History

This article argues that during the initial stage of English Civil War, local communities sought to achieve agency within the wider war effort by lobbying for military representation.  In return for financial contributions, they demanded control over the nomination of officers, expecting thereby to ensure that the military forces served local interests.  The experience of Parliament's main field army, under the Earl of Essex, indicates the perils of ignoring these demands.  Deliberately structured to prevent local interests gaining traction, and orientated towards Parliament's wider national war aims, the resulting alienation of local communities caused funds to dry up, resulting in a series of financial crises that undermined entirely the viability of the army.

This article provides a multisensory approach to the past and suggests new possibilities of assessing history through the senses. Through phenomenology, it analyses how the domestic space of Southern Brazilian estâncias, ranches dedicated to livestock farming, dynamically influenced the social identities of their inhabitants in the nineteenth century. It argues that what people daily saw, heard, smelt, touched and tasted, as well as the intensity and frequency of these sensory experiences, were dependent not simply on their own body capability as human beings, but also on their social status. The article also explores how the rancher’s house, the slave quarters and the barn, the three buildings that constituted the estâncias core complex, influenced the development of particular body routines and the creation and reproduction of particular somatic spaces. The methodology presented here invites a sensorial exploration of historical sites, contributing to a more humanized account of the relationship between individuals and things.

The paper explores why the acting guilds of Hellenistic Greece chose as their title 'hoi peri tou Dionusou tekhnitai'. It begins by pointing out the peculiarity/strangeness  (noticed only by Poland 1909 - forgotten in later research) of the choice of the tekhnitai: theirs is almost the only instance in which the expression hoi peri + acc. nominis proprii concerns a god (in general, the Greeks have avoided to use oi peri + acc. nominis proprii  when a God was at the centre of the group).
The paper proceeds to link this choice with the terms Dionusokolakes and Dionusiokolakes. It first remarks that, but for an exception that can be easily explained, the six attestations of Dionusokolakes all belong to the mid-fourth century, and then argues that Dionusiokolakes was formed by analogy with Dionusokolakes, but that both terms were originally used to describe the courtiers of Dionysius I of Syracuse, on the basis of his close connections with the theatre and because of his association of himself with Dionysus. Outside of Sicily however, famous actors, accustomed to negotiating with Hellenistic kings, frowned upon the term kolakes, preferring instead to be known as experts (tekhnitai). The association of these kings with Dionysus (Demetrius Poliorketes in particular) led to the adoption of the term hoi peri tou Dionusou tekhnitai, probably at the time of the re-organisation of the Dionysia and introduction of the Demetria. With the fall of Demetrios, the actors might have tried to regain an independent status (hence the preference, in the oldest documents of the Athenian association, for the simple oi tekhnitai oi en Athenais); but the adoption of the periphrasis by tekhnitai of Egypt and Cyprus was almost immediate, as it would certainly have encountered favour with the Ptolemies. Overall, the paper brings together a variety of different sources and approaches to throw new light on a crucial, yet understudied chapter in the history of the Greek theatre.

The place of the Peutinger map in the history of both ancient and medieval geography and cartography is controversial. Many basic questions as to its sources, dating and purpose remain unanswered. In the light of various pieces of new evidence these problems are reassessed. It is argued that the Peutinger map does derive from a Roman original but that, without precedent in Roman cartography or impact on later medieval cartography, the mapping of itinerary data onto a base map of the oecumene is likely to be a genuine innovation of the designer of the archetype. There is no need to suppose the map to be an officially state‐sponsored product. The sources relied upon were commonly available and would have been familiar to the public in late antiquity. The purpose of the map is more likely to have been ornamental than practical. It is impossible to determine a precise date or location for the creation of the archetype, but the cultural viewpoint embodied in the map is undoubtedly antique, Latin and western.

This paper examines the perception and description of space in Roman itinerary texts, focusing on the terrestrial itineraries transmitted both in manuscript and epigraphically, with the major exception of the route network of the Peutinger Map (Tabula Peutingeriana). The documents concentrated on are therefore, from the manuscript tradition, the Antonine Itinerary collection (Itinerarium Antonini) and the Bordeaux Itinerary (Itinerarium Burdigalense), both in Latin, and from amongst the inscriptions, the monuments from Polla, Autun, and Tongeren in the Latin west, and the monument from Patara in the Greek east. The first part analyses the inherent definitions of space and the general principles of organisation found in these texts. The second part looks in more detail at the specific ways in which space is described by the various types of itinerary. Overall the paper aims to highlight the variety of ways of perceiving and describing space found in these different texts, as well as between different levels of the same text in some cases, and to demonstrate how these relate to the varying ways in which space was perceived and described by the compilers and users of itineraries.

This study re-evaluates the evidence for the consuls in two years when consular proclamations were revoked for unspecified reasons. Thanks to work done in recent decades to index and analyze the evidence for Roman consuls from Diocletian onward, it now is much easier to gain an overview of contemporary understanding of the identity of the consuls of each year. The ever-growing body of epigraphic and, above all, papyrological documentation helps to put flesh on the bare bones of the names preserved in the consular lists of the manuscript tradition. These documentary sources have the virtue of representing a contemporary perspective that is largely free from retrospective editorial manipulation. To appreciate fully the significance of the evidence of the consular formulae employed in late Roman Egypt, it needs to be assessed within the wider context of the use of consular dating both within Egypt in earlier periods and elsewhere.

"See: http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/cgi/search/advanced?creators_name=salway&screen=Public%3A%3AEPrintSearch&_action_search=Search&_fulltext__merge=ALL&title_merge=ALL&creators_name_merge=ALL&editors_name_merge=ALL&abstract_merge=ALL&divisions_merge=ALL&satisfyall=ALL&order=-date%2Fcreators_name%2Ftitle

for a publicly accessible version"