Political Rhetoric

Azərbaycan Xalq Cümhuriyyətinin mövcud olduğu 1918–1920-ci illər milli dövlətçilik tariximizin parlaq səhifələrindəndir. Cümhuriyyət hökuməti qısa müddətdə demokratik idarəetmə prinsiplərinə əsaslanan bir dövlət sistemi yaradıb, eyni zamanda maarif və təhsili milli inkişafın strateji istiqamətlərindən biri kimi müəyyənləşdirib. 1 sentyabr 1919-cu il tarixli “Bakı Dövlət Universitetinin yaradılması haqqında Qanun” həmin siyasətin kulminasiya nöqtəsi olub və bununla ölkənin ilk klassik ali məktəbinin əsası qoyulub. Hökumət Fətəli xan Xoyskinin rəhbərliyi altında milli kadr potensialının formalaşması məqsədilə yüzdən artıq azərbaycanlı gənc Avropanın müxtəlif universitetlərinə göndərib. Bu məqalədə AXC-nin təhsil siyasətinin ideoloji əsasları, universitetin yaradılmasının hüquqi-siyasi konteksti və milli maarifçilik ideyasının formalaşmasında oynadığı rol arxiv sənədləri və elmi mənbələr əsasında təhlil edilir. Nəticədə sübut olunur ki, Azərbaycan Xalq Cümhuriyyətinin təhsil siyasəti müasir Azərbaycan Respublikasının elmi, ideoloji və dövlətçilik konsepsiyasının mənəvi dayağı olub.

The Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR), which existed from 1918 to 1920, represents one of the most remarkable chapters in the history of Azerbaijani statehood. Within a short period, the Republic’s government established a state system based on democratic principles and, at the same time, identified education and enlightenment as strategic priorities of national development. The Law on the Establishment of Baku State University, adopted on September 1, 1919, marked the culmination of this policy and laid the foundation for the country’s first classical higher education institution. Under the leadership of Fatali Khan Khoyski, the government also sent more than one hundred young Azerbaijani students to various universities across Europe with the aim of developing national human resources. Drawing upon archival documents and scholarly sources, this article analyzes the ideological foundations of the ADR’s educational policy, the legal and political context surrounding the establishment of Baku State University, and its role in shaping the idea of national enlightenment. The study concludes that the educational policy of the ADR served as a moral and intellectual foundation for the scientific, ideological, and statehood principles of the modern Republic of Azerbaijan.

While thoroughly theorized in rhetorical studies, the body primarily is understood as or through text. Following a literature review of the body in rhetorical scholarship, this article argues that the situated, concrete body is integral to ideological identity through its function as doxastic warrant in enthymematical argumentation. The article finally outlines a rhetorical-ethnographic orientation for investigating the points of expression for a doxastic body of a specific field.

To what extent can the Catholic Church be taken as an ally in the ongoing project of combating authoritarianism and reconstituting both the systems and the ethos of democracy? Officially, the answer is unquestionably yes. Yet despite the supportive words and actions of its current leader, the recently elected Pope Leo XIV, the Church’s capacity to play this role is under serious internal strain. The question this essay addresses is not Catholicism's official stance, but whether it has sufficient resources to maintain control over the meaning of its own tradition in the face of forces (many of them internal) that are attempting to conscript Catholic language and practice for
anti-democratic ends.

In recent years, rhetorical scholars have turned to study the materiality of rhetoric as well as the rhetoricity of material, often introducing a posthumanist or anti-anthropocentric stance rejecting mind-body dualism(s), while often also turning to affirmative frameworks as an alternative to criticism. Introducing the Nordic Waste scandal in Denmark in 2023, we point to the risk of toxically affirming the perspective of environmentally harmful corporations in rhetoric centering materiality and affirmation.

Transition economies frequently exhibit a structural paradox: the aggressive projection of macro-level modernization to international audiences runs parallel to chronic micro-level service failures domestically. This paper examines the linguistic and institutional mechanisms through which developing states mitigate the political fallout of administrative underperformance. We introduce the concept of strategic self-stereotyping within public sector management. When facing institutional friction, bureaucracies do not merely deny failure. They actively weaponize their own transitional status to lower public expectations. By branding systemic inefficiencies as inevitable "developmental growing pains," state apparatuses construct a rhetorical defense mechanism. This protects the core regime's legitimacy while normalizing operational inadequacy. Drawing on the theories of institutional voids and bureaucratic inertia, this analysis demonstrates how state-level communication masks groundlevel administrative collapse. The resulting framework reveals that political rhetoric in emerging markets operates less as a vehicle for reform and more as a stabilizing instrument for fragile bureaucracies.

The attacks of September 11, 2001, put terrorism at the forefront of the American political landscape. Donald Trump played into these fears of terrorism through his political rhetoric during his presidency, particularly targeting international students as “threats” to the nation. However, we argue that the labeling of international students as security threats was not started after 9/11 nor invented by Trump. Through historical records and accounts across decades of policies related to this issue, we seek to answer two questions: How has the U.S. government monitored visa policies and programs for international students? How have U.S. national policies evolved to view international students as national security threats? We find that mistrust of this population has been embedded throughout U.S. immigration history and that federal tracking policies emerged incrementally from long-held security concerns. We discuss why the entire population of international students should not be scap...

In ancient Greece, Aristotle claimed in his Rhetoric that the function of rhetoric was not to persuade, but to discover the means of persuasion in each case. It is remarkable how the empirical approach towards persuasion embedded in ‘ethos, pathos, logos’ of Aristotle seems to be revisited by the Yale study group in 1950s, with the aim of discovering the laws of persuasive communications in laboratory settings. The contemporary quest carried out by the Yale research program on persuasion reflects the Aristotelean tradition of examining ‘the ethos, pathos and logos’ aspects of persuasion closely. This article aims to draw the reader’s attention to this strong influence of Aristotle’s perspective on the Yale research group. Adopting a learning theory approach, the Yale study group, led by psychologist Carl Hovland, tried to find out the stimulus-response effects of many variables concerning persuasion and thus paved the way for more elaborate research in persuasion in the years to com...

Rencontre avec Simon Susen. Suite de nos échos au colloque « Hartmut Rosa : accélération, résonance, énergies sociales », qui s’est déroulé du 30 août au 5 septembre, sous la direction de Corine Pelluchon et Dietmar Wetzel, avec, cette fois, le témoignage de Simon Susen, sociologue, intervenu sur « La théorie critique comme sociologie des relations au monde ? ».

This article examines why the JCPOA became negotiable when it did, arguing that ripeness emerged only once a mutually hurting stalemate converged with a rare moment of political openness between Washington and Tehran. It shows how shifting win-sets, shaped by domestic pressures and leadership signalling, created space for compromise. The article also highlights how social media altered two-level negotiations by enabling real-time framing and domestic mobilisation during the JCPOA process.

هذا الكتاب الحواري في البلاغة "المفهوم والوظيفة والمستقبل" هو عمل مختلف في حقل الفكر البلاغي العربي ، اذ لم تشهد ثقافتنا العربية المعاصرة- بشكل عام- ان نجتمع على الحوار الا ما ندر، فالحوار البلاغي معرفة مضافة لا تبحث عن حكم خارج اللعبة البلاغية ، يشارك في هذا الحوار من المغرب الدكتور محمد الولي ومن العراق الاستاذ سعيد الغانمي ومن مصر الدكتور عماد عبد اللطيف، ويهندس الحوار الدكتور صلاح حاوي

يسد كتاب "في معرفة البلاغة" فراغاً في المكتبة البلاغية العربية؛ إذ يعد الكتاب العربي الأول والوحيد الذي يتخذ من "الحوار" أداةً معرفية ومنهجاً لاستكشاف البلاغة. ينطلق الكتاب من إيمان عميق بأن الحوار هو "نظر من جانبين"، وهو الكفيل بتوسيع مدارك العقل وتجاوز حالة العنف الفكري نحو فضاء "الاكتمال المعرفي".
يجمع الكتاب بين جيلين وثقافات متعددة، حيث يتقاطع فيه فكر الأستاذ محمد الولي (المنفتح على الثقافة الفرنسية) مع رؤى الأستاذ سعيد الغانمي والدكتور عماد عبد اللطيف (المنتميين للثقافة الأنجلوسكسونية)، ليرسموا معاً ملامح "البلاغة بوصفها مسؤولية فكرية وإنسانية".
فصول الكتاب (المحاور الأساسية):
يتكون الكتاب من ثلاثة محاور كبرى:
المحور الأول: حوار في مفاهيم البلاغة المتطورة عبر الزمن، والمتباينة عبر الثقافات. أما المحور الثاني فيخص وظيفة البلاغة، وينتقل من التصورات النظرية إلى الممارسة البلاغية؛ لاستكشاف الوظائف الحيوية للبلاغة. يحدد هذا الفصل ثلاث قيم كبرى توجه العمل البلاغي: القيمة الجمالية (الشعرية)، القيمة المعرفية (الفكرية)، والقيمة الإنسانية (الاجتماعية). ويبرز هنا مفهوم "بلاغة الجمهور" و"بلاغة الأعماق" كبدائل حيوية للبلاغة المدرسية التقليدية.

المحور الثالث: حوار في مستقبل البلاغة
يستشرف هذا الفصل مآلات الدرس البلاغي العربي، مناقشاً قضايا القطيعة والاتصال مع التراث (خاصة تجربة عبد القاهر الجرجاني). ويطرح تساؤلات جوهرية حول التحول من المشاريع الفردية إلى "المشاريع الجماعية"، وترسيخ هوية البلاغة بوصفها "معرفة بينية" تتداخل مع شؤون الحياة اليومية والخطابات المعاصرة.

The question of whether populism, as an antagonistic political logic, can become uncoupled from nationalism, and thus advance democratic pursuits, is highly contested in the literature on account of conflicting empirical evidence. By employing the literature on nationalism as a critical lens through which populist politics are read, this article demonstrates that the close association between populism and nationalism is inscribed in the institutional logic of nation-states and produced across multiple social sites. Populism’s democratic potential can thus only be realized by neutralizing entrenched exclusionary conceptions of “the nation” within everyday institutional practices. This requires constructing a “democratic chain of conflict” beyond antagonistic politics—a configuration of disparate alliances tactically engaged in everyday institutional conflict, aimed at subverting exclusionary manifestations of “the nation”. Broadening this chain presupposes deployments of novel discursive tools, particularly of a rhetorical nature, that could symbolically align disparate struggles as elements of a (post)national democratic advance.

Prominent Azerbaijani scholar Shahtakhtinski was a graduate of the faculty of Philosophy of the Leipzig University (1871), he also listened to lectures at the Sorbonne University School of Higher Practical Education in 1899-1902.
Impressive are recognisions of Shahtakhtinski’s competences on the international forum. He was a member of the International Phonetic Society (1899), member of the International Asian Society (1900), member of the
Caucasian Branch of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society (1903).

Shahtakhtinski valued Islam not only as a religious belief, but also as a socio-psychological way of existence, along with its philosophical outlook. Shahtakhtinski was persistent in voicing his beliefs against the division into sects, remaining a supporter of the initial ideas of Islam.

Crucially, the first women’s signatures in the history of the Azerbaijani national press appeared on the pages of his newspaper «Şərgi-Rus». Appeals signed by women were published in this newspaper under the signatures such as: «Bir xanım», «Gəncəli bir xanım», «Bakılı bir xanım» due to his encouragement. He also published for the first time an article of Shafiqa Efendizade under her real name, facilitating specifically, initiation of professional journalism by women in Azerbaijan.

The main object of research in the article is the issue of the formation and development of national consciousness in Azerbaijan after independence. Thus, the author has fulfilled a scientific task arising from historical necessity by reexamining the experience gained by the Azerbaijani people in this field since the end of the 19th century, the role and significance of traditions and forms that have further developed and enriched after gaining national independence and have acquired a fundamentally new scale. In this regard, the study of the scientific heritage of the founder of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, Mahammad Amin Rasulzadeh, as well as the scientific assessment of the role of the ideas in his works in the formation of national consciousness is of great importance. In the presented article, the author, as a philosopher, analyzed the services of Mahammad Amin Rasulzadeh in this field with unique philosophical approaches. The study evaluated the scientific work of the historical figure, prominent public and political figure Muhammad Amin Rasulzadeh, on national consciousness, its formation, the development of the ideas of solidarity and Azerbaijaniness in society, and the significant role these ideas play in the life of our country today, with scientific and objective evaluation.

This paper provides an overview of the practice and study of rhetoric in Scandinavia. It describes the culture, political system, and media system of Scandinavia as a prerequisite for both the study and the practice of rhetoric in this region. The paper provides special attention to the Scandinavian researcher's sense of public obligation and to the study of egalitarianism and authenticity. The study and teaching of rhetoric in Scandinavia is multifaceted, however it is united by a common desire to be in touch with the world. The meaning of rhetoric is seen as a means to help people become active agents in their own lives, contribute to create better public debates, improve discussion, and reasoning in policymaking.

Bernardin described the tensions involved in maintaining the Catholic identity of Catholic health care facilities, universities and social service agencies. 1 He was responding to the preliminary report of a Fordham project that asked bishops as well as ministry leaders to forecast what these Catholic institutions would look like in the year 2015. 2 Specifically, the project envisioned three possible scenarios regarding how these ministries might or might not retain their Catholic identity over the ensuing 25 years: Sectarian -The entity would be known as an official Catholic institutional ministry, be marked by church juridical control and be dependent upon church support for its existence. Secular -The church would no longer be involved in the entity because of the inevitable compromises involved. The once-Catholic institution would have little formal connection with the church, and people would perceive it as a community, rather than Catholic, entity. Mixed -The Catholic institutional ministry would maintain a close association with the official church but would perform public functions in a pluralistic society. The ministry would live with the ambiguities arising from having roots in both the secular society and the church, and it would acknowledge the considerable tension that arises from differing and sometimes conflicting expectations of church and society. 3

Bernardin described the tensions involved in maintaining the Catholic identity of Catholic health care facilities, universities and social service agencies. 1 He was responding to the preliminary report of a Fordham project that asked bishops as well as ministry leaders to forecast what these Catholic institutions would look like in the year 2015. 2 Specifically, the project envisioned three possible scenarios regarding how these ministries might or might not retain their Catholic identity over the ensuing 25 years: Sectarian -The entity would be known as an official Catholic institutional ministry, be marked by church juridical control and be dependent upon church support for its existence. Secular -The church would no longer be involved in the entity because of the inevitable compromises involved. The once-Catholic institution would have little formal connection with the church, and people would perceive it as a community, rather than Catholic, entity. Mixed -The Catholic institutional ministry would maintain a close association with the official church but would perform public functions in a pluralistic society. The ministry would live with the ambiguities arising from having roots in both the secular society and the church, and it would acknowledge the considerable tension that arises from differing and sometimes conflicting expectations of church and society. 3

Terrorism is a multifaceted phenomenon that resists simple definition. It encompasses violence by clandestine groups, insurgents, and states, often directed against civilians to instill fear and achieve political or ideological goals. This paper examines terrorism through four dimensions: the terrorist environment, the terrorist mindset, government responses, and the future course of terrorism. It explores definitional debates, the politics of labeling, historical roots, state and non-state practices, and the consequences of terrorism. Drawing on historical examples and contemporary scholarship, the analysis underscores that terrorism is not only an act of violence but also a contested label applied selectively, shaped by power, ideology, and geopolitical interests. Ultimately, the paper argues for a nuanced framework that situates terrorism within broader social movements, state power, and ethical dilemmas.

Public protests, agitations and demonstrations are part of the democratic political process. It shapes the polity of a country and transforms social, political and economic aspects. In Pakistan's history, protest or pressure politics has played a significant role. Significant protests in Pakistan have been held against 'election riggings' including the recent one against 2013 general elections (presumably won by Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif's Pakistan Muslim League N). This present study discusses the recent protest 'popularly called Dharna' staged by Pakistan Tehreek e Insaaf (PTI) under the leadership of the present Prime Minister Imran Khan in Islamabad for 126 days against the alleged rigging of elections of 2013. This empirical study explores the causes of PTI Dharna. It is based on the Primary data collected through a random sample of interviews from students, lawyers and political activists in May-June 2019 in Lahore, Nowshera and Peshawar, Pakistan. We ...

This study examines the pragmatic and ideological functions of personal pronouns in Ghanaian political discourse. Specifically, it investigates how political actors strategically deploy pronouns such as I, we, you, they, and he to construct political identities, mobilize audiences, and delineate ideological boundaries within Ghana's competitive democratic environment. Methodology: The study adopts a qualitative pragmatic discourse analysis of political speech excerpts reported in major Ghanaian online news platforms, including GhanaWeb, JoyOnline, and CitiNewsroom. Drawing on an integrated analytical framework combining pragmatics, critical discourse analysis (CDA), and communication theory, the analysis examines how pronouns function as indexical and relational resources within mediated political communication. Findings: The findings reveal that personal pronouns operate as multifunctional communicative resources in Ghanaian political rhetoric. The pronoun we constructs flexible collective identities that shift between partisan and national frames, while I foregrounds leadership ethos, accountability, and moral authority. The pronoun you positions citizens as active participants in national development and democratic responsibility. In contrast, they and he function as ideological boundary markers that construct political opponents as adversaries and personalize political blame. Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study contributes theoretically by conceptualizing pronouns as semiotic infrastructures that sustain political narratives and ideological positioning in African democratic discourse. Methodologically, it demonstrates the value of micropragmatic analysis for understanding mediated political speech. Practically, the study highlights how pronoun use shapes public perception and political legitimacy, suggesting the need for greater awareness of linguistic framing in democratic communication. Future research should incorporate multilingual political discourse, corpus-based approaches, and audience reception studies to deepen understanding of how pronominal strategies influence political interpretation and civic engagement.

Between 1963 and 1969, Lady Bird Johnson served as one of the most rhetorically prolific first ladies in American history. Throughout her adult life, she diligently worked to overcome what one journalist termed a terror of public oratory. This article is a rhetorical biography that locates and analyzes three interrelated aspects of her rhetorical education: the speech training she pursued as a political surrogate, the collaborative processes of speechwriting and rehearsal in which she engaged as first lady, and her role as a speech coach, writer, and critic for her husband, President Lyndon B. Johnson. The dynamic interplay of these endeavors not only mitigated her fear of public speaking but also meaningfully expanded her rhetorical influence. This analysis identifies rhetorical education as an understudied yet significant factor that shapes an unelected political spouse's transformation into a rhetorical first lady with a national platform of consequence.

When I was a child, books were the most abundant thing in our home. You could always find someone tucked away in a corner, reading. Even when we gathered around the table for meals, we didn't talk about work or politics, we talked about what we'd been reading. For that, I consider myself very lucky. But this upbringing had another side to it. I spent my childhood drifting through the worlds of stories and imaginary adventures, and those tales left a deep mark on me.

Late in his career, Michel Foucault described himself as "show [ing] people that they are much freer than they feel, that people accept as truth, as evidence, some themes which have been built up at a certain moment during history, and that this so-called evidence can be criticized and destroyed. To change something in the minds of people that's the role of an intellectual" (1988,10). Being widely recognized as a public intellectual, Foucault fulfilled the rhetorical function of his role changing people's minds partly by connecting his political activity in nonacademic settings with the research he did as an academic scholar and theorist. In the same interview, after emphasizing that "all of us are living and thinking subjects," Foucault went on to lament the gap between social history and the history of ideas. "Social historians are supposed to describe how people act without thinking, and historians of ideas are supposed to describe how people think without acting" (14). In declaring that a historian of thought attempts to bridge this gap, Foucault states his goal as a specific academic intellectual, as the Professor of the History of Systems of Thought at the College de France.1 Academic intellectuals speak and write primarily for the professional dis ciplinary communities with which they identify. In contrast, public intellectuals not only rhetorically engage audiences beyond the academy but are recognized as doing so by both academics and nonacademics. As the example of Foucault demonstrates, academic intellectuals can become public intellectuals. Some of these hybrids build on their disciplinary expertise in making their public interventions (e.g., the literary cultural critic Edward Said), while others tend to separate their principal disciplinary work from their sociopolitical criticism in the larger public sphere (e.g., the linguist Noam Chomsky). The preceding paragraph illustrates one way the terms academic intel lectuals and public intellectuals get deployed within discussions inside and outside the university.2 I find these definitions useful for understanding the similarities and differences among persons thinking publicly in various cultural

L’articolo discute il problema dell’identità del magister Dalphinus, professore di ars dictaminis, menzionato insieme a Boncompagno da Signa nel Liber florum di Boto da Vigevano, risalente al 1234. Attraverso il confronto con l’Ars epistolaris ornatus di Goffredo de Everseley, altro dictator della seconda metà del XIII secolo, si confuta l’ipotesi che Dalfino sia un eteronimo di Boncompagno sulla base di precisi riscontri testuali. Emerge, contestualmente, un rinnovato quadro dell’insegnamento retorico a Modena e a Bologna.

Readers: This paper is drawn from my book in progress (with Anthony P. Lombardo), Reparations to Africa, especially chapter 5 ("The Slave Trade: Law and Rhetoric"), chapter 6 "The Slave Trade: Debates," and chapter 1, "Reparations to Africa: A New Kind of Justice." ©Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann Feb 5, 2007 C:/reparations/working papers/UConn march 12 07 2 of history. These are unlikely to result in any material reparations from the West to Africa for the slave trade. The discussion below focuses especially on the 2001 United Nations World Conference against Racism in Durban, South Africa, and on the call for reparations by the Group of Eminent Persons (GEP) established by the Organization of African Unity in 1992. The two remaining active members of the GEP in the early twenty-first century were Ali Mazrui and Jacob Ajayi. Much of the discussion of the slave trade among activists for reparations, and among those who attended the World Conference against Racism at Durban, is ridden with inflated figures of how many people were transported across the Atlantic as slaves. Joseph Inikori, a Nigerian-American historian, estimates that approximately 13 million individuals-possibly as many as 15.4 million, if missing records are taken into account-were transported across the Atlantic from Western Africa from the 1440s to the 1860s. 1 A report commissioned by UNESCO as a guide to teachers in the 1990s states that twelve million people were sent across the Atlantic, of whom about 1.5 million died during the voyage across the ocean. 2 These numbers are far lower than the figures often cited in the debate on reparations. Lord Anthony Gifford acted as an advocate for reparations in an unusual debate in the British House of Lords in 1996. He overestimated the number of slaves who were taken to the Americas and who died in transit, claiming "Around 20 million young people 1

How and why did Australia's Hawke-Keating governments (1983-1996) pioneer the world's first stable synthesis of neoliberal market reform and social-democratic legitimacy through union partnership, and what structural contradictions did this "antipodean laboratory" generate-both domestically and in its later international replication by Clinton, Blair, and Schröder?

(This review was first posted on the LA Progressive website on 2/10/2026.)A new Atlantic piece by Hillary Clinton, “MAGA’s War on Empathy,” offers an opportunity to revisit and detail just how deficient President Trump’s empathy is. Most of her essay contrasts two different views of religion, primarily of Christianity, the empathetic perspective and the non-empathetic, Trumpian, one. Regarding the former, she mentions Pope Francis, the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, the Episcopal bishop of Washington, Mariann Edgar Budde, and the National Council of Churches. And she notes that this “liberal Christianity has a long and storied history,” for example, the activism of the 1960s, which included the efforts of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Regarding the latter, Trumpian, approach, she believes that the “moral rot” among Christians starts with Trump, that his corruption isn’t just a personal matter—it taints everything he touches, including his Christian supporters. . . . He makes people worse. Cruelty and ugliness are infectious. When they become the norm, we all suffer.”

The great Azerbaijani thinker Mirabbas Mirbagirzadeh is from Yerevan. The Thinker engaged in the sale of books took an active part in socio-political life, fought against Dashnak separatism in Nakhchivan and Yerevan. M.Mirbagirzade acted in Nakhchivan as a representative of the Government of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic. Waging a political struggle against the British and Armenians, he achieved the integration of Nakhchivan into the ADR. The main place in his work is occupied by the study of Azerbaijani, Turkic-Islamic, Ottoman culture. In the works he wrote and translated, he explored the history of Azerbaijan, the Turks, Turkic-Islamic culture, allowing them to learn and promote the history and culture of the Turks. M. Mirbagirzade also worked as a publicist, ethnographer, and economist. In the articles he wrote both before and after the Soviet era, the culture and everyday life of Azerbaijanis and various ethnic groups were covered in detail. In these articles, the author's knowledge in the field of Turkish-Islamic culture as an ethnographer and cultural scientist can be shown as an example to the people. M. Mirbagirzade promoted Turkish-Islamic unity in his works and fought against separatism. He was also closely interested in literature. His articles

Esse texto foi escrito — combinando ideias novas a trechos e
ideias de outros escritos meus — especialmente para um dos
encontros do Grupo de Estudo: Políticas, Retóricas e Histórias
da Visualidade, uma iniciativa do Podcast Visual+mente e
o grupo de pesquisa do CNPq “Visualidade e Linguagem”.

In this chapter, I map the field of linguistically informed critical studies of power and governance, identify key trends, and point to future avenues of research. Abuse of power by government officeholders is a perennial concern for critical scholars of political discourse. Discourse analysts have drawn welcome attention to the ways in which policymakers and public administrators use language strategically to manipulate or deceive citizens, create and perpetuate various forms of social inequality, and hold on to power by deflecting blame for harmful policies or failures of government. The research agenda focuses on controversial policies and events, and seeks to explain how governmental discourses shape relations of power via particular genres, such as policy documents, speeches, and social media posts.