sobre la fragilidad de las instituciones democráticas ante el autoritarismo.

When does a secessionist crisis end? What drives political elites to shift from hostility to moderation? This article examines the prospects of rhetorical de-escalation in the aftermath of a secessionist dispute through the paradigmatic case of Catalonia. We analyse elite rhetoric on X (formerly Twitter) between 2017 and 2023, focusing on how parties and civil society organisations portrayed their opponents. Using sentiment analysis, thematic coding and the Thomas-Kilmann conflict model, we show that antagonism remained the predominant mode of communication, particularly among nationalist civil society organisations. Yet some moderation emerged among parties, particularly the Catalan Socialist Party (PSC), Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and Comuns, who adopted more conciliatory tones during moments of coalition formation and budget negotiation. These episodes were tactical rather than ideological, reflecting the pressures of parliamentary arithmetic. De-escalation, we suggest, is driven more by political need than by political will.

When does a secessionist crisis end? What drives political elites to shift from hostility to moderation? This article examines the prospects of rhetorical de-escalation in the aftermath of a secessionist dispute through the paradigmatic case of Catalonia. We analyse elite rhetoric on X (formerly Twitter) between 2017 and 2023, focusing on how parties and civil society organisations portrayed their opponents. Using sentiment analysis, thematic coding and the Thomas-Kilmann conflict model, we show that antagonism remained the predominant mode of communication, particularly among nationalist civil society organisations. Yet some moderation emerged among parties, particularly the Catalan Socialist Party (PSC), Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and Comuns, who adopted more conciliatory tones during moments of coalition formation and budget negotiation. These episodes were tactical rather than ideological, reflecting the pressures of parliamentary arithmetic. De-escalation, we suggest, is driven more by political need than by political will.

Resumen: Con el presente artículo pretendemos abordar, desde planteamientos novedosos, el estudio de las actitudes sociales que contribuyeron a la edificación y el sostenimiento de la dictadura franquista. Centraremos nuestra atención en la región andaluza, insistiendo en las fracturas políticas, morales, culturales y sociales que dividieron al tejido social andaluz durante la Segunda República y sus repercusiones sobre la gestación de los muy heterogéneos apoyos sociales prestados al Nuevo Estado. Asimismo, aplicaremos las premisas teóricas de aquellas tradiciones historiográficas interesadas en el análisis de las formas de colaboración ciudadana con los órganos represivos y policiales de los Estados totalitarios, fascistas o fascistizados de la Europa de entreguerras.

No alcanzó grados de consenso y adhesión comparables al nazismo alemán o al fascismo italiano, pero lo cierto es que, a pesar de las amenazas que hicieron peligrar su estabilidad durante los años cuarenta, permaneció incólume y estable. El franquismo logró un cierto consenso entre sus apoyos sociales, mientras que excluía a los vencidos de su proyecto político. Tres fueron las claves para que fuese así: una 'cultura de la victoria' que legitimaba la situación, la represión sobre los vencidos y la gestión de la miseria. The Franco regime displayed many of aspects of the fascism that marked interwar Europe. Although Francoism did not achieve the same degree of consensus and support enjoyed by its Nazis and Fascist counterparts, it did command enthusiasm among its grassroots supporters. Accordingly, it proved able to withstand a number of serious challenges in the 1940s, while continuing to push those from the defeated side in the Spanish Civil War of 1936-139 to the margins of social and political life. Three key factors explain this success: a victory culture that bestowed legitimacy on the regime; the repression of the defeated and the accompanying exploitation of shortages and hunger in everyday life.

El estudio del personal político del franquismo ha sido uno de los temas predilectos de la historiografía. Al poco tiempo de la muerte del dictador aparecieron los primeros trabajos, centrados sobre todo en el análisis del personal político de las altas esferas de la Administración en los primeros años del régimen. Se destacó entonces la llegada de unos nuevos hombres que, por «delegación» de las clases políticas tradicionales, dirigirían los designios del «Nuevo Estado» 1 . Estudios posteriores, refiriéndose a un espacio temporal más amplio, insistieron en la idea de relevo del personal, señalando la diversidad de «centros de extracción» en el reclutamiento de las nuevas elites políticas 2 . Más recientemente, el estudio se amplió a los cuadros intermedios del régimen franquista, confirmando la diversidad política, social e ideológica del personal político 3 . Pero los Estados no sólo se construyen «desde arriba». Como sucedería en el resto de los países de la Europa de entreguerras, la implantación y consolidación de un régimen político sólo sería posible mediante el establecimiento de alianzas sociales muy concretas 4 . Alianzas que serían reflejo de los apoyos sociales sobre los que cada régimen se asentaba. Por eso, como hace tiempo se advirtió, para comprender el surgimiento, implantación y consolidación del franquismo, es necesario dirigir nuestro marco de análisis a los poderes locales 5 . Sólo con el estudio de los mismos y de su personal político podremos obtener un conocimiento más nítido de las bases sociales y de la propia naturaleza del franquismo. * Agradezco los comentarios y sugerencias de los profesores Miguel Gómez Oliver y David Martínez López para la elaboración del texto, así como las apreciaciones de los evaluadores anónimos de la revista.

The stabilisation and longevity of Franco's regime can be explained by the interpenetration of society and the institutions of the ‘New State’ in three overlapping areas: firstly, in the sphere of the shared culture of the community of civil war victors; secondly, through repression, based on the decisive collaboration of those supporting Francoism, which cut short any possible opposition; thirdly, in the socio-economic sphere, where those making up the groups supporting the ‘New State’ would see their personal interests fulfilled. At the same time, the defeated would be ensnared in a maze of misery and silence, abandoning any political concerns and concentrating instead on survival. Accordingly, the regime proved able to win support from a broad range of social groups while also eliminating any signs of opposition.

This dissertation is dedicated to my mother, Pamela Lynn Tamborski, who was always there to encourage me in all of my academic endeavors from before Kindergarten to applying to graduate school. It is because of her unconditional support of my early interest in the sciences that I have progressed as a far as I have as a scientist\and a scholar. She may be gone, but she will never be forgotten.

Retrospective voting models assume that offering more information to voters about their incumbents' performance strengthens electoral accountability. However, it is unclear whether incumbent corruption information translates into higher political participation and increased support for challengers. We provide experimental evidence that such information not only decreases incumbent party support in local elections in Mexico, but also decreases voter turnout and support for the challenger party, as well as erodes partisan attachments. While information clearly is necessary to improve accountability, corruption information is not sufficient because voters may respond to it by withdrawing from the political process. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of our findings for studies of voting behavior.

Motivation: The expansion of the European Union in 2004 and 2007 significantly augmented freedom of movement and employment opportunities. This led to the fragmentation of family structures, as countless young individuals embarked on journeys in pursuit of better prospects, leaving their families behind. Consequently, digital communication emerged as the predominant means of sustaining familial connections. Objective: This study aims to scrutinize the attitudes and communication patterns within family units, leveraging data from the European Social Survey, Round 10. Emphasis is placed on discerning variances across countries and generations. Methods: The Visegrad4 nations (Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Poland) as sending countries, and Germany, Austria, and the United Kingdom as the principal recipient nations were the focal points of this investigation. Comparative analyses were conducted on attitudes and communication preferences. Findings: Sending countries generally express a stronger belief in the efficacy of digital communication in fostering familial closeness. Germans and Austrians, as well as Slovaks and Hungarians, tend to exhibit similar attitudes and communication patterns. Conversely, Poles often lean towards alignment with Western nations. Respondents in Western countries display a preference for traditional communication modes like phone calls and face-to-face interactions, while Easterners favor messaging platforms. Implications: Our findings underscore the profound impact of EU expansion on family dynamics. Understanding these nuances is crucial for policymakers, social scientists, and families alike, as they navigate the evolving landscape of transnational relationships. Value Added: By delving into the intricacies of familial communication across European nations, this research contributes valuable insights into the socio-cultural ramifications of EU enlargement. Moreover, it sheds light on the interplay between technological advancements and familial bonds in an increasingly interconnected world.

Across continental Europe, educational research samples are often divided by ‘migrant background’, a binary variable criticized for masking participant heterogeneity and reinforcing exclusionary norms of belonging. This study endorses more meaningful, representative, and precise research by offering four guiding questions for selecting relevant, social justice oriented, and feasible social categories for collecting and analysing data in psychological and educational research. Using a preregistered empirical example, we first compare selected social categories (‘migrant background’, family heritage, religion, citizenship, cultural identification, and generation status) in their potential to reveal participant heterogeneity. Second, we investigate differences in means and relations between variables (discrimination experiences, perceived societal Islamophobia, and national identity) and academic motivation among 1335 adolescents in Germany (48% female, Mage = 14.69). Regression analys...

Political culture, as the aggregate of values, attitudes, and orientations toward politics and governance, plays a decisive role in shaping the stability and quality of democratic systems. The study of political culture has evolved significantly since the pioneering works of Gabriel Almond, Sidney Verba, and Lucian Pye, who emphasized the importance of civic culture and citizen orientations in sustaining democracy. This article examines the theoretical foundations of political culture, its connection to democratic stability, and the role of civic values in governance. Drawing on comparative case studies from Western democracies, Latin America, and postcolonial societies, it highlights the diverse ways in which cultural orientations influence political participation, institutional legitimacy, and democratic resilience. The article also examines contemporary challenges such as populism, polarization, globalization, and the transformative effects of digital media on civic values. It argues that while democratic institutions provide the formal framework for governance, it is the underlying political culture-shaped by trust, tolerance, and civic engagement-that ensures their durability. The paper concludes by underscoring the need for fostering inclusive civic values to strengthen democratic resilience in an era of rapid global change.

Is a Place Called "Home" Memorable? Immigrant, British-Origin, and French-Speaking Men and Women in Canada The word "home" is being used in many different ways. As "home country" it refers to a whole society and political system. In the phrase "my home is my castle" it suggests a fortified private sphere separated from outside societal or political intervention. The German "Heimat" refers to a sentimental attachment to a landscape (but not a cityscape) and a vague "Germanness" connected with a polity. Implied in "American" or "Un-American" it refers to a -not clearly defined -set of values and national pride in the U.S. Implied in debates about a "Canadian identity," it seems elusive -though observers from the outside, whether scholars or tourists, seem to be able to distinguish Canadian traits and social structures from U.S., British, or French ones. A change in perspective from such vague concepts to the socialization of people into a society provides a different reading of what "home" means. Infants and children are socialized into spaces of family, living quarters, immediate neighbourhood, school -the micro-space. Adult return migrants, after long periods of absence, experience the "home town" as small -this may be explained by larger spaces in their society of choice, but it is also explained by body size: Children need two steps where adults need one, children often have to look up while adults look level or down. Adolescents move into a meso-level space, regional labour markets and relations gendered according to specific norms. On the macro-level, the 19 th -century state provided a legal and the 20 th -century state also an institutional framework. Statewide elites impose a blueprint of cultural unity -or even uniformityon societies, then called "nation". However, no European state has been as homogeneous as historians of the nation-state paradigm or of nationalist ideology ever imagined (The Historical; The Social). Thus: Home is not a state or a nation, but a lived experience in an accessible social space. Cultural transfer between homes of origin and homes selected through migration to improve options is usually understood as occurring between immigrants and host societies and between interacting ethno-cultural groups.

Contemporary politics face rising affective polarisation – hostility and distrust across partisan lines. This study examines the contours and consequences of polarisation in Turkey ahead of the 2023 general election. While Turkey ranks among the world’s most polarised societies, individual-level analyses remain scarce. Using nationally-representative survey data, we reveal significant variation in polarisation across party supporters, with notably high levels among incumbent AKP and pro-Kurdish HDP supporters. Polarisation increases with age, political interest, and social media use, while decreasing with education. Crucially, affective polarisation significantly bolstered AKP voter loyalty, likely contributing to the party’s electoral success despite severe economic and social challenges. These findings have important implications for understanding electoral accountability in polarised societies and affective polarisation’s role in democratic backsliding.

Hasta hace bien poco el ámbito de la política, si bien alimentaba el espectáculo televisivo, lo hacía en el contexto de géneros -los telediarios y los programas de información política-cuyas convenciones conducían a contener en cierto límite su tratamiento espectacular. Pero en los últimos tiempos se ha producido un cambio notable sobre el que se centra el contenido de este trabajo: se trata de la absorción del ámbito de la política por el espectáculo de lo real, donde ya no existe ningún límite para la espectacularización de los temas, los personajes y los conflictos políticos. Para abordar esta temática y testar tal transformación, el texto se centra en el análisis, tanto cuantitativo como cualitativo -desde la metodología del análisis textual-de una emisión del programa El objetivo, de la cadena española La Sexta. El resultado del análisis conduce a la constatación de una transformación profunda del formato de la entrevista que se manifiesta en que el conductor de la misma adquiere un protagonismo mayor que el del entrevistado tanto por lo que se refiere a su insistente presencia visual como por el modo en el que impone las reglas del discurso, interrumpe constantemente al entrevistado y exige del mismo respuestas de alto rendimiento espectacular. Finalmente, se constata como esa intensificación del [Investigación] [Financiada]

İntihar, kişinin ruhsal, bedensel veya sosyal bir acıdan kurtulmak amacıyla bilinçli olarak hayatına son vermesidir. İntihar olgusu çeşitli yönleri ile açıklanmaya ve anlaşılmaya çalışılan karmaşık bir kavramdır. Dayanışma, paylaşım ve birliktelik beklenen her toplum için, bireyleri intihara iten nedenler üzerinde sosyolojik bakış açısı ile kurumsal ve bireysel anlamda atılması gereken adımlar sosyal teoriler ışığında şekillenmektedir. Bu amaçla çalışmada makro açıdan intihar olgusunun Türkiye özelinde anlaşılabilmesi için TÜİK verileri esas alınarak analizler yapılmıştır. 2012-2017 yıllarına ait kesitsel veriler, zaman serisi analizine tabi tutularak 2012-2017 yılları arasında intihar olgusunda gözlenen değişim açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Toplum genelini yansıtan veriler üzerinden makro açıdan önem teşkil eden değişkenlerinin önem düzeyleri açıklanmaya çalışılarak, literatürde var olan sosyal bakış açılarının geçerliliği tartışılmıştır. Literatürün aksine Türk toplumunda intihar olgusu azalan bir trende sahip olduğu anlaşılmıştır.

Este libro es una contribución al conocimiento de la vivienda social destinada a los marineros durante el franquismo. Pero la obra pretende ir mucho más allá. Tomando la cuestión de la vivienda como hilo conductor, so objetivo es recuperar y poner en valor la memoria laboral, social y política de los marineros, de sus familias y de sus comunidades a través de la reconstrucción de sus historias de vida. Por ello trata también asuntos como las experiencias laborales de los hombres y las mujeres del sector pesquero, sus prácticas y lugares e sociabilidad o la dimensión comunitaria de la vida cotidiana.

La obra parte de la peculiar conceptualización que la dictadura elaboró acerca de los marineros y de sus familias como colectivo laboral, grupo social y sujeto político. El régimen de Franco manejó dos premisas principales. En primer lugar, la consciencia de que los trabajadores del mar eran - dadas sus culturas políticas y su militancia sindical previas a la Guerra Civil (1936 - 1939) - un colectivo profesional desafecto. En segundo, la consideración de los marineros y sus familias como un grupo social que debía ser objeto - desde una perspectiva moral e higienista que asentaba sus bases en el primer tercio del siglo XX - de una intervención decidida de los poderes públicos en ámbitos como las condiciones laborales y la gestión de los ingresos, la formación, el control del tiempo de ocio o la situación de la vivienda familiar.

Some important concepts and algorithms in RL, all summarized in one place. In addition to reading the original papers, these more comprehensive resources can also be helpful: • Spinning Up in Deep RL, by Open AI (link). A very nice introduction to RL and Policy Gradients, with code, (some) proofs, exercises and advice. • Reinforcement Learning and advanced Deep Learning (RLD), Sorbonne University course by Sylvain Lamprier (link). In French, with proofs for many results. • UCL Course on RL, David Silver Lecture Notes [1].

Título: Las actitudes de los niños de minorías hacia los miembros de un equipo competitivo: el paradigma de grupo mínimo con niños británicos bengalíes. Resumen: Desde su formulación a finales de los años 90, la teoría evolutiva de la identidad social (SIDT; Nesdale, 1999) ha sido apoyada por numerosos estudios sobre el paradigma de grupo mínimo, aunque estos se han realizado principalmente con niños del grupo mayoritario. Este trabajo adapta el paradigma experimental de grupo mínimo de Nesdale et al. ( ) para evaluar las predicciones de la SIDT en una muestra de niños de una minoría étnica. Se asignó a 148 niños británicos-bengalíes de 5-6, 7-8 y 9-10 años a un "equipo de dibujo" que poseía habilidades superiores a las de un equipo rival. Los miembros del equipo podían ser del mismo grupo étnico (británicos-bengalíes) o diferente (británicos-blancos). Se pidió a los niños que puntuaran su preferencia por el propio equipo y el rival, el grado en que se sentían semejantes a uno y otro, y si deseaban cambiar de equipo. Se encontró que los niños preferían su equipo en mayor medida que al equipo rival, independientemente de la etnia de sus miembros. Sin embargo, los niños se sentían más iguales a su propio equipo cuando estaba formado por miembros de su grupo étnico que por miembros de distinto grupo étnico. Los resultados se comparan con los obtenidos en estudios previos con niños del grupo mayoritario, y se discuten en relación con la SIDT. Palabras clave: Teoría evolutiva de la identidad social; niños; minoría étnica; grupo mínimo; británicos-bengalíes.

Lionheart Gals** Facing the Dragon: The Human Rights of Inter/ national Black Women in the United States r [T]o survive in the mouth of this dragon we call America, we have had to learn this first and most vital lesson-that we were never meant to survive. -Audre Lordel

Large-scale international databases provide valuable resources for scholars, educators and policy-makers interested in civic engagement and education in nations that are democracies or striving towards democracy. However, the multidisciplinary nature of secondary analysis of these data has created a fragmentary picture that limits educators’ awareness of relevant findings. We present a summary of research conducted across disciplines using datasets from two large-scale cross-national studies of civic education conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (CIVED:99 and ICCS:09). The IEA studies were conducted in more than 40 countries with nationally representative samples of 14–15 year olds. In a review of over 100 published articles reporting secondary analyses of these data, we identified four themes especially salient for citizenship educators: open classroom climates; teaching and learning approaches; student identity; and profiles of ...

Based on survey data from the latest implementation of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2016), this paper explores the associations between students' civic knowledge, their disposition to and involvement in civic engagement within the school and community context, and their willingness to engage in future civic activities as adults. The multivariate analyses also include factors related to resources for engagement, variables reflecting the psychological disposition towards engagement, and network-related variables in order to explain variation in expected electoral and active political participation. The results show that civic knowledge is related in different ways to expectations of future participation. While students' civic knowledge is positively related to expectations to engage in elections and voting, more knowledgeable students were less willing to consider more active forms of participation. While adolescents are not able to participate in civic activities in the same ways as adult citizens (e.g., through voting or becoming candidates in elections), research evidence suggests that more open and democratic forms of how school relates to its students can contribute to higher levels of political engagement among students (see, for example,

Depuis sa création en 1961 et notamment depuis l’effondrement du bloc des pays de l’Est en 1989, l’Organisationpour la Coopération et le Développement en Europe a exercé une force d’attraction très importante sur nombre de pays de la planète, comme le démontre les efforts intenses et prolongés de la part de certains États comme le Costa Rica ou le Chili pour rejoindrel’organisation1. En même temps, l’OCDE a multiplié les initiatives et les interventions dans différentes régions de la planète, en faisant notamment des efforts pour le développement des pays du Sud et surtout d’Afrique par une série de programmes et de projets de soutien et d’évaluation des politiques économiques de ces pays. Mais a-t-elle pu se débarrasser de l’image d’un « club des riches », intéressé d’abord à une forme « soft » de projection des intérêts duNord2 ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons mené une enquête de terrain auprès des décideurs et des hauts fonctionnaires des pays de l’Afrique subsaharienne dont nous allons présenter les résultats dans les pages qui suivent.

In this research, we address a longstanding question concerning how individuals evaluate social and political issues. We focus on the role that political self-identification plays when individuals evaluate policy statements. In a laboratory setting, participants completed a task facilitation procedure, in which they made paired sets of judgments about a series of policy statements. Relative to a control task, ideological categorization of policy statements as liberal or conservative influenced the ease of evaluation. On experimental trials that began with ideological categorization, policy evaluations that were consistent with the participant's own ideology were made more quickly than responses that were ideologically inconsistent and more quickly than responses following a control judgment. In three experiments, we show that this effect is stronger for individuals with more accessible ideological identification (Experiment 1) and more extreme ideological identification (Experiment 2), and that it holds when examining partisan instead of ideological identification (Experiment 3). The findings suggest that the use of ideological category information can facilitate and interfere with evaluative judgments of political issues, and that the use of such categories varies as a function of individual differences in the strength of political identification.

Resumen: Considerando que el apoyo a la democracia es uno de los principales factores que determinan la consolidación de los regímenes democráticos, en este documento proponemos responder las siguientes preguntas: ¿Qué supuestos hacen relevante distinguir distintos ...

This article examines how unemployment rates correlate with public support for income redistribution in 27 European countries, focusing on unemployment’s cross-sectional and longitudinal effects on redistribution support. By distinguishing between structural and cyclical unemployment, the analysis reveals that higher structural unemployment is associated with stronger pro-redistributive public attitudes. This cross-sectional pattern is especially pronounced in post-communist and Mediterranean countries. While no general longitudinal effect of cyclical unemployment is seen across European countries, the analysis supports the ‘growth to limits’ hypothesis: the size of the welfare state moderates the longitudinal association between cyclical unemployment and redistribution support. In larger welfare states, higher cyclical unemployment during economic downturns corresponds with reduced public support for redistribution, while smaller welfare states exhibit either no significant change or a countercyclical trend of redistribution support. These findings are based on three-level within–between random-effects models estimated using nine rounds of the European Social Survey.

How populist narratives fuel crises at the border between Morocco and Spain 0 comments | 13 shares Estimated reading time: 6 minutes In 2021 and 2022, crises at the Morocco-Spain border became a major issue in Spanish politics. Drawing on new research, José Javier Olivas Osuna examines how Spanish politicians reacted to the crises. The end of the Cold War and the process of globalisation accelerated by information technologies made us briefly believe that we were heading towards a borderless world. However, multiple refugee crises, Brexit, the COVID-19 pandemic and, more recently, the invasion of Ukraine and the war between Israel and Hamas have brought the border back to our lives.

Popular willingness to compromise is an important step for conflict resolution. A key argument suggests that improving expectations about the prospects of peace can increase public support for concessions. Yet a competing view, anchored in broader debates about preferences and expectations, suggests that prior ideological dispositions motivate biased future expectations rather than vice versa. This tension, however, remains understudied in violent conflicts. In this study, we leverage rich survey data from Israel to disentangle the causal relationship between expectations and preferences for compromise in a longstanding conflict. Using two decades of aggregate monthly series and two exogenous shocks to peace expectations, we find that changes in prospective expectations do predict subsequent shifts in support for compromise. We find no contrary evidence for a null, opposite, or heterogeneous relationship. The findings contribute to ongoing debates about the interrelations between expectations and preferences and provide insights into their implications for conflict resolution.

Social scientists are increasingly interested in studying the psychological bases of political preferences. Research at the interface of neuroscience and political psychology is uniquely positioned to test theories that link political attitudes to cognitive, affective, perceptual, and motivational processes in the brain. In this article, we review existing theories and evaluate findings from the growing field of political neuroscience with an emphasis on four brain regions that have emerged as important neural substrates of political ideology: the amygdala, the insular cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, and the prefrontal cortex. We conclude by discussing current methodological and theoretical limitations before setting out an agenda for future research.

Cultivating Canada | ix to address some of the personal and cultural histories engaging Canada and the Middle East. Renisa Mawani's article, a reprint from the academic journal, BC Studies, takes a theoretical and historical approach to the context of race and contact on the west coast. Rhose Harris-Galia gives us a personal reflection from a Filipina perspective from Iqaluit. Sid Chow Tan takes a creative approach to personal history, presenting two pieces that tell the same story of early interactions between Aboriginal and Chinese people in British Columbia and how such hidden histories are possible to re-imagine. Ronald Lee lays out a detailed history of the Roma people whose persecutions bear remarkable resemblance to stories we hear about residential schools. An important reprint follows by Bonita Lawrence and Enakshi Dua, whose article on decolonizing the practices of anti-racism interrogates the foundations of progressive movements and how they must be complicated by a serious understanding of Indigenous issues. Robinder Kaur Sehdev revisions how we see the notions of treaty, suggesting that people of colour need to be aware of how they are affected through its discourses. Srimoyee Mitra demonstrates how Aboriginal and South Asian artists have been working and showing together recently to disrupt the notion of "Indian" as well as producing collaborative work that has resonance for contemporary art. Malissa Phung disrupts the assumption that the term "settler" is eschewed by people of colour and asks us to revisit this in all its attendant complications. And Henry Yu describes the recent collective work that has nurtured dialogues among First Nations, urban Aboriginal, and immigrant communities in Vancouver. The third section, Transformation, begins with Roy Miki, who uses creative practice and poetic moments to reflect upon the Japanese Canadian redress movement. Ravi de Costa and Tom Clark share their interview data about non-Aboriginal attitudes toward reconciliation in Canada. Rinaldo Walcott challenges the very premise of reconciliation and suggests a radical, alternative way of seeing this collective practice as but a beginning in a much more deeply inflected process. Mitch Miyagawa, in a reprint from The Walrus, shows through a personal narrative how we have become caught in a web of apology that often amounts to an empty gesture. Jen Budney writes about the art practice of Jayce Salloum, whose work with Aboriginal youth explores activism across local and global arenas. Rita Deverell looks at the more recent media history of race in Canada, following her own trajectory in terms of connections between people of colour and Indigenous people. George Elliott Clarke makes a case for the underinvestigated notion of shared histories and ancestries between Blacks and Aboriginal peoples in Nova Scotia. In a visual response, Diyan Achjadi shows how her creative practice accentuates the excessive and challenges x | Georges Erasmus the precepts of nationalism and militarism in how they construct our identities. And finally, Kirsten Emiko McAllister thinks through the ways we recognize, and are mis-recognized, as she explores a memoryscape of postwar British Columbia.