Weimar Republic

Resumo: O artigo, circunscrito aos estudos e pesquisas da teoria crítica da constituição, problematiza o dualismo entre constituição formal e material, característico das teorias jurídicas tradicionais, chamando atenção para a categoria da contradição. Por meio da revisão bibliográfica de textos de autores importantes da teoria crítica da sociedade e do direito, propõe-se um debate a respeito do papel que a contradição desempenha em uma constituição. Conclui-se que a teoria crítica da constituição enxerga a contradição como tensão constitutiva imanente e inerente à constituição, antes que um defeito.

Classical scholarship in the Weimar Republic (1919-1933) represented a dynamic yet turbulent phase in German Altertumswissenschaft, marked by methodological innovation amid political and cultural crisis. In contrast to a narrowly evolutionary or positivist philology, a significant strand of classical scholarship sought to reconnect ancient Greek paideia with contemporary educational and cultural reflection at a time when the humanities were experiencing a profound crisis of meaning in the aftermath of the First World War. At the same time, Friedrich Nietzsche's sharp critique of philology-particularly his attack on excessive specialization-found renewed resonance in the broader search for a more comprehensive, humanistic approach to classical studies. In Greece during the 1920s and 1930s, classical philology-traditionally shaped by German scholarly models-was likewise undergoing a process of redefining its role within Greek society, under the pressure of the sociopolitical transformations that followed the First World War and the Asia Minor Catastrophe. This paper examines how these new intellectual trends were reflected in the works and scholarly practices of Greek philologists of the period, and considers whether developments in classical scholarship during the interwar years hold relevance for us today.

KonstantyGrzybowskiandFranciszekRyszkawerehistoriansofpoliticalandlegaldoctrines,activeincommunistPoland.TheywerebothstronglyinfluencedbyCarlSchmitt'spoliticolegal thought, particularly his theory of dictatorship. Grzybowski, even before World War II, publishedworksonthedictatorshipofthePresidentoftheReichandproposedapartiallynewperspectiveondictatorship.Ryszkaofferedaninterpretationofthe1981martiallawthatdrewheavily not only on Schmitt's notions of dictatorship and sovereignty, but also on the concept of the Great SpatialOrder.TheworksofthesetwoscholarsdemonstratethesignificantinfluencethatSchmitt had on major Polish intellectuals during the communist era.

Idiosyncrasy denotes a peculiar or unusual characteristic or mannerism that is unique to an individual or a group. Diverse works from a sociological and cultural point of view have been conducted on Kèlání’s films but they have not been seen from the stylistic point of view. This study examines style and idiosyncratic ability in Túndé Kèlání’s movies viewing them as idiosyncratic uniqueness. We critically explore three of Túndé Kèlání’s movies, Dazzling Mirage, White Handkerchief and The Narrow Path, which constitute our source of data for this paper. The selected films are subjected to tenets from Wilson and Sperber’s (1986) Relevance Theory. It was understood from the study that, cultural renaissance and globalisation of Yorùbá culture, mass awareness and conservationism vs progressivism are the cogent styles that distinguish this director from other film makers. He hardly embarks on movies without the traits of public awareness and sensitisation as central focal points. This study recommends juxtaposition of more of Kèlání’s traits and styles with other African film writers so as to ensure that society as well as individual are sensitised better while being entertained by the movies. It is also established in this study that style goes beyond examining the phono-aesthetic or photo-aesthetic tropes

William MacAllan (1909-1969) was born in Berlin to Afro-British parents. From age 11 he had roles in silent films, by 1925 his image had become the iconic symbol of the Sarotti chocolate brand. Around 1929 he started a career as drummer and band leader (Sidney Bechet briefly was a sideman). After the Nazi take-over in 1933 he was racially discriminated and mostly accepted engagement abroad. He spent the war years in Turkey, where he recorded and did broadcasts. He returned to Germany in 1949 and quickly established himself again in the jazz scene, and recorded with Big Boy Goudie. He represents the fate of many other unsung entertainers of African descent in Germany.

Este capítulo analisa a ascensão do nazismo na Alemanha a partir de uma perspectiva interdisciplinar que integra economia política, história econômica e teoria institucional. O estudo argumenta que o colapso da República de Weimar não foi resultado de um único fator, mas da interação entre crises econômicas, conflitos de classe, radicalização ideológica e fragilidades institucionais. Ao examinar o período entre a unificação alemã (1871) e a chegada de Hitler ao poder (1933), o trabalho demonstra como a combinação entre instabilidade econômica, polarização social e erosão das instituições democráticas criou as condições para a consolidação do regime nazista. A pesquisa também destaca a relevância contemporânea do caso de Weimar para a compreensão dos desafios enfrentados pelas democracias liberais em contextos de crise.

A lesser-known secret about World War II is that it was a massive struggle between two opposing economic ideologies: capitalism and socialism. Unfortunately, the public is mostly unaware that the Nazi and Fascist ranks were chock-full of hardcore socialists and Marxist-lite ideologues. This was no accident. For decades, the public had been indoctrinated by socialist academicians who falsely claimed that Fascist leaders were the captains of industry, controlling the people like puppet masters pulling the strings of Adult Hitler and Benito Mussolini. This notion is purely pseudo-historical nonsense with no basis in fact. So, how do we know? It is easy. Just listen to what the German National Socialist and Italian Fascist leaders openly expressed their love of socialism and hatred of capitalism. They were not squeamish about their pep talks to eradicate capitalism, free choice, and economic liberty. For instance, Adolf Hitler himself pushed an extreme anti-capitalist narrative throughout many of his speeches, referring to "capitalistic people" as "unscrupulous exploitation of men."1 Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi Minister of Propaganda, was also a specialist devoted to spewing out not only the usual Nazi anti-capitalist rhetoric but explicitly pro-socialist visions for the future. For instance, not long after the invasion of Poland in 1939, Goebbels framed the Nazis' war with England in stark terms: "England is a capitalist democracy. Germany is a socialist people's state."2 Here, Goebbels proclaimed that the capitalists in England were the "richest men on earth. The broad masses, however, see little of this wealth."3 In that same "England's Guilt" speech, he throws more jabs at England's tightfisted plutocracy as compared to Nazi Germany's lavish support of social welfare programs, declaring: "It is also why English capitalists want to destroy Hitlerism. They see Hitlerism as all the generous social reforms that have occurred in Germany since 1933. The English plutocrats rightly fear that good things are contagious, that they could endanger English capitalism."4 And why was Goebbels so abhorrent to capitalism, like most Marxists? That question came up in Goebbels's "Lenin or Hitler" 1926 booklet, explaining that capitalism is "managed and exploited contrary to the people's welfare. Capitalism is the immoral distribution of capital."5 Goebbels not only opposed capitalism, but he 1

Kao rezultat povijesnoga iskustva s Weimarskom Republikom, u novi ustav Savezne Republike Njemačke -Temeljni zakon -ugrađena su neka nepromjenljiva ustavna načela. Autori Temeljnoga zakona su se umjesto pozitivističkoga i formalističkoga shvaćanja demokracije Weimarskoga ustava odlučili za koncept tzv. "borbene demokracije", demokracije koja je čvrsto vezana uz određene vrijednosti. Koncept "borbene demokracije" pronalazi se u nizu članaka Temeljnoga zakona SR Njemačke, a riječ je o preventivnoj zaštiti demokracije koja se brani protiv ekstremističkih pozicija i prije nego što ekstremističke grupacije prekrše zakon. Koncept "borbene demokracije" temelji se na demokratsko-teorijskim i sociološko-filozofskim promišljanjima Karla Loewensteina i Karla Mannheima. Ona su prevedena u ustavnopravnu praksu i unesena u Temeljni zakon SR Njemačke. No instrumenti "borbene demokracije" ne sastoje se samo od zaštitnih mjera propisanih u ustavu, nego i od niza drugih mjera različitoga intenziteta. Različiti instrumenti "borbene demokracije" u svrhu zaštite demokracije u SR Njemačkoj prikazuju se u područjima diskurzivne, kaznenopravne, administrativne i ustavnopravne zaštite demokracije. Savezna Republika Njemačka sa svojim instrumentima zaštite demokracije nije, doduše, jedinstvena, ali neki instrumenti, poput primjerice mogućnosti zabrane političkih stranaka, u zapadnim su demokracijama vrlo rijetki, što se na kraju ovoga rada ukratko uspoređuje sa stanjem u nekim zapadnim i postkomunističkim demokracijama. Ključne riječi: borbena demokracija, SR Njemačka, Weimarska Republika, Weimarski ustav, Temeljni zakon, zaštita demokracije * Damir Velički, magistar politologije i doktorski kandidat na Fakultetu političkih znanosti u Zagrebu. Na Učiteljskom fakultetu u Zagrebu predaje kolegije "Politički i socijalni sustav Njemačke i Austrije" i "Njemačka i Austrija od 1945. do danas". Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk

war bekanntlich der politische Hauptgegner Stalins. Er vertrat den Standpunkt der "Welt-Revolution" und stellte sich damit gegen das Dogma Stalins von 1924 vom "Sozialismus in einem Land." In der SU. Aber Trotzki wäre kein Trotzki, wenn es keinen Immanuel Kant gäbe: Denn Kant hat in seiner berühmten Aufklärungsschrift bereits die Grundlagen gelegt für die Autonomie und Selbstbestimmung des Menschen-und der Völker.

This dissertation explores the historical development of the Slovenian ethnic community in the city of Barberton  in the U.S. state of Ohio, from the late 19th century to the beginning of the 21st century. It offers a detailed examination and research of a specific Slovenian settlement in the United States of America, with an emphasis on its historical, social, cultural, political, and religious development, while also placing Barberton within the broader context of Slovenian emigration and the American "melting pot."

Barberton is an industrial city founded based on the vision of its founder, Ohio industrialist and magnate O. C. Barber. Important industrial plants and factories were established in Barberton that required a large labor force, attracting many immigrants at the end of the 19th century, including numerous Slovenians. In Barberton, the Slovenian ethnic community established and built the most important structures of ethnic organization—fraternal benefit societies, an ethnic parish with a church and school buildings, and an independent Slovenian national home—which greatly contributed to the preservation of ethnic identity among its members to the present day. The Slovenian ethnic community in Barberton was neither a monolithic nor a closed unit, but a dynamic one, composed of various ideological views and interest-based groups, which significantly influenced the internal dynamics of the community and contributed to a vibrant life and development of the community.

The dissertation is based on primary sources: archival materials, U.S. census data, oral interviews collected during fieldwork in 2022 and 2024, secondary sources from Slovenian-American newspapers, and extensive scholarly literature. Methodologically, it follows established historical approaches and complements existing research in this field.

Kepes perceived material reflective thinking as inherently embodied at that time. Influenced by Apollinaire's ideograms and Miró's artistic expressions, he employed tactile engagement and many media to deconstruct sensory experiences and favored hieroglyphic forms. This distinctive methodology contested representation and enabled viewers to reevaluate reality through illumination and shape. He analyzed human experience through a dialogue between the tangible and the intangible, employing tactile and visual components.

In Berlin's avant-garde artistic and literary scene during the Weimar Republic, the sculptor and painter Jussuf Abbo (c. 1889-1953) embodied a number of interconnected and often overlapping categories of identity, culture, race, faith, language and artistic stylization: Oriental, Arabic, Jewish, Semitic, Muslim, Hebrew, Ottoman, Yiddish, Palestinian, Egyptian etc. Although these categories were as exoticizing and essentializing a century ago as they are today, they were perhaps more fluid and less restrictive in Berlin during the 1920s than in the postwar West.

This essay describes one of the less-studied chapters in the career of the Italian agrarian economist Manlio Rossi-Doria (1905-1988), an expert known for his commitment to underdeveloped regions of southern Italy. After World War II, he seized the opportunities offered by transnational networks of specialized knowledge, promoted by the United States’ cultural and technical diplomacy efforts and the multilateral technical assistance program managed by the United Nations. The article reconstructs the itinerary leading to his appointment as an FAO consultant in Latin America, where he evaluated land tenure systems in 1952–53, with a focus on Mexico. During those years, the UN achieved a more pluralistic, redistributive vision of development. The main objective of the article is to understand how this intense episode in Rossi-Doria’s career and his progressive, reformist approach to rural development interfaced with FAO efforts.


El presente trabajo recorre uno de los capítulos menos estudiados de la carrera del economista agrario italiano Manlio Rossi-Doria (1905-1988). Este experto, conocido sobre todo por su compromiso con las regiones atrasadas del sur de Italia, después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial aprovechó las oportunidades que ofrecían las redes transnacionales de conocimientos especializados promovidas por las diplomacia cultural y técnica de los Estados Unidos y el programa multilateral de asistencia técnica gestionado por la ONU. El artículo reconstruye el itinerario que llevó a Rossi-Doria a ser nombrado consultor de la FAO en América Latina, evaluando los sistemas de tenencia de la tierra en 1952 y 1953, con especial atención en México. En los mismos años, la agencia de las Naciones Unidas logró una visión más plural y redistributiva del desarrollo. El objetivo principal del artículo es comprender cómo este intenso episodio de la trayectoria del experto italiano, mediante su planteamiento progresista y reformista del desarrollo rural, encajó con los esfuerzos de la FAO.

Im Zentrum dieses Beitrages steht das Verhältnis der württembergischen Polizei zum Kolonialismus während der Zeit der Weimarer Republik und des Nationalsozialismus. Im Jahr 1926 übernahm der aus dem Königreich hervorgegangene demokratische „Volksstaat Württemberg“ die „Traditionswahrung“ der Polizeieinheiten der ehemaligen deutschen Südseekolonien. Mit der Umsetzung wurde eine Einheit der Bereitschaftspolizei betraut. Während des Zweiten Weltkrieges wurden sogar württembergische Beamte zu Kolonialpolizisten fortgebildet, um in Afrika eingesetzt zu werden. Die „Traditionskompanie“ bildete einen bemerkenswerten Teil der organisierten kolonialrevisionistischen Bewegung weit über 1933 hinaus. Ihre Geschichte wurde bislang jedoch kaum erforscht. Sie ist eng verbunden mit einer Südsee-Gedenktafel, die unter der Obhut der Bundeswehr auch zur Zeit der Bundesrepublik weiterhin als kolonialer Erinnerungsort in Ehren gehalten wurde.

Democratic systems rest on institutional counterbalances capable of limiting authority concentration. Historical transitions toward dictatorship often emerge not through abrupt institutional destruction, but progressive weakening of stabilizing mechanisms like parliamentary oversight, judicial autonomy, political pluralism, decentralized governance. Adolf Hitler's power consolidation following the Weimar Republic's collapse provides a historical example in which democratic counterbalances lost corrective capacity under economic crisis, institutional fragility, coordinated mass mobilization, etc. While the historical causes of authoritarian transitions have been extensively studied, the dynamics governing the failure of democratic stabilizing mechanisms is less characterized. We introduce a dynamical systems framework aimed at identifying early-warning signals associated with democratic destabilization and executive power concentration. We represented democratic governance as a multidimensional attractor stabilized by negative feedback mechanisms generated by institutional independence, distributed authority, informational plurality, constitutional constraints. Using historical data from Germany between 1928 and 1934, we built a composite systemic stress index integrating economic instability, war trauma, ideological vulnerability, institutional fragility, political polarization and Nazi mobilization. Simulations based on nonlinear response functions and state-space trajectories showed threshold-like transitions in which progressive stress accumulation was followed by accelerated concentration of political authority, once stabilizing feedbacks became insufficient. Democratic collapse could be interpreted as a loss of systemic resilience associated with attractor deformation and feedback amplification. Potential applications of nonlinear approaches include comparative analysis of institutional fragility, quantitative assessment of democratic resilience and development of early-warning frameworks for detecting conditions associated with excessive concentration of political power in contemporary political systems.

Tagungsbericht über das 32. Baltische Seminar der Carl‑Schirren‑Gesellschaft, das vom 1.–3. November 2024 in Lüneburg stattfand. Die Veranstaltung stand unter dem Rahmenthema „Das Baltikum als Bildungslandschaft: Universitäten und Akademien“ und widmete sich der historischen Entwicklung, institutionellen Vielfalt und kulturellen Bedeutung baltischer Bildungsräume.

The purpose of the article is to argue that polarization, in polarized pluralist party systems, reflects not simply the number and the depth of political cleavages but also changes in contextual conditions. We test whether the polarization of party systems in the French Fourth Republic, the Italian First Republic, the Spanish Republic and the Weimar Republic was influenced by changes in economic conditions. Specifically, we test whether worsening economic conditions led to higher levels of polarization. The data analysis reveals that, with the exception of the Spanish Republic, the levels of party system polarization increase when economic conditions worsen. In the concluding section we address both the theoretical and the practical implications of our findings.

Since its inception, cinema has clearly had a language of its own, which has changed with the development of new technologies and artistic movements. It is thus a medium in constant evolution, both in terms of its narrative pacing and the meaning inherent in its images. From this perspective, this article attempts to identify the main differences between cinematic modes of representation, beginning with the classical distinction between narrative and non-narrative cinema, to highlight the elements shared by certain filmmaking techniques involving the suspension of the narration. Specifically, an analysis is offered of the hermetic-metaphorical mode developed by Sánchez-Biosca to describe the Expressionist-Caligarist mode, relating it to the concept of the cinema of attractions proposed by Tom Gunning. While taking into account that these concepts are different in form and context, the analysis reveals certain points of convergence between them, suggesting a potential commonality between hermetic-metaphorical shot compositions and the cinema of attractions in terms of the aesthetic experience they provide, where the shock caused by a new technological special effect is similar to that caused by a visual stylistic element, such as repeated references to famous paintings or the use of eerie set designs.

Este artigo analisa a crítica jesuítica ao neoliberalismo na América Latina por intermédio da “Carta dos Superiores Provinciais da Companhia de Jesus da América Latina”, de 1996. O documento expressa o pensamento social católico desenvolvido desde a encíclica Rerum Novarum (1891), inserindo-se na tradição da Doutrina Social da Igreja, que critica tanto o comunismo quanto o capitalismo.  A rejeição jesuítica ao neoliberalismo fundamenta-se em sua dimensão antropológica:  a redução da pessoa humana à condição de consumidor e gerador de renda. A Carta foi produzida em um contexto histórico específico, marcado pela consolidação do Consenso de Washington na América Latina durante os anos 1990, período caracterizado por intensas reformas estruturais que incluíam liberalização comercial, privatizações de empresas estatais e desregulamentação dos mercados. O artigo demonstra como esse documento representa uma contestação teológica e ética ao modelo neoliberal, que privilegiava o mercado em detrimento da proteção social e da dignidade humana. A crítica jesuítica fundamenta-se na compreensão cristã de pessoa, centrada na relacionalidade e solidariedade, em oposição ao individualismo exacerbado promovido pelo neoliberalismo.  Ao analisar essa fonte documental, evidencia-se a contribuição do pensamento católico latino-americano para o debate sobre as consequências sociais e humanas das políticas neoliberais implementadas no continente

O ensaio do filósofo argentino Ricardo Ibarlucía, um dos maiores conhecedores da obra de Walter Benjamin, demonstra não apenas a grande atualidade do pensamento de Benjamin sobre a arte e, em particular, a sétima arte. Ele também expõe, em análises sutis e bem fundamentadas, a originalidade de Benjamin ao passar em revista a filmografia chapliniana de sua época no contexto da recepção europeia e alemã pari passu com a ascensão do nazifascismo durante os anos da República de Weimar.

Tradução, apresentação e notas Susana Kampff Lages e Viviana Gelado

ISBN 978-65-87785-50-9

Deutscher Geist in Gefahr [The German Spirit in Danger], by Ernst Robert Curtius, was published in 1932, when the turbulent Weimar Republic was heading towards its dissolution. Curtius, as a member of the German educated bourgeoise, sought to defend and restore the social funcion of the concept of Bildung and its humanist heritage in sustaining German culture. From Curtiu‘s perspective, the reconstruction of Bildung could provide solutions for the German situation during the Weimar Republic. Deutsch Geist in Gefahr is the central theme of this paper, which is divided into two interconnected parts: in the first, I introduce the German concept of Bildung and its social and indentity implications, particularly in relation to the educated bourgeoisie and the formation of German national identity. In the second part, I analyze Curtius‘ book in order to connect it to the previous discussion and present its theoretical and conceptual framework, emphasizing the relations he establishes between Bildung, Kultur and humanism.

This document presents a translation of a short pedagogical text originally published in German by Jörg Zirfas. It opens with a translator's introduction that situates the text's central concepts within the disciplinary context of German Pädagogik. Zirfas' article-concerned with temporality and the notion of "the present"-is exemplary of scholarship in the subfield of pedagogical anthropology, an area that remains only sparsely represented in English-language literature. Notable exceptions include Werner Loch's "Possibilities of the Father Role" (1986) and Klaus Mollenhauer's "Finger Play: A Pedagogical Reflection" (1991). Like these works, the text translated here brings together psychological, philosophical, historical, and cultural perspectives, integrating them with themes central to the pedagogical tradition in order to illuminate fundamental dimensions of human experience, such as temporality, kinship, and embodiment. Beyond offering a contemporary example of pedagogical anthropology, both the introduction and the translation foreground the field's methodological affinities with Phenomenology and highlight its potential to open new interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary avenues for the study of education.

This overview considers the political history of universities from the late middle ages to the recent period. Opposing conventional distinctions between politics "outside" and science/scholarship "inside" univiersites, it is argued that power relations exist within universities as well. Presented is therefore a complex relational history, in which autonomy is not an end in itself, but rather limited freedom of action accorded to academic power-holders by holders of political power, often a high cost to others.

The foundation and development of ethnopsychology as a scientific field is of rather high interest not only in domestic but also in foreign science. The reasons for the formation of conditions for its foundation are the most important component of understanding the processes of formation of a given science. The article answers the questions about the development of prerequisites for the foundation of ethnic psychology. The first attempts to explain the differences of ethnic groups and peoples among them were made in ancient Greece by such representatives of ancient science as Herodotus, Hippocrates, Tacitus and others. However, the first studies in this field were made only in the middle of the 18th century by two outstanding philosophers of that time, David Hume and Montesquieu. Their efforts formed two traditions of describing differences between peoples: “national character” and “national spirit”. In European science of that time these traditions began to exert a significant influence on philosophers, historians, and politicians. These traditions began to play an important role in German society due to the efforts of authors such as J. Zimmermann and F. von Moser-Filseck, who exposed the problem of fragmentation of the German national spirit and raised the question of creating a united German state. These traditions were also discussed by such German philosophers as I. Kant and J. Herder, who supplemented them and developed some aspects. Thus, over half a century of the existence of two traditions, important processes were launched in German society, but theories were supported and developed. At the beginning of the 19th century, the theories of Hume and Montesquieu continued to be developed by the German philosophers I. Fichte and G. Hegel and received a deeper study and understanding. Thanks to the work of Hegel, by that time it became obvious to researchers that the “national character” and “national spirit” are, in essence, synonyms and describe the same processes. Under the influence of popularity of the two theories, a basis appears for the ethnopsycho-logical trend in science, which was formed by the scientists M. Lazarus and H. Steinthal. They formed the main tasks of science and its scope. However, in the emerging ethnopsychology, the Montesquieu tradition of “national spirit” and “soul of the people” was used to describe national differences. Later in 1886, the German psychologist, one of the founders of modern psychology, W. Wundt proposed constructive criticism of the new science and thereby completed the process of its formation. The relevance of the national spirit issue in German society led to the formation of ethno-psychological science coincided with the formation and emergence of a unified German state. The author declares no conflicts of interests.

Mestra em Ciência Jurídica pela Universidade do Vale do Itajaí (CAPES 6) Mestra em Território, Urbanismo e Sustentabilidade no marco da economia circular pela Universidade de Alicante, Espanha RESUMO O presente estudo abordará a vida e a obra de Carl Schmitt, destacando sua teoria jurídica, sua relação com o regime nazista e o impacto de suas ideias no processo de nazificação do direito alemão. Schmitt foi um pensador controverso do século XX, cuja reflexão jurídica se entrelaçava com suas ideias políticas e o contexto histórico de sua época. Sua teoria do decisionismo estabelecia uma correlação direta entre Direito e Soberania, questionando o normativismo formal e o liberalismo. Apesar de criticado por sua afiliação ao partido nazista em 1933, sua obra jurídica é considerada profunda e coerente, merecendo estudo científico independente de ideologias. Durante a República de Weimar, Schmitt temia a crise e a fragmentação do Estado alemão e defendia poderes excepcionais ao Presidente do Reich. A ascensão dos nazistas ao poder o surpreendeu, mas ele tentou concretizar sua teoria constitucional do "Estado Total", que acabou por influenciar a nazificação do direito. O uso de cláusulas gerais e conceitos vagos permitiu a interpretação das normas de acordo com a visão de mundo nazista. Schmitt defendia que os juízes deveriam preencher o conteúdo das cláusulas de acordo com a visão do Führer, alinhando a atuação dos tribunais aos interesses do povo alemão. A relação de Schmitt com o regime nazista foi ambígua, oscilando entre momentos de apoio e de desconfiança em relação a Hitler. O trabalho destaca a importância da contextualização histórica para compreender as reflexões de Schmitt e o impacto de suas ideias na aplicação do direito durante o período nazista. A pesquisa busca oferecer uma análise crítica e independente, visando aprofundar o entendimento do pensador e seu legado, que ainda ecoam nos debates contemporâneos sobre direito e política.

This chapter highlights Kelsen’s trajectory during the Weimar Republic and
focuses on three of his texts: ‘Defense of Democracy’ of 1932, ‘The Judgment of the State Court of October 25, 1932’ of the same year and ‘State Form and Worldview’ of 1933.

Resumen. Una de las consecuencias directas del nacionalsocialismo en Alemania fue la exclusión de ciertas autoras feministas que llevaban décadas reflexionando sobre "el segundo sexo", la "cuestión femenina" o "el problema de la mujer" (Das Frauenproblem). Una de ellas es Alice Rühle Gerstel, nacida en Praga en 1894, radicada en Alemania durante la República de Weimar y quien finalmente se suicidó en 1943 en la Ciudad de México durante su exilio político iniciado en 1936. La importancia de esta autora radica en la posibilidad de rastrear a partir de su obra no solamente el ambiente intelectual y cultural ligado al feminismo en los países de lengua alemana durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, sino también los debates y discusiones en torno a los temas mujer y maternidad. Sus aportes e incursión en el feminismo de principios de siglo XX son abordados a partir de su reflexión interdisciplinaria y el uso del instrumental teórico del que tanto la psicología individual de Alfred Adler como el materialismo histórico de Karl Marx le proveyeron. Podemos concluir que la obra de Alice Rühle-Gerstel fue pionera en analizar y reflexionar en torno a la situación de la mujer en el espacio de habla alemana. Este trabajo ofrece el contexto general en el que se desarrolló el pensamiento de Rühle-Gerstel durante la época de la República de Weimar, así como la censura que sufrió su obra y finalmente el olvido de la que fue objeto a partir del ascenso del nacionalsocialismo.

This is the true story of Horace Alderman, who was last person ever executed by the United States for piracy on the high seas. The article covers his 1927 murderous rampage and capture, his 1928 trial, and his 1929 hanging. Taken from contemporary news stories, the trial record, and first person accounts, the article puts the reader int he midst of the action from start to finish.

Talking about Carl Schmitt's thought as a coherent doctrine or a united theoretical body may appear, at first sight, as a relatively hard task. The reasons for such difficulties are immediately clear if one considers the different positions held by Schmitt during the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. Already, the contrast between his early connections, as a Catholic intellectual, to the Center Party, on the one hand, and the decision to enter the Nazi Party, on May 1, 1933, on the other, was sufficient for some academics to describe it as mere opportunism or, as Karl Löwith put it…

This article analyzes the perception and interpretation of the Italian Campaign of 1859 in the Russian periodical press, which it considers an important source for studying socio-political sentiment in the Russian Empire. Despite Russia's neutrality, the Italian War of 1859 was the focus of attention in Russian newspapers and magazines. The article examines the positions of the official press, military-professional publications, and émigré journalism, identifying the specific interpretations of Austria, France, and Sardinia. Particular attention is paid to the juxtaposition of national and revolutionary discourses, assessing the morale of the armies, and understanding the Italian Campaign as a source of tactical and military-theoretical lessons. Materials from Russian periodicals allow us to trace the multilayered nature of the perception of the war of 1859, reflecting the foreign policy interests of the Russian Empire, the fear of revolution, and the transformation of ideas about modern warfare in the mid-19th century.

ger: Die Dissertation untersucht die ideologischen und ästhetischen Überschneidungen zwischen rechten und linken Denktraditionen in der Kultur der Weimarer Republik. Ziel der Arbeit ist es, die verbreitete Dichotomie zwischen „links“ und „rechts“ zu hinterfragen und aufzuzeigen, dass in literarischen, filmischen und kulturellen Diskursen der Jahre 1918–1933 zahlreiche Gemeinsamkeiten existierten. Im Zentrum der Analyse stehen zentrale Motive wie das Verhältnis von Organischem und Mechanischem, religiöse und mythologische Bildwelten, Konzepte von Raum und Zeit, das Bild der aktiven Frau sowie ästhetische Kategorien wie Leere, Farbsymbolik und Übersättigung.Methodisch verbindet die Arbeit kulturwissenschaftliche Analyse mit literatur- und filmwissenschaftlichen Ansätzen sowie ideengeschichtlicher Kontextualisierung. Durch die vergleichende Untersuchung von Texten, Filmen und kulturpolitischen Programmen wird gezeigt, dass sowohl rechte als auch linke Strömungen ähnliche narrative Strategien und symbolische Ordnungen nutzten, um gesellschaftliche Krisenerfahrungen zu verarbeiten.Die Ergebnisse verdeutlichen, dass die kulturelle Landschaft der Weimarer Republik weniger durch klare ideologische Trennlinien geprägt war als durch komplexe Austauschprozesse. Die Arbeit trägt damit zu einem differenzierteren Verständnis der kulturellen Moderne bei und zeigt, dass politische Gegensätze häufig auf gemeinsamen ästhetischen und anthropologischen Vorstellungen beruhen.
eng: This dissertation examines ideological and aesthetic intersections between right-wing and left-wing thought in the culture of the Weimar Republic. The study challenges the conventional dichotomy between “left” and “right” by demonstrating that literary, cinematic, and cultural discourses between 1918 and 1933 reveal numerous shared motifs and conceptual frameworks. The analysis focuses on key themes such as the relationship between the organic and the mechanical, religious and mythological imagery, concepts of space and time, representations of the active woman, and aesthetic categories including emptiness, color symbolism, and saturation.Methodologically, the dissertation combines cultural studies approaches with literary and film analysis, supported by intellectual-historical contextualization. Through a comparative examination of texts, films, and cultural-political programs, the study shows that both right-wing and left-wing movements employed similar narrative strategies and symbolic structures to respond to experiences of crisis in postwar Germany.The findings highlight that the cultural landscape of the Weimar Republic was shaped less by strict ideological divisions than by complex processes of exchange and convergence. The dissertation thus contributes to a more nuanced understanding of cultural modernity and demonstrates that political oppositions often relied on shared aesthetic and anthropological assumptions.

Malgré l'intérêt constant de Höch pour la technologie et les sciences, cet aspect de son travail a été négligé par l’historiographie, souvent focalisée sur sa période Dada, ses photomontages et les questions de genre. Pour remédier à cela, nous avons mené, dans le cadre de notre travail de thèse, une étude approfondie des archives d'Hannah Höch conservées à la Berlinische Galerie. L’analyse de ses agendas, carnets, photographies et des coupures de presse conservées nous a permis de prendre l’ampleur de l’importance de la presse écrite comme source d'information et matériau artistique essentiel pour Höch. L'évolution de la représentation des techniques dans les photomontages de l’artiste est influencée par l'essor de la photographie dans la presse, sa volonté d'élever le photomontage au rang d’art et l'introduction de réflexions engendrées par l’éruption de nouveaux médias, comme la radio et la télévision. Alors que la période Dada est riche en éléments mécaniques, les œuvres d'après-guerre intègrent l'iconographie technique de manière plus subtile, souvent dissimulée sous des formes (sur)naturelles, reflétant son intérêt pour des avancées technologique au cœur de l’actualité, comme la conquête spatiale. Cette approche nous a permis de proposer de nouvelles interprétations de plusieurs œuvres d’après-guerre, comme Jolis filets (1948), L’Ange de la Paix (1958) ou encore l’Hommage aux hommes qui ont conquis la Lune (1969).

The pedagogical relation is a bond arising between educator (e.g., teacher, parent) and educand (e.g., student, child) that is different from other relationships: It is formative but impermanent; it is to be undertaken as an end in itself, yet is ultimately for the sake of the other. These and other characteristics derive largely from the way that education is conceived in “continental pedagogy,” a way of thinking about pedagogical practice elaborated in Europe from the 18th century to the present. This article traces the development of the notion of the pedagogical relation from sources in ancient Greece to the present, focussing specifically on the ways it has been reconceptualised in recent German, French, and English scholarship, particularly in view of the fallibility of the educator.

Despite the recent revival of interest in Weimar political theology to rethink the relationship between religion and politics, one name is hardly ever mentioned in these debates: Hannah Arendt. Arendt's apparent silence on this issue is peculiar because not only did she intellectually mature in the Weimar context and did she personally know many of the protagonists of the Weimar political theology debate, but also and especially because Carl Schmitt's famous thesis that all political concepts are in reality secularized theological concepts is obviously diametrically opposed to Arendt's idea of a self-contained politics. This paper argues that the reason why Arendt did not intervene directly in this debate is that she was mainly concerned with deconstructing the more encompassing claim that politics requires a force external to it, the origins of which she traces back to Plato's attempt to transform political action into a mode of fabrication. It will be shown that the main target of Arendt's political thought is therefore not political theology, but what we could tentatively call "political technology.

Abstract: In the work of A&P Smithson, there is always an imaginative impulse, one with enough freedom and strength to propose forms that break away from preconceived or deterministic ideas, yet informed by influences that, interconnected in an open and fluid manner, they called idea-seeds. This concept not only speaks to their inventive capacity but also defines a working method, as these idea-seeds ultimately crystallize into group-forms: configurations that can evolve, refine themselves, and serve as foundations for future projects. This paper examines the Headmaster’s House as the synthesis of multiple overlapping idea-seeds: the hall as a way of life, its form as a direct result of technical and constructive capabilities, the pursuit of greater formal legibility, and an interest in prefabrication and standardization. With the Headmaster’s House, the Smithsons conceived an archetype, one that would become the basis for their ongoing explorations, continuously generating new models.

After the First World War, the Versailles Peace Treaty obliged the German Reich to far-reaching military disarmament. Pacifist journalists who reported in the 1920s and early 1930s on illegal rearmament measures by the Reichswehr were threatened with legal action by the Reichsgericht, Germany’s supreme court, on charges of journalistic treason. Contemporary opponents of the proceedings, as well as modern research, accused the Reichsgericht of siding with the Reichswehr against the republican governments in its ruling in favor of the Reichswehr’s illegal rearmament. However, the rulings of the Reichsgericht were not solely based on legal provisions; they also invoked the official guidelines of German foreign policy. The article demonstrates that the Foreign Office exerted far greater influence than the Reichswehr Ministry for most of the period. It thereby highlights the tension between law and politics in political criminal trials and nuances the so-called “crisis of confidence” in the Weimar judiciary.

Bu çalışma, sinema tarihinde vampir mitinin dönüşümünü F. W. Murnau’nun 1922 yapımı Nosferatu: A Symphony of Horror, Werner Herzog’un 1979 yapımı Nosferatu the Vampyre ve Robert Eggers’ın 2024 yapımı Nosferatu filmleri üzerinden analiz etmektedir. Çalışmanın amacı, vampir figürünün farklı dönemlerdeki temsil biçimlerini ortaya koymak ve bu temsilin toplumsal korkular, kültürel değerler ve sinemanın teknik olanaklarıyla nasıl değiştiğini göstermektir. Çalışma, karşılaştırmalı film analizi yöntemine dayanmaktadır. Filmler öykü ve söylem farklılıkları, teknik gelişmeler ve gotik unsurların kullanımı başlıkları altında incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın ilk bölümünde vampir mitinin tarihsel kökenleri ve Dracula filmlerinin sinema tarihindeki yeri ele alınmıştır. Vampirin kelime kökeninden başlayarak farklı kültürlerdeki varlığı, Batı edebiyatındaki ilk örnekleri ve sinemaya geçiş süreci detaylandırılmıştır. Bram Stoker’ın Dracula romanının sinema uyarlamalarının incelenmesi, vampir figürünün popüler kültürdeki konumunu anlamak açısından önemli veriler sunmuştur. İkinci bölümde gotik unsurların korku filmlerindeki işlevi açıklanmıştır. Gotik kavramının edebiyat ve mimariden sinemaya geçişi, Edmund Burke’ün yücelik teorisinden Horace Walpole’un Otranto Şatosu romanına kadar uzanan gelişim çizgisi takip edilmiştir. Araştırmanın son bölümünde üç Nosferatu filminin karşılaştırmalı analizi yapılmıştır. Bulgular, vampir
mitinin her dönemde toplumsal korkuları ve değerleri yansıttığını göstermektedir: 1922 yapımı film savaş sonrası Almanya’nın travmalarını, 1979 yapımı film varoluşsal kaygıları, 2024 yapımı film ise modern toplumun aşk, cinsellik ve ölümle ilgili karmaşık ilişkilerini temsil etmektedir. Ayrıca teknolojik gelişmeler vampirin görsel temsilini köklü biçimde dönüştürürken, gotik unsurların kullanımındaki farklılıklar da dönemsel estetik tercihleri yansıtmıştır. Sonuç olarak, vampir figürü sinemada en dayanıklı ve dönüşken karakterlerden biri olarak her dönemde yeniden yorumlanmış ve toplumsal zihniyetin evrimiyle birlikte farklı biçimlerde temsil edilmiştir.

Zusammenfassung: Der Liberalismus sieht sich gegenwärtig durch zahlreiche publizistische und wissenschaftliche Beiträge herausgefordert, die auf unterschiedliche Weise eine Krise des Liberalismus diagnostizieren. Wie dieser Aufsatz anhand einer Darstellung jüngerer Veröffentlichungen hierzu zeigt, kommt in diesen Beiträgen die Diagnose einer Siegkrise des Liberalismus besondere Bedeutung zu-nicht nur innerhalb 64 der postliberalen Literatur. Im Lichte dieser Diagnose entwickelt der Aufsatz die folgende These: Auch wenn der Postliberalismus bislang keine überzeugende Alternative zum Liberalismus bietet, formuliert er eine Kritik, die ernst genommen werden muss. Eine Beschäftigung mit ihm ist sowohl für liberale und linke Positionen als auch für die wissenschaftliche Forschung unumgänglich.

Zunehmende Faschisierung und blockierte Transformation fordern die gesellschaftliche Linke heraus zu Debatten um wichtige strategische Reorientierungen, bspw. hin zu einer »gesellschaftliche Volksfront von unten« (vgl. Candeias 2024 u. 2025b; Balibar 2025) bzw. eine neue Allianz für einen »sozialen Antifaschismus« (Becker 2025). Daher ist es nützlich einen Blick zurück auf die Volksfront vor 90 Jahren in Frankreich zu werfen:
Viele ihrer Reformen haben bis heute Bestand, Errungenschaften die immer wieder auf der Straße verteidigt wurden –geschichtlich wirksamer als viele andere linke oder sozialistische Unternehmungen. Die Grundlage war gewissermaßen eine gesellschaftliche Bewegung eines sozialen Antifaschismus. Diese hat eine deutliche Linksverschiebung des politi-
schen Terrains erwirkt, keineswegs eine Anpassung der linken Kräfte. Erst diese Bewegung hat zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt auch eine Volksfront-Regierung ermöglicht. Zwar musste damals auf (ohnehin unrealistische) revolutionäre Forderungen verzichtet werden, im Zentrum stand jedoch eine Ausweitung von Sozial- und Arbeitsrechten, die Verteidigung und Erweiterung der bürgerlichen Demokratie sowie klassisch sozialistische Forderungen nach Vergesellschaftung/Verstaatlichung.

European countries sought to sign the Treaty of Versailles to formally end the state of war with Germany and establish a new international order following the devastating impact of World War I. The victorious Allied powers aimed to prevent future German aggression, secure compensation for extensive war damages, and realign the European map according to national interests.

This article reconstructs the largely overlooked confrontation between Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt on parliamentarism in the context of early twentieth-century mass democracy. It shows how, under similar political pressures, Kelsen defends parliamentarism as the institutional form of democratic self-determination, while Schmitt turns democracy against parliamentarism by privileging unity and decision.

By bringing together their interventions from 1920 to 1926, the article highlights a fundamental opposition between “democracy through parliamentarism” and “democracy against parliamentarism,” and revisits Kelsen’s insight that distorted descriptions of institutions can themselves contribute to political crisis.

Louis Douglas (1889-1939): His mother wanted him to take Christianity to Africa but his exposure to theatrical life, assisting in his father's juggling act, took him to Europe. In England around 1903 he realized how much could be earned as a theatrical manager, and so began to work his way through the ranks of show business. He made records and radio broadcasts, directed shows, composed, toured, made movies, danced, conducted, choreographed, and organized entertainments from Spain to Russia, from Norway to Egypt, from Argentina to the United States. He died in New York in 1939, aged fifty, but our ignorance of his career has been so profound that he could have just as well vanished in Africa. Thousands of Blacks, from Africa, the Caribbean, America and of European birth, earned a living in Europe's entertainment business but only three - Ira Aldridge the nineteenth century actor, Josephine Baker, and Paul Robeson - have received much recognition from historians. Louis Douglas can represent all those who remain unrecognized.