Papers by Carlos Gervasoni
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Nov 1, 2009
¿De qué manera reaccionaron los votantes latinoamericanos frente a las distintas políticas económ... more ¿De qué manera reaccionaron los votantes latinoamericanos frente a las distintas políticas económicas implementadas luego de la crisis de la deuda de 1982? ¿Apoyaron o se opusieron al número creciente de gobiernos que aplicaron reformas económicas de mercado? A pesar de que existe una literatura considerable acerca de los efectos del desempeño económico sobre los resultados electorales, especialmente en las democracias industriales (por ejemplo , pero también en América Latina , no se ha desarrollado demasiado trabajo empírico referente a la relación entre.política económica y resultados
La primera cifra es el riesgo-país del día de cada evento, o del primer día hábil posterior (o de... more La primera cifra es el riesgo-país del día de cada evento, o del primer día hábil posterior (o del día hábil siguiente, si el evento ocurrió luego del cierre de los mercados); la segunda cifra es el máximo aumento (o la mínima disminución) del riesgo-país en los 10 días hábiles posteriores al evento. La evolución del riesgo-país en los días próximos a los eventos señalados en el cuadro puede ser visualizada en el gráfico 6, que básicamente es una ampliación del gráfico 4 (considerando sólo el período febrero-diciembre de 2001). El análisis de las correspondencias temporales entre eventos y variaciones en el riesgo-país deben tener en cuenta las siguientes consideraciones metodológicas:
Gerardo L. Munck, ed., Regimes and Democracy in Latin America: Theories and Methods. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. Figures, tables, references, index, 304 pp.; hardcover $110, paperback $45
Latin American Politics and Society, 2008
XX Seminario de Federalismo Fiscal (La Plata, 21 de junio de 2017), 2017
Panel: "La Economía política de las reformas en gasto, recursos, transferencias y coparticipación.
Colección Año 11, No.16, 2005, 2005
Resumen: Este artículo plantea en términos teóricos la posible co-existencia de un gobierno democ... more Resumen: Este artículo plantea en términos teóricos la posible co-existencia de un gobierno democrático en la esfera nacional y diferentes formas de autoritarismo local en el nivel sub-nacional a partir del caso argentino. Primero, a partir de las definiciones dahlianas de la democracia, plantea qué elementos deberían formar parte de una definición sub-nacional de la democracia. Segundo, justifica una definición acotada a lo político a partir de la escasa correlación entre competencia política y desarrollo socio-económico. Tercero, analiza las implicancias del autoritarismo local sobre sistemas federales donde los pactos fundacionales han introducido una representación desproporcionada de las provincias pequeñas en los órganos nacionales. Este artículo concluye con una hipótesis: la explicación del autoritarismo local no
Fiscal Federalism as a Source of Rents: Subnational Rentier States and Democracy in Argentina
Social Science Research Network, 2009
... the empirical focus of the rentier state literature on oil and other natural resources, many ... more ... the empirical focus of the rentier state literature on oil and other natural resources, many of the most significant works have highlighted other sources of rents such as foreign aid and strategic location (Beblawi 1990; Ross 2001; Therkildsen 2002; Moore ... Santa Cruz La Rioja ...
Inequality and the Altruistic Life: A Study of the Priestly Vocation Rate
Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, Sep 1, 2015
This article takes the rate of new incorporations into the Catholic priesthood within national so... more This article takes the rate of new incorporations into the Catholic priesthood within national societies as a social fact revealing underlying societal tendencies of broad theoretical relevance extending well beyond the study of religion. Our emphasis lies on the impact of income inequality on the prevalence of altruistic life options. We examine cross‐national and time‐series variation in the priestly vocation rate as the empirical foundation to theorize social dynamics underpinning a life option that entails the renunciation of opportunities for individual material advantage alongside the commitment to serve a broader community. The article elaborates why we view the vocation rate as resting on a combination of piety and altruistic dispositions, and provides a theoretical rationale for expecting inequality to diminish this—and other—altruistic life options. We also examine the impact of other variables that have been theorized to influence the prevalence of Catholic clerical vocations and elaborate the broader theoretical relevance of our empirical findings.
Democratization, Jan 15, 2010
This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or sy... more This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
Subnational Democracy in (Cross-National) Comparative Perspective: Objective Measures with Application to Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Mexico, Uruguay and the United States
Social Science Research Network, 2012
Efforts to operationalize democracy at the national level have occupied a central place in the di... more Efforts to operationalize democracy at the national level have occupied a central place in the discipline since the 1960s, and have resulted in a cumulative body of literature and in a variety of datasets of increasing rigor and geographic and temporal coverage. Attempts to measure democracy at the subnational level are much more recent and inchoate, cover only a few countries and periods, and, critically, are not comparable across nations. After reviewing the state of the subject at the national level and the existing (objective) national subnational indices, this paper proposes six versions of an objective Subnational Democracy Index that can be calculated on the basis of (typically available) electoral and institutional data. Because of their modest data demands, the proposed indices can easily be applied to very different national and temporal contexts, thus permitting comparisons of subnational regimes across countries. The measures are pilot-tested on the first-level subnational units of five federations (Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Mexico, and the United States) and of one unitary country (Uruguay). The ultimate goal of this line of research is to produce cross-sectional — time-series datasets of subnational democracy with broad geographic and temporal coverage similar to those existing for national regimes.
V Congreso Latinoamericano de Ciencia Política, 2010
This paper presents an operationalization of the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. ... more This paper presents an operationalization of the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. Starting with a mainstream and -thick‖ definition of regime type, I measure each of its aspects using a subjective or perception-based strategy that taps the knowledge of experts. I briefly introduce the resulting Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP) and present its main results. Some aspects of the provincial regimes appear to be clearly democratic, while others are mixed or even leaning towards authoritarianism. Moreover, some show little inter-provincial variance, while others vary considerably from province to province. Inclusion is the most democratic dimension, while institutional constraints is the most deficient. Overall, the state of democracy in the provinces appears to be mixed (i.e., average levels are neither too high nor too low) and generally heterogeneous (i.e., there are significant interprovincial differences). Individual provincial regimes range from democratic to hybrid: although some authoritarian practices exist, no province fits the classical definition of authoritarianism. A key finding is that the different aspects of democracy measured by the survey are not always correlated, and therefore cannot be easily reduced (via factor analysis) to one or two dimensions. Provincial regimes seem to be complex and multidimensional, likely more so than national regimes. 1 Also known as the Federal Cap ital. The so called -Greater Buenos Aires‖ (about13 million inhabitants) includes the CABA (about 3 million inhabitants) and 24 additional counties or municipalities that, although sociologically and geographically adjacent to the CABA, belong administratively to the province of Buenos Aires (i.e., confusingly, the Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires is not a part of the province of Buenos Aires). 2 Fro m here on I use the word -province‖ to refer to any first-level subnational unit. 3 features and results of an expert survey that I conducted to assess levels of democracy in all the Argentine provinces. Issues of conceptualization and measurement have been only lightly addressed by the literature on subnational regimes. It is often unclear what conceptual definitions of democracy and authoritarianism are used, and what operational rules are applied to determine whether a given province or region belongs to the first, to the second, or somewhere in between. National indices of regime type covering most countries in the world have been available for decades (e.g.,
Replication Data for: Economic Dependence on the State and Pro-Authority Attitudes: Evidence from 18 Latin American Countries
Harvard Dataverse, 2023
Description: The Anatomy and Evolution of Subnational Regimes
Politica Y Gobierno, Jan 5, 2017
Política y gobierno la relación entre gobernadores y legisladores nacionales repensando la "conex... more Política y gobierno la relación entre gobernadores y legisladores nacionales repensando la "conexión subnacional" del federalismo político argentino Carlos Gervasoni y Marcelo Nazareno* volumen xxIv • número 1 • I semestre de 2017 • pp. 9-44 resumen: La literatura reciente sobre el federalismo y el Congreso argentinos asume, pero no prueba, que los gobernadores ejercen gran influencia sobre los legisladores nacionales. En este trabajo testeamos empíricamente esta idea a través de una estrategia metodológica novedosa: una encuesta de expertos en la política de cada una de las provincias argentinas. La supuesta influencia legislativa de los gobernadores se verifica sólo parcialmente (y es menor para los senadores que para los diputados), observándose una elevada heterogeneidad interprovincial. A través de análisis de regresión múltiple establecemos que la principal variable explicativa de tal heterogeneidad es la antigüedad del gobernador en el cargo, la cual puede interpretarse como un proxy del grado de control que aquel adquiere, con el tiempo, sobre las estructuras políticas y partidarias provinciales.
Federalismo, desarrollo y democracia en la Argentina contemporánea
DOAJ (DOAJ: Directory of Open Access Journals), Dec 1, 2021
El artículo presenta una interpretación amplia del federalismo argentino, concebido como un eleme... more El artículo presenta una interpretación amplia del federalismo argentino, concebido como un elemento clave del síndrome de debilidad institucional que aqueja al país. Se destacan sus distorsiones, inequidades y complejidades, y sus perjudiciales consecuencias. Especificidades de nuestro federalismo político y fiscal, como la incongruencia entre el tamaño demográfico-económico de las provincias y su peso político (con extrema sobre-representación legislativa de las escasamente pobladas), el alto desequilibrio fiscal vertical, y la arbitraria e inequitativa distribución de los recursos fiscales entre provincias, son normativamente indeseables y obstaculizan el desarrollo económico e institucional. Se presenta un modelo en que unas pocas provincias económicamente “productivas” y políticamente democráticas, que concentran la mayor parte de la población (como Buenos Aires), pierden legislativa y fiscalmente frente a una alianza entre la presidencia y numerosas (pero demográficamente minoritarias) provincias “rentísticas”, económicamente dependientes de las transferencias federales y políticamente autoritarias (como Formosa). La crónica inestabilidad macroeconómica argentina, las agudas desigualdades territoriales en el desarrollo, y la persistencia de “feudos” provinciales se explican en parte por la peculiar configuración de nuestro federalismo, que además viola la Constitución en lo que hace a la coparticipación federal (artículo 75, inc. 2) y a la cantidad de diputados asignados a cada provincia (artículo 45).
Debilidad Política y Crisis Financieras: Una Explicación del Fracaso de De la Rúa en Argentina
Journal of Politics in Latin America, Aug 1, 2010
This paper presents an expert-based operationalization strategy to measure the degree of democrac... more This paper presents an expert-based operationalization strategy to measure the degree of democracy in the Argentine provinces. Starting with a mainstream and "thick" definition of regime type, I assess each of its aspects using a subjective or perception-based approach that taps the knowledge of experts on the politics of each province. I present and justify the methodological design of the resulting Survey of Experts on Provincial Politics (SEPP) and conduct a preliminary analysis of its results. Some aspects of the provincial regimes appear to be clearly democratic, while others are mixed or even leaning towards authoritarianism. Moreover, some show little interprovincial variance, while others vary considerably from province to province. An analysis of the central tendency and dispersion of the survey items allows for a general description of the Argentine provincial regimes. Inclusion is the most democratic dimension, while the effectiveness of institutional constraints on the power of the Executive is the most deficient. Electoral contestation is generally free of traditional forms of fraud, but incumbents often command far more campaign resources and media attention than do their challengers. Physical repression is rare, but opponents in some provinces face subtler forms of punishment. While the survey does not uncover any clear cases of subnational authoritarianism, stricto sensu, provincial regimes do vary significantly from basically democratic to clearly hybrid. Full Text: PDF (ENGLISH) Imprint | Data privacy statement OF SUBNATIoNAL REGIMES Fiscal Federalism, Democracy, and Authoritarianism in the Argentine Provinces By CARLOS GERVASONI*. S. variance that centers on a rentier understanding of certain forms of fiscal federalism and test it using quantitative evidence from a federal democracy, Argentina. Drawing on fiscal theories of the state, I posit that differences in subnational regimes are to a large extent explained by the magnitude and origin of their fiscal resources: low levels of democracy are to be expected where subnational states enjoy plentiful central government subsidies and have a weak tax link with local citizens and businesses. Measuring variance in subnational regimes: results from an expert-based operationalization of democracy in the Argentine Provinces
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Papers by Carlos Gervasoni