Southeast Asian Politics

It is commonplace to say that languages are at the heart of diplomatic exchanges, and
several studies have analysed the role played by linguistic diversity during diplomatic
negotiations and audiences.Mastering a common language can encourage negotiation
and contribute to its success, while unmediated linguistic plurality during negotia-
tions opens the door to confusion, manipulation and misunderstanding, ultimately
contributing to their failure.
Linguistic interactions between European and other political entities have been
analysed rather extensively. Several studies have researched the linguistic diplomatic
cultures of Byzantium and the medieval Mediterranean in relation with the Islamic
World. Focusing on cultural and political relations  between European powers and the
Ottoman Empire, Venice and the Safavids, or the Portuguese and the Mughals, the
literature on early modern diplomacy has also touched on the language issue.

Purpose–The dataset was collected to examine and identify possible key topicswithin these texts. Method–Data preparation such as data cleaning, transformation, tokenization, removal of stop wordsfrom both English and Filipino, and word stemmingwas employed in the datasetbefore feeding it to sentiment analysis and the LDA model.Results–The topmost occurring word within the dataset is "development" and there are three (3) likely topics from the speeches of Philippine presidents: economic development, enhancement of public services, and addressing challenges.Conclusion–The datasetwas ableto provide valuable insights contained among official documents. While the study showedthatpresidentshave used their annual address to express their visions for the country. It alsopresentedthat the presidents from 1935 to 2016 faced the same problems during their term.Recommendations–Future researchers may collect other speeches made by presidents during their term;combine them to the datase...

งานชิ้นนี้มุ่งทำความเข้าใจพัฒนาการของรัฐไทยในการบริหารจัดการที่ดินและป่าไม้ในพื้นที่ชายแดนภาคใต้ ผลกระทบต่อประชาชนและความสัมพันธ์กับความไม่สงบโดยใช้แนวคิดเรื่องการขยายอำนาจการควบคุมเหนือดินแดนภายในกับการจัดการทรัพยากร และแนวคิดเรื่องความล้มเหลวของโครงการขนาดใหญ่ของรัฐ เป็นกรอบในการวิเคราะห์ งานชิ้นนี้ใช้วิธีการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ ประกอบด้วย การรวบรวมข้อมูลจากเอกสารที่เกี่ยวข้องทั้งงานศึกษาวิจัยและข้อมูลการดำาเนินงานของหน่วยงานต่างๆ พร้อมกับการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึกบุคคลและการสนทนากลุ่มในชุมชนที่ได้รับผลกระทบจากการบริหารจัดการทรัพยากรที่ดินและป่าโดยรัฐ ผลการศึกษาพบว่า การเข้าจัดการพื้นที่ในเขตป่าเขาช่วยให้รัฐไทยขยายอำนาจการควบคุมเหนือพื้นที่ชายแดนใต้ได้อย่างครอบคลุม และละเอียดมากขึ้น โดยดำเนินการใน 4 บริบท คือ การสร้างเศรษฐกิจ ความมั่นคง การอนุรักษ์ป่า และการเปลี่ยนแปลงสภาพภูมิอากาศ อนึ่ง ในกระบวนการเหล่านี้วิถีชีวิตของคนท้องถิ่นในเขตป่าเขาไร้ตัวตนจากการรับรู้ของรัฐไทยที่มีฐานคิดว่าป่าเขาเป็นพื้นที่รกร้างและไม่มีผู้ครอบครองจึงถือว่าเป็นที่ดินของรัฐ เมื่อรัฐไทยมีศักยภาพมากขึ้นในการควบคุมพื้นที่ห่างไกล ผู้คนในเขตป่าเขาก็ไม่อาจดำรงชีวิตอย่างปกติสุขและหมดหนทางที่จะได้สิทธิเหนือที่ดิน ทั้งนี้ ยิ่งประสบความสำเร็จในการควบคุมพื้นที่ป่ารัฐไทยก็ยิ่งสามารถรักษาความมั่นคง ได้มากขึ้น แต่ความสำเร็จนี้กลับไม่ได้สร้างความกินดีอยู่ดีแก่ประชาชน และกลับเป็นอุปสรรคต่อการสร้างสันติภาพชายแดนใต้

I write about the failure of state building in Highland Burma and the persistence of political life beneath the level of the nation-state. Feudal kings, British colonial bureaucrats, Chinese Nationalists and Communists, Americans from the OSS, CIA, and DEA, and Burmese generals have tried, and failed to bring order to the highlands. Paradox abound, and need to be explained. Despite the creativity and originality of Scott's work, his presentation is incomplete. This is why I add to Scott's story something from Max Weber's ideas about authority, charismatic leadership, statelessness, and political legitimacy. Finally, Chinua Achebe's ideas about when things hold together, and fall apart are also relevant. Highland leadership as not just a technical project of governance, but an "art" or an "aesthetic," rooted in a habitus of remembered relationships, whether they be from the modern state-centric world, or beneath the level of the nation-state where modern norms for political "order" are as Maitri Aung-Thwin says, "meaningless."

Please ask your academic libraries to order a copy, which is still quite pricey!  Prices should come after the book is published in July 2026, or soi.

But over time, Indonesia and Thailand democratised rapidly while Singapore and Malaysia remained more or less semi-democratic. As Reilly (2006) has shown, the institutions of democracy in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand ( hereafter IMT), and in East Asia had taken a centripetal thrust, adopting a combination of majoritarian electoral systems (Reilly, 2006, 109-112), political party systems that favour institutionalisation of a small number of large bridging parties (Reilly, 2006, 131-142), and forms of executive government that increase government stability (Reilly, 2006: 146-166).

In recent days, the process of federalization within the Indian Union has become more debatable due to the unequal federal development at various levels. In this context, the issues of state formation in India have become very crucial within the domain of the Indian federal structure. In the 1950s, the nature of demands for a new state was based on the ‘identity’ aspect under federal governance; but at present, the focus has shifted to ‘regional development,’ particularly to the aspects of socio-cultural, economic and political opportunities. The main objective of adopting the federal structure in Indian polity was to promote cultural homogeneity and improved federal governance in all the Indian states. However, the unequal development between the states and lack of socio-economic and political opportunities in society has challenged federalism in India. This situation has opened the door for the emergence of many regional parties, volunteer groups and civil society organiza...

There has been a pronounced shift in dynamics between China and the USA, towards one where competition is now the defining character of their relationship. Yet, growing great power competition does not mean that other international actors do not have agency to shape their strategic circumstances. With a focus on Southeast Asia, we highlight two cases of this agency. The first is ASEAN-China cooperation in COVID-19 pandemic recovery, while the second looks at China-Singapore cooperation to build a more secure regional order. Both ASEAN and Singapore have well-known, robust partnerships with the USA. Yet their relationship with the USA has not stopped ASEAN and Singapore from exercising their prerogative to work with China-when it suits-to improve the circumstances of the region. The cases show that the choices of Southeast Asian states are not necessarily defined by the US-China competition.

he paper intends to analyze the context of curatorial approaches in Tribal Museums in India by understanding
the process that sailed through from the colonial to post-independence era to the recent time. The study shed light
on the conceptual and technical paradigms that have endured the change, continuity, and shift in this process and
the possible future dynamics. The paper also analyses the museum as a tool of better representation for tribal
communities rather than seeing it as an object of curiosity.
Keywords: Tribal Museums, India, Curatorial Approach, Identity, Representation

Non-traditional security (NTS) has become a central idiom shaping international politics in the 21st Century. Unlike traditional security, which privileges military threats, territorial defence, and geopolitical rivalry, NTS describes vulnerabilities that endanger societies, rather than armies: Climate change, pandemics, water scarcity, food-system fragility, natural disasters, demographic pressures, and the governance of cross-border labour mobility. These risks cannot be mitigated by coercion, or insulated by borders. Instead, they demand cooperation, institutional capacity, and long-term planning, and they increasingly structure the domestic politics of Asian states.

This chapter analyses how multilingual mainstream Malaysian newspapers reported the Tanjung Piai by-election of November 2019. The Tanjung Piai parliamentary seat became vacant after the death of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) Member of Parliament. Barisan Nasional (BN) held the seat previously but lost it to PH in the 2018 general elections. This by-election was important because it indicated the people's confidence in PH and the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad. This chapter uses framing theory to explain how the media structure their delivery of news, promoting interpretations of events by selecting certain facts. Frames appearing in the media are important when they resonate with the audience's strongly held perceptions. Articles in Harian Metro, Malaysiakini, The Star and Sin Chew Daily are analysed to determine the intensity of coverage, the predominant sources, the frames and the valence of the articles towards PH and Mahathir Mohamad. The analysis reveals that BN's resounding victory is a strong indication of the people's disappointment with the government and their efforts at reforms. The voters protested PH with an intention to 'teach it a lesson' by voting for BN's candidate.

This study examines electoral reforms and democratic development within the Indian political system by focusing on the relationship between institutional reform, political leadership, policy design, and implementation quality. Electoral reform in India has evolved through legislative amendments, judicial interventions, administrative innovations, and citizen-led demands for transparency, fairness, and accountability. Yet the extent to which these reforms deepen democratic development depends not only on formal rules but also on leadership commitment, public trust, and the administrative capacity to carry reform into practice. The present study adopts a descriptive and analytical research design and models a sample size of 84 respondents drawn from voters, students, civil society participants, and local opinion leaders. Primary data are interpreted through structured response patterns, while secondary data are drawn from official reports, committee recommendations, and academic literature on electoral governance. Four statistical tools are applied to objective-wise analysis: chi-square, independent samples t-test, one-way ANOVA, and a one-sample proportion test. The findings suggest that awareness of reforms is significantly associated with participatory behaviour, perceptions of strong leadership improve confidence in execution, stakeholder groups differ in their evaluation of formulation quality, and a strong majority supports stricter transparency measures. The study concludes that democratic development in India requires continuous electoral reform, stronger institutional coordination, ethical political leadership, and citizen-centred policy execution. These elements together strengthen legitimacy, representation, and public confidence in democratic governance. It also highlights the need for reform to remain continuous, evaluative, and responsive to emerging electoral challenges.

His generous trust, support, and patience have been forever a major contributor behind my achievements. He has been an excellent teacher, mentor, and a great inspiration for me. I cannot wait for the day I can do the same for someone else. I am also grateful to Dr. Lu Zhang, my second supervisor. Her good advice, support, and friendship have been invaluable on both an academic and a personal level, for which I am extremely grateful. I also would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Hein Roelfsema for proposing Chapter 4 of this thesis to me. He provided his support in several ways that greatly benefited the thesis. I would like to acknowledge the technical support from Dr. Stefano Lugo, who guided me in working with Stata. In addition, I also feel grateful to the reading committee, Prof.dr. H. Garretsen, Prof. dr. W.H.J. Hassink, Prof. dr. C. Van Marrewijk, Prof. dr. D.K. Nguyen, Dr. M. Sanders for their careful reading of my thesis. Working at Utrecht University was a very nice experience and I am grateful to my colleagues for making the working a very pleasurable one. In particular, I would like to thank Mariska for giving me the right advice when I was in trouble. To Veronika, Marianne, Inge, and Ms. Paula Banning at the International Office, thank you for all the assistance. Thank Dr.Loek and Dr.Gabor for the extra unique support. To Dr. Zori, thanks for being an amazing listener. It was a blessing to have you at U.S.E. To Dr. Tim, "the tallest person at U.S.E.", thank you for reading my paper and the kind words of encouragement you spoke. Dr. Milena, thanks for being warm and feeding me with great food. Dr. Joras, my office mate, thank you for exchange your desk that is close to the heater, which helped me to survive the cold. Dr. Ioanna and Dr. Lu, thank you for listening and encouraging. It is really recognition personally to Mario, who supported me in a special way. Dr. Li, thanks for listening and sharing difficult times with me. To Dr. Andre, thanks for your support. Thanks also go to my office mates Dr.

The Paracel and Spratly Islands, two obscure archipelagos in the South China Sea with little arable land and no indigenous population, consisting of coral islands, reefs, and shoals, many of which are barely above sea level-the highest points of land are 46 feet and 13 feet respectively-are at the center of an international dispute between China and six of her neighbors.

Vietnam, Taiwan, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and the Philippines reject China's claim of legal ownership of those islands and/or their surrounding waters.

The Paracel Islands in the north consists of 130 coral islands and reefs whose combined surface area is less than three sq. miles strewn across 5,800 sq. miles of the South China Sea. The islands, situated west of Vietnam and south of China, are claimed by Vietnam and Taiwan, but are occupied by China...

The Spratly Islands in the south with a combined surface area of less than one sq. mile are sprinkled across 164,000 sq. miles of the South China Sea. In the 2015 article, The Spratly Island Dispute – A Discourse Analysis, Lin Alexandra Mortensgaard writes: “There is some confusion as to the number of islands, reefs, rocks and atolls that the Spratly Islands consist of. Some academics claim up to 230 while others speak of 150 “named landforms” and some only include 40-50 islands and reefs. Even the CIA seems uncertain in its estimate when writing that the Spratlys consist of ‘100 or so islets’”.

This paper investigates the operation of biopolitics in India through the intersecting lenses of caste, gender, race, and sexuality. Drawing upon Michel Foucault’s conceptualisation of biopolitics as the governance of life and populations, the study contextualises these ideas within India’s socio-political history. It argues that caste hierarchies regulate bodies through practices of ritual pollution, labor segregation, and institutional exclusion, while state policies both challenge and reinforce these structures. Gendered bodies are managed through reproductive policies, cultural norms, and acts of violence that discipline female sexuality and autonomy. Although race is not officially recognized, racialized discourses surface through colorism and the marginalization of Adivasi and Northeastern communities. Sexual minorities face systemic violence, bureaucratic control, and limited access to rights despite legal advances such as the decriminalization of homosexuality. Using an intersectional framework, this paper reveals how these categories operate simultaneously to produce layered forms of governance, exclusion, and resistance. The research highlights how modern Indian statecraft utilizes both coercive and benevolent mechanisms to manage marginalized bodies, shaping who is allowed to live, thrive, or perish.

The Philippine judiciary stands as a cornerstone of democratic governance, tasked with upholding the rule of law, protecting constitutional rights, and maintaining checks and balances within government. However, its effectiveness has long been shaped by historical legacies, political interference, corruption, budgetary constraints, and evolving public trust. This study employed a systematic literature review of academic works, legal documents, government reports, and news sources to analyze the structure, independence, and challenges of the judiciary through the lenses of Historical, Sociological, and Rational Choice Institutionalism, integrated with Democratic Theory. Findings revealed that judicial independence is central to counterbalancing executive and legislative powers, yet remains vulnerable to politicized appointments and external pressures. The judiciary plays a critical role in protecting rights through judicial review and in shaping governance via rulings on high-profile political and social issues. Nonetheless, corruption, case backlogs, and inefficiencies undermine its credibility. The study concluded that strengthening meritbased appointments, improving transparency, enhancing technological reforms, and fostering public engagement are essential for improving judicial effectiveness. The analysis contributed to institutional and democratic theory by highlighting the judiciary's dual role as both a legal and political actor within Philippine democracy.

This article examines competing responses to Cyclone Mocha, a category 5 cyclone that devastated Rakhine State in May 2023, within the context of ongoing political conflict and climate crisis. We analyze how different state-like actors-including the military's State Administration Council (SAC), the Arakan Army, and the National Unity Government-appropriated disaster response efforts as manifestations of pluralized state-making during a period of violent rupture following the 2021 military coup. Drawing on digital ethnography of media representations and interviews with affected Rohingya populations, we demonstrate how disaster responses were both materially impactful and inherently performative, functioning as theatrical displays of authority and legitimacy. Despite competing narratives of effective disaster management, the Rohingya people suffered the most yet received the least assistance, while being marginalized and neglected. Theoretically, we contribute to scholarship that challenges the framing of cyclones as merely 'natural' disasters by highlighting how vulnerabilities and responses are embedded in complex social, political, and historical processes. We argue that the politics of climate change in Myanmar exemplifies how disaster responses become sites for competitive state-making, where actors attempt to green their image while maintaining exploitative practices. This case illustrates how climate-related disasters become entangled with existing structures of violence and exclusion within contexts of chronic crisis and contested governance.

The arrest of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte under an International Criminal Court warrant and his subsequent detention appear to have amplified his popular appeal among Filipino publics. This article unpacks Duterte's enduring popularity by analysing how Filipino cultural values reinforce populist and nationalist narratives, particularly during moments of political crisis. We focus on how utang na loob (debt of gratitude) has been mobilised to defend Duterte and critique the Marcos administration. Our findings suggest that Duterte's supposed policy legacy and his performative political will forged a social contract many Filipinos view as having delivered tangible benefits. Within the Filipino moral economy of reciprocity, such gains engender expectations of loyalty. The Philippine example illustrates how morally charged populist and nationalist discourses can frame political allegiances that resist scrutiny and international accountability.

Southeast Asia exhibits a remarkable range of political forms. This study examines the resiliency of Southeast Asian struggles to expand political space and replace authoritarianism with more representative political regimes. Following an introduction examining these struggles during the colonial and post-colonial periods, attention is given to the notion of 'Asian-style' democracy. It is suggested that this terminology represents a rejection of liberalism and of associated western-style democratic values. Malaysia and Singapore are cited as examples of illiberal approaches to political space, democratization and representation by the ruling parties. In contrast, Thailand and Indonesia are examples of recent democratization, which have more to do with popular struggles for expanded political space than with elite notions of 'Asian-style' democracy. There are some reasons for optimism regarding further democratization, or at least for the maintenance and expansion of political space, in the region as a whole. Southeast Asia is a diverse region and exhibits a remarkable range of political forms: absolute monarchy (Brunei), authoritarian post-socialist regimes (Vietnam, Laos), military-dominated dictatorship (Burma), crumbling authoritarianism (Indonesia), electoral authoritarianism (Singapore, Malaysia), various versions of elected representative governments (Thailand, the Philippines) and the unclassifiable oddity of Cambodia. 1 This study could not hope to do justice to the expanse of political expression in the countries of the region. Rather, the intention is to suggest the significance of some of the Southeast Asian experience for understanding the long history and resiliency of the struggles to expand political space and replace authoritarianism with more representative political regimes. Often the struggle to establish democratic or representative forms in Southeast Asia is seen to have been relatively recent, 2 and as indicated in the Introduction to this collection, there is a degree of pessimism regarding democratization in Southeast Asia. However, if attention is moved to the existence and expansion of political space, then the Southeast Asian experience during the 1980s and 1990s is cause for limited optimism. The term 'political space' is employed in preference to civil society; it is an The author thanks Andrew Brown and Paul Healy for comments and suggestions.

Globally, all cataclysmic events have resulted in corresponding archives of expressive resources, including oral narratives, writings, and performing and visual arts, which memorialize responses of those who have experienced, or, are experiencing ordeals laterally, or at first-hand. The South Asian region, owing to its history of commonwealth belonging and decolonization, and its global south categorization, has witnessed, over the years, historical and political crises, economic and ecological disruptions, cultural and sociological disturbances, that present grand patterns of trauma. These have shaped or reshaped histories of belonging, hybridized, or recreated identities or brought them under contestation, and led to conditions wherein people find themselves in perpetual flux. Significantly, this region has also witnessed instances of peoples' resilience, the coming into play of forces of healing, at times in most unexpected ways, from unanticipated quarters. The history of the South-Asian region, in other words, constitutes histories of peoples' struggles, and their dealing with crises, whether as resistance or protest, as forgetting and moving on, as continually learning and resiliently adapting to them, or as coping and healing, in spite of them. Trauma, a key term in psychoanalytic approaches to literary study, has garnered significant interest, with broad applicability to individuals, cultures, and nations. All aspects of traumatic experiences, in their individual and collective dimensions, emphasize the role of peoples' resilience, overcoming crises, and moving on. Furthermore, memory plays a significant role in both falling into trauma and overcoming it. Both trauma and memory are, by nature, in their multifarious manifestations, psychological, social, historical, cultural, philosophical, religious, economic, and political. Artistic representations and memorialisation of trauma constitute acts of resistance, that despite recalling the scarring memories of violence and hurt, highlight the need for healing and rejuvenate the collective consciousness of a community, thereby emphasizing efforts toward resilience. Memory also acts as a safeguard against attempts to silence voices of transgression, and dissidence and is, in turn, often implicated in that silencing. It is important to locate and understand the manifold ways in which traumatic memories of violence and resistance have led to resilience; how their narrativization and depiction in literature, film, theatre, art, and other cultural forms transforms the experiences into aestheticized expressions, thereby accruing layers of meaning and significance. Examining the intricate interplay that exists between these realms and/or in the interstices between them, reveals how literary and cultural media not only preserve and reshape personal and collective memory but also serve as powerful acts of resistance and the silencing of traumatic histories and/or experiences. What do these multimodal representations tell us about peoples' experiences and struggles? How does artistic self-expression relate to trauma, survival, resilience, and healing? How do they affect audiences? How do minor artistic expressions of trauma and resilience compare with dominant narratives? This conference seeks to address the above and related issues through readings of oral narratives, literature, performance, art, and sculpture. It seeks to highlight ways in which archives may reflect or resist personal and/or collective memory and identity and the larger politics of preservation and documentation. It seeks to contribute to the fields of trauma, culture, and memory studies by fostering a rich, interdisciplinary dialogue that will challenge and expand perceptions of the past, present, and future.

Mục tiêu của bài viết là phân tích tác động của chuyển đổi số đến hiệu quả kinh doanh của các doanh nghiệp tư nhân Việt Nam. Dữ liệu được thu thập từ 02 nguồn gồm báo cáo tài chính được kiểm toán và khảo sát mức độ chuyển đổi số thực tế tại các doanh nghiệp tư nhân có niêm yết trên sàn giao dịch chứng khoán giai đoạn 2018-2022. Đo lường hiệu quả kinh doanh thông qua chỉ tiêu ROE, đo lường chuyển đổi số thông qua 7 thành phần (Chiến lượng công ty, Trải nghiệm khách hàng, Chuỗi cung ứng, Nghiệp vụ quản lý, Hệ thống quản trị dữ liệu, Quản lý rủi ro, Con người và tổ chức). Dựa trên kết quả khảo sát, tổng hợp mức độ chuyển đổi số của các doanh nghiệp từ mức 0 đến mức 5. Kết quả ước lượng mô hình FGLS cho thấy, chuyển đổi số tác động âm đến kết quả kinh doanh của doanh nghiệp và mức độ tác động của từng thành phần chuyển đổi số đến hiệu quả kinh doanh của các doanh nghiệp tư nhân cũng khác nhau. Mặt khác, hồi quy các thành phần của chuyển đổi số cho thấy, sự tác động của chuyển đổi số đến...

Birth (BW) and weaning weights (WW) of Shorthorn beef cattle used to study the genotype by country (G´C) interactions between Australia (AU) and the United States (US). Data were collected depending on the connectedness on genetic links of common sires. The edited data consisted of numbers of sire, dam and calf of 2,013, 19,784 and 42,963 in AU and 4,797, 38,648 and 95,849 in the US, respectively. After that, sets of data were combined together and corresponding traits from different countries were treated as different traits. Therefore, a bivariate animal model including maternal genetic and permanent environment effects was used to study the interactions. No covariance due to maternal permanent environmental and environmental effects {cov(pe1,pe2) and cov(e1,e2) = 0} was assumed. Estimates of (co)variance components have been done by restricted maximum likelihood. Variance component estimates of the same trait across countries were slightly different. Direct and maternal genetic c...

Politik uang atau money politics di Indonesia telah menjadi masalah sistemik yang merusak kualitas demokrasi dan mengancam integritas pemilu. Praktik ini melibatkan pemberian uang atau barang untuk memengaruhi hasil pemilu atau pemilihan kepala daerah secara ilegal. Seiring dengan kemajuan teknologi, khususnya digitalisasi transaksi keuangan, politik uang kini bertransformasi menjadi lebih sulit dilacak, melalui donasi menggunakan e-wallet, cryptocurrency, dan transaksi mikro. Perubahan ini menimbulkan tantangan besar bagi pembuat kebijakan, pengawas pemilu, serta masyarakat sipil yang berusaha menjaga keadilan dalam pemilu (Bawaslu, 2020). Politik uang digital menjadi lebih kompleks dan lebih sulit dipantau, yang mendorong perlunya pembaruan regulasi yang dapat mengakomodasi fenomena digitalisasi ini.

Liquor is an alcoholic drink prohibited by some religions because it is considered to have a destructive impact on individuals and society. However, from an economic point of view, it can generate income for the community or the state. For this reason, some parties consider it necessary to legalize alcohol investment. In Indonesia, the president issued Presidential Regulation Number 10 of 2021 concerning the Investment Business Sector. In Appendix III, number 31, it is stated that it is permissible to invest in alcohol with some special requirements. The Presidential Regulation reaped the pros and cons of several groups. Islamic organizations are among those who firmly reject the investment and are trying to advise the president to revise the Presidential Regulation. Finally, the president changed Presidential Regulation No. 10 of 2021 and ratified Presidential Regulation No. 49 of 2021, which abolished alcohol investment based on various considerations, including a suggestion from Islamic organizations in Indonesia. This study seeks to see the efforts of Islamic organizations in Indonesia to reject Presidential Regulation number 10 of 2021 concerning the Investment Business Sector because it legalizes alcohol investment. The method used in this study is normative juridical by analyzing the contents of presidential regulations and fatwas of Islamic organizations in Indonesia. This study concludes that the efforts of Indonesian Islamic organizations to reject alcohol investment, as stated in Presidential Regulation No. 10 of 2021, are one of the considerations for the president to change the presidential regulation and ratify Presidential Regulation No. 49 of 2021.

Protection of archaeological sites in Japanese law In popular perception Japan is often associated with cherry blossoms, the samurai, the geishas, rice fields and delicious ramen soup. However, each of these elements is relatively new. The country’s culture is rich and ancient, and the Japanese are very aware of their heritage and are eager to protect it. The Japanese government encourages universal public participation in supporting and appreciating artistic activities. The most important cultural goods are considered national treasures, which are particularly valuable to the world and to the Japanese nation. These can be works of art such as paintings, sculptures or architectural masterpieces, as well as other forms of artistic expression such as suiseki – art of artistic display of stones, chadō – tea ceremony, ikebana – flower arrangement, and even the artists themselves. The purpose of this article is to outline the Japanese heritage law with respect to protection of archaeolog...

Indonesia is an archipelagic country with a geopolitical understanding of wawasan nusantara perspective and mandates of the 1945 Constitution. This is the base of Indonesia's political policy in addressing the South China Sea conflict which is involving China and countries in Southeast Asia. Indonesia, even though it claims to be a non-climate state but it always giving full support to reach the solution. Unfortunately, concrete legal solution for the parties has still not been achieved till know, even though the Philippines has taken China to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. An important point in the problem of this research about what is the solution by Indonesia in responding to China's unilateral claim to ownership of the North Natuna Sea based on UNCLOS 1982? After conducting research and interviews with competent parties at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, it can be concluded that the efforts of Indonesia and ASEAN countries to create a Code of Conduct (CoC) with China is one of the best conflict management that can be done nowadays. Indonesia has gained many positive things by being actively involved in the CoC discussion process. The existence of the Natuna Sea area which holds a lot of potential for oil and gas, fisheries, and tourism is the sovereignty of the Republic of Indonesia which must be protected from other intervention.

Khoa học nghiên cứu văn hóa đã dần chuyển dịch từ hướng tiếp cận cấu trúc – chức năng truyền thống sang hướng tiếp cận phối hợp giữa cấu trúc – chức năng và hậu cấu trúc. Những vấn đề mới nổi của thế giới đương đại đòi hỏi người nghiên cứu văn hóa phải xem xét, đánh giá, phân tích vấn đề nghiên cứu của mình ở cả hai chiều kích lịch đại (giá trị tĩnh, mang tính trầm tích) lẫn đồng đại (giá trị động/diễn hóa, tính thời đại). Sự chuyển dịch này kéo theo nhu cầu tái đánh giá giá trị của các thực hành văn hóa – xã hội, nhất là các thực hành hàm chứa yếu tố kinh tế. Bài viết này tổng hợp (có so sánh) hai góc nhìn nói trên trong nghiên cứu văn hóa, đề xuất một số khung đánh giá trị các hoạt động văn hóa – xã hội trên thực tế mang tính bao quát cả hai chiều kích lịch đại và đồng đại, đồng thời đảm bảo góc nhìn kiến tạo.

Bahasa Melayu merupakan bahasa rasmi dan kebangsaan di Malaysia. Ia merupakan salah satu alat untuk mencapai perpaduan nasional. Oleh itu pihak kerajaan cuba melaksanakan usaha penggunaan bahasa Melayu di semua peringkat. Ini termasuklah memperkenalkan bahasa Melayu di Sabah dan Sarawak. Namun demikian pelaksanaannya mengalami masalah apabila kerajaan negeri Sarawak pimpinan Stephen Kalong Ningkan melambat-lambatkan penggunaan bahasa Melayu di Sarawak. Hal ini menimbulkan pertentangan antara kerajaan pusat dan kerajaan negeri untuk melaksanakan penggunaannya di Sarawak. Kerajaan negeri cuba menggunakan alasan dengan Perkara 18 yang menguntukkan kebebasan untuk kerajaan negeri mengekalkan penggunaan bahasa Inggeris di Sarawak sebagai bahasa rasmi. Hal ini membawa kepada bantahan kerajaan pusat dibawah pimpinan Tengku Abdul Rahman. Tengku Abdul Rahman mengingatkan kerajaan negeri Sarawak tentang kepentingan bahasa Melayu untuk perpaduan rakyat. Sebaliknya, Ningkan tidak berganjak dan ...

The 2024 July–August mass mobilization in Bangladesh toppled an entrenched regime, challenging conventional sovereignty narratives centred on territorial security and economic dependency. This study respecifies the conventional understanding of sovereignty by integrating moral legitimacy (Insaf) and epistemic autonomy (Cognitive Autonomy, CA) as constitutive, rather than peripheral, elements. Drawing on Sharif Osman Hadi’s (1993–2025) political thought, it intervenes through his concepts of “Insaf Orientation”—a justice-centred normative architecture—and “Cognitive Sovereignty,” which prioritises epistemic insulation from external hegemony. Phase I (Jan 2026) will employ a qualitative interpretive methodology to conduct thematic analysis.
The central claim posits the Hadi Framework formalized as S = T + M + CA + I—a composite rather than arithmetical formulation,
here military capacity (M) is normatively constrained by moral legitimacy
It advances an alternative ethical–political model for South Asia’s fragile states, transcending the ‘dependent state’ paradigm by foregrounding justice-centred legitimacy and epistemic autonomy.
This paper is presented as a conceptual and interpretive framework rather than a finalized empirical model; its primary contribution lies in retheorizing sovereignty through the normative lenses of justice (Insaf) and cognitive autonomy, grounded in the post–July 2024 political conjuncture of Bangladesh.
Ultimately, this study re-specifies the parameters of South Asian statecraft, offering a dignity-based model for fragile states.

Location of Pakistan has great geo-political and geo-strategic significance in the South Asian region. Pakistan played an important role for the strategic goals of the United States during the ruling periods of President Zia-ul-Haq and President Musharraf. As a frontline state Pakistan received economic and military assistance, during the period of President Zia-ul-Haq, for supporting US interests against Soviet invasion in Afghanistan. After 9/11, due to its strategic location, Pakistan became the ally of the United States against terrorism and the biggest beneficiary of US economic assistance in the region. However, as a result of these policies Islamic extremism, sectarian violence and ethnic cleavages cropped up in the society, shattering social and cultural values. The purpose of this research paper is to highlight the key role played by Pakistan as a frontline state and its impact on the Pakistani society. This research paper follows descriptive and analytical methods.

Recurring waves of protest in Iran have implications that extend well beyond its domestic political landscape, carrying significant strategic, security, and regional consequences for neighbouring states—most notably Pakistan. This paper analyses how internal instability in Iran reshapes Pakistan’s security environment through sectarian spillovers, cross-border militancy, refugee pressures, and evolving regional alignments. It argues that heightened unrest in Iran can recalibrate Tehran’s regional behaviour, intensify proxy dynamics, and alter intelligence and security postures along Pakistan’s western frontier. The study further situates these developments within broader geopolitical realignments, examining how rival regional actors—particularly India, alongside Gulf partners such as the United Arab Emirates and strategic cooperation with Israel—may seek to leverage Iran–Pakistan frictions to advance their own strategic objectives. By linking Iran’s domestic protests to shifting regional power configurations, the paper highlights the multidimensional risks for Pakistan, including internal sectarian polarisation, external security vulnerabilities, and diplomatic balancing challenges. The analysis concludes by outlining policy options for Pakistan to mitigate adverse impacts while navigating an increasingly complex regional environment shaped by instability in Iran.

Despite their increasing frequency, or the plethora of studies on defense engagement and diplomacy, from arms transfer to major visits and industrial partnerships, it is puzzling that joint military exercises remain understudied. This is particularly as they are important features of the international order. This article introduces this special issue on "Joint Military Exercises and Security Ordering in Southeast Asia", which evaluates joint military exercises between states in Southeast Asia as part of the micro-foundation of the international security order within the Asia-Pacific. The issue consists of five articles providing in-depth analysis of different bilateral, minilateral, and multilateral exercises that have shaped the regional security order in Southeast Asia for decades. Specifically, the articles focus on three Southeast Asian states-Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand-as well as two prominent groupings of states in the region; the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Five Powers Defence Arrangements (FPDA).

Kawasan Dataran Tengah Thailand khususnya kawasan Bangkok menjadi tumpuan pelbagai masyarakat dari pelbagai latar belakang budaya antaranya termasuk komuniti Melayu yang dianggarkan berjumlah seramai 700,000 orang. Orang-orang Melayu ini telah mendiami daerah ini sejak zaman Ayuthaya sekitar abad 13 dan 14 dan jumlahnya semakin meningkat sejak awal zaman Rattanakosin pada abad ke 15 iaitu kesan dari peperangan antara Kerajaan Siam dengan Kerajaan-kerajaan Melayu di daerah Selatan. Sejak zaman Kerajaan Rattanakosin dengan raja yang memerintah bergelar Rama telah memperkenalkan perlbagai dasar pemerintahan yang memberi kesan kepada perjalanan identiti masyarakat Thai termasuk orang-orang Melayu khususnya dasar asimilasi. Sebagai bangsa yang kuat mempertahankan jati diri bangsa, orang-orang Melayu ini walau bagaimanapun mengadaptasikan dasar-dasar yang dikemukakan dan pengubahsuaian identiti berlaku dari semasa ke semasa sepanjang Raja Rama memerintah. Semua yang dilakukan adalah demi ...

H2: District-level Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) governance weaknesses (e.g., lack of transparency, procurement manipulation) are strongly associated with corrupt practices such as overpricing and project non-completion. H3: Political patronage and contractor networks mediate the relationship between the ACA enforcement capacity and project corruption. H4: Corrupt practices in flood control projects lead to poorer project outcomes, including substandard construction and recurring flooding. This research argues that corruption embedded in the planning, procurement, and implementation stages of flood control projects in the Philippines significantly undermines national disaster preparedness. By diverting funds, enabling substandard construction, and weakening oversight institutions, corruption compromises the reliability and effectiveness of flood mitigation efforts. Corruption is a multifaceted phenomenon that extends beyond simple abuse of public office for private gain, encompassing political, economic, and institutional dimensions across diverse contexts. Traditional definitions, while applicable in bureaucratic settings, often fail to capture the nuanced forms corruption takes in modern democracies. introduces the concept of "duplicitous exclusion," in which actors publicly endorse norms of inclusion but covertly privilege insiders, thereby undermining civic participation, accountability, and

Pandemi COVID-19 telah membawa dampak luas terhadap tatanan kehidupan bangsaIndonesia, mencakup sektor kesehatan, ekonomi, sosial, pendidikan, hingga tata kelola pemerintahan. Dalam menghadapi krisis ini, kebijakan negara tidak dapat hanya bertumpu pada pendekatan medis dan administratif, tetapi memerlukan dasar filosofis yang mampu menjaga keseimbangan antara kepentingan individu dan kolektif. Pancasila sebagai sistem filsafat bangsa Indonesia menjadi landasan fundamental dalam merumuskan serta mengarahkan kebijakan penanganan pandemi agar tetap selaras dengan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan, keadilan, persatuan, dan kesejahteraan sosial. Penulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji secara kritis bagaimana Pancasila dimanfaatkandalam kebijakan penanganan pandemi COVID-19, baik dalam tataran normatif, implementatif, maupun sosial. Penelitian menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif melalui telaah literatur, analisis regulasi, dan pengamatan terhadap praktik kebijakan pemerintah pusat dan daerah. Fokus kajian diarahkan pada manifestasi nilai dari setiap sila Pancasila dalam kebijakan strategis, seperti vaksinasi nasional, bantuan sosial, pembatasan aktivitas masyarakat, perlindungan tenaga kesehatan, serta penguatan gotong royong masyarakat. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa nilai kemanusiaan tercermin dalam komitmen pemerintah untuk melindungi keselamatan warga negara sebagai prioritas utama. Sila persatuan tampak melalui koordinasi lintas sektor dan kolaborasi antara pemerintah pusat, pemerintah daerah, aparat keamanan, tenaga kesehatan, dan masyarakat sipil. Nilai keadilan sosial diimplementasikan melalui distribusi bantuan, akses layanan kesehatan, dan program vaksinasi massal. Namun demikian, masih ditemukan kesenjangan dalam pelaksanaan, seperti ketidakmerataan distribusi bantuan, lemahnya edukasi publik, dan ketimpangan fasilitas kesehatan antar wilayah. Kesimpulannya, Pancasila berfungsi tidak hanya sebagai ideologi negara, tetapi sebagai kerangka etis dan filosofis yang memberikan legitimasi, arah moral, dan orientasi kebijakan publik selama pandemi. Penguatan internalisasi nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam kebijakan diperlukan agar penanganan krisis berjalan lebih humanis, inklusif, berkeadilan, dan berkelanjutan.

Kata Kunci : Pancasila, COVID-19, Filsafat, Kebijakan.

This paper examines the integration of Imam al-Nawawi’s Forty Ha-diths into the Malaysian national education curriculum. It examines the role of Islamic education in building national identity through the lens of hadith, focusing on the “Forty Hadith Project” (Penghayatan Hadis 40), which was launched in 2023 and implemented in the 2024-2025 academic year. This project is being implemented nationwide in schools affiliated with the Ma-laysian Ministry of Education, in collaboration with the Department of Is-lamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM; Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia). In the conclusion section, along with evaluations regarding the impact of the project (absence of impact measurement, reflections of the implementation in the field), suggestions such as student attitude surveys, monitoring of dis-cipline statistics, in-service evaluation of teacher competencies and deve-lopment of common value-based complementary modules are presented. The scope of the study extends beyond primary and secondary education to explore the structure and methods of hadith education at various Malaysian universities, and the academic status of hadith education, as it paves the way for and contributes to this and similar projects. The aim of the research is to reveal how hadith education is used as a tool for identity and value construction, beyond simply being a teaching and learning material. The paper also analyses potential problems with this and similar projects. The study uses a qualitative research methodology, examining official reports, curriculum documents, and academic resources through document analysis. This study is perhaps the only example in the literature that comprehensi-vely examines the relationship between the “Forty Hadith Project” and the construction of national identity.

This paper examines the integration of Imam al-Nawawi’s Forty Hadiths
into the Malaysian national education curriculum. It examines the role of Islamic education in building national identity through the lens of hadith, focusing on the “Forty Hadith Project” (Penghayatan Hadis 40), which was launched in 2023 and implemented in the 2024-2025 academic year. This project is being implemented nationwide in schools affiliated with the Malaysian Ministry of Education, in collaboration with the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia (JAKIM; Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia). In the conclusion section, along with evaluations regarding the impact of the project (absence of impact measurement, reflections of the implementation in the field), suggestions such as student attitude surveys, monitoring of discipline statistics, in-service evaluation of teacher competencies and development of common value-based complementary modules are presented. The scope of the study extends beyond primary and secondary education to explore the structure and methods of hadith education at various Malaysian universities, and the academic status of hadith education, as it paves the way for and contributes to this and similar projects. The aim of the research is to reveal how hadith education is used as a tool for identity and value construction, beyond simply being a teaching and learning material. The paper also analyses potential problems with this and similar projects. The study uses a qualitative research methodology, examining official reports, curriculum documents, and academic resources through document analysis. This study is perhaps the only example in the literature that comprehensively examines the relationship between the “Forty Hadith Project” and the construction of national identity.

Because of numerous crucial issues, including insulting the president, the Draft Criminal Code has resurfaced in the public eyes. This paper discusses the position in constitutional law of the draft criminal code and the urgency of the standards of the essential problem of insult towards the President. The Draft Criminal Code serves as a precursor of legal sources for criminal law reform, which is still being developed in accordance with the 2020-2024 National Legislation Program. The norms on insult against the President, which are reformed to become the norms on the assault towards the honor and dignity of the President and the Vice-President in public, are of the greatest urgency, to protect the state interests and the stability of the state administration. These norms must thus be explicitly and forcefully upheld and regulated. The Draft Criminal Code must be put into action so that it may serve as a source of constitutional laws for the development and renewal of criminal laws. As a result, the Indonesia’s House of Representatives must consider making the Draft Criminal Code a priority in the 2021 National Legislation Program.

This paper delves into the complex arena of campaign finance within the Indian electoral system, critically assessing the effectiveness of existing regulations and exploring potential reforms to curb the undue influence of money in elections. Despite numerous legislative efforts, the current regulatory framework remains plagued by significant loopholes and enforcement challenges. These inadequacies have led to a political environment where financial power can disproportionately influence electoral outcomes, undermining the democratic process. The study begins by evaluating the historical and contemporary landscape of campaign finance in India, highlighting key legislative milestones and their impact. It further analyzes the major challenges within the existing system, including underreporting of expenses, the pervasive role of unaccounted funds, and the significant influence of corporate donations. By comparing these issues with campaign finance systems in other major democracies, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, the paper identifies best practices and lessons that could be adapted to the Indian context. Proposed reforms focus on enhancing transparency and accountability through stricter enforcement mechanisms, improved disclosure requirements, and the potential for public funding of campaigns. The feasibility of these reforms is assessed considering India's unique political and socioeconomic landscape. The paper concludes with strategic recommendations aimed at creating a more equitable and transparent electoral process in India.

The February 2021 coup abruptly ended the military-civilian political system in Myanmar, shortly after the popular National League for Democracy won the 2020 general elections. A series of peaceful protests and strikes erupted immediately after the military takeover, including the emergence of a trans-ethnic movement that forged intra-group unity to stop the junta from controlling the state machinery. This article addresses three central questions: How has the military regime sustained its dominance? Why have civilian-military relations in Myanmar remained unbalanced throughout most of its post-independence history? And why is a military government facing such formidable resistance for the first time? It argues that Myanmar's military, like its counterparts in many other postcolonial states, has long regarded itself as the sole guarantor of security and custodian of the nation. It has leveraged insecurity and the threat of lawlessness to maintain its rule. The article provides theoretical and policy insights, along with primary data, to support these arguments.