Party System

this influential series was co-founded in 1989 by series editors david Campbell and ros draper to promote innovative applications of sys temic theory to psychotherapy, teaching, supervision, and organisational consultation. in 2011, Charlotte Burck and Gwyn daniel became series editors, and aim to present new theoretical developments and pioneering practice, to make links with other theoretical approaches, and to promote the relevance of systemic theory to contemporary social and psychological questions.

The paper critically seeks to analyse on how working of the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system in India has structurally enabled one party dominance by amplifying seat shares disproportionately in relation to vote shares. The paper heavily relies on the quantitative analysis of empirical electoral data for a period of 1952 to 2024 available from the Election Commission of India. It is further supplemented by the Comparative-historical analysis of Congress and BJP electoral trajectories and secondary literature review of scholarly works on electoral systems and dominance. The magnitude of disproportionality between the per centage of votes secured and the consequent share of seats achieved is measured by using the Gallagher Index and vote-to-seat conversion ratios. The paper analyses the glaring contrast between the historical phase of Congress dominance existing from 1951 to 1967 with the contemporary era of BJP dominance (2014-2024), and demonstrates how it is the structural constraint of electoral mechanism of FPTP that has been consistently transforming pluralities into disproportionate legislative majorities in India. It further supports the argument, that the electoral system in India has often functioned as an active instrument of creating dominance, rather than acting a mere passive context. The study builds on the framework of scholars like Duverger, Sartori, and Bogaards to examine the relationship between institutional arrangements and party system dynamics and consider their implications for democratic competition and substantial representation.

The first formal Constitution of a state coincides with the declaration of its independence. Thus, if for the French Revolution the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and a little later the enactment of the Constitution of 1791 symbolized the transition from the Old Regime to a new state, for the American Revolution the enactment of the Constitution of 1787 was the “Registry” of the birth of the mosaic that made up the American Nation. The French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars were the events that triggered the Greek Revolution. Rigas Feraios, an intellectual and early revolutionary, tried to secure Napoleon’s support for an insurgency in the Balkans but he was betrayed and he was arrested by the Austrians who delivered him to the Ottomans who tortured and executed him. He became the first national hero of modern Greece and he inspired similar revolutionary activities, especially in the Greek diaspora, between merchants, students, and some Phanariotes. Taking into account the above assumptions, the Greek Revolution of 1821 is not only connected with the birth of the Modern Greek State-Nation, but is also the birth act of the Greek Constitution.

C'est en inventant les boîtes-cadeaux Smartbox que Pierre-Édouard Stérin a fait fortune. Exilé fiscal en Belgique depuis 2012, le milliardaire catholique ultraconservateur, encore récemment inconnu du grand public, est dépeint dans comme le "Saint patron de l'extrême droite française". Son nom apparaît sur la scène publique quand il tente-comme d'autres milliardaires qui investissent dans les médias, y voyant des leviers d'influence-de racheter le magazine Marianne. En vain. La rédaction s'y oppose, refusant que son journal devienne un tract d'extrême droite. Mais le personnage intrigue… Au point qu'il est convoqué par une commission d'enquête sur l'organisation des élections en France. Convocation qu'il décide, à deux reprises, de ne pas honorer. Ou bien uniquement en visioconférence, ce que les députés refusent. Son projet est un projet d’extrême droite très structuré et capable de permettre la prise de pouvoir anti-démocratique en France.

Cet article analyse le rôle ambivalent de Bruxelles dans l'histoire de la Belgique et de l'Europe, du XVIIIe siècle à nos jours (2026). Il montre que la ville a longtemps été un foyer de divisions idéologiques, politiques et communautaires. Cependant, depuis la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, Bruxelles s'impose progressivement comme un centre de compromis politique et institutionnel. Devenue à la fois capitale belge et siège des institutions européennes, elle dépasse son image de foyer de conflits pour apparaître comme un véritable « ciment institutionnel ». Ainsi, Bruxelles incarne un paradoxe : à la fois symbole des tensions internes et pilier essentiel de la cohésion belge et européenne.

daniem Unii Europejskiej, po uchwaleniu Konstytucji, Polska jest państwem demokratycznym, o stabilnych instytucjach, gwarantujących rządy prawa, po szanowanie praw człowieka oraz ochronę praw mniejszości narodowych. artie polityczne w Polsce są postrzegane jako reprezentacje interesów okre ślonych grup społecznych. Większość z nich koncentruje się na skrytym dą żeniu do kontrolowania i penetrowania ważnych ogniw aparatu państwowego. Pro wadzi to do sprzecznej ze standardami Zachodu kryptopolityzacji decyzji admini stracyjnych, które podejmowane są coraz bardziej dyskrecjonalnie i coraz mniej przejrzyście. iędzynarodowa współpraca polskich regionów jest doraźna i przypadkowa, a nie -świadoma, długofalowa i nastawiona na wspomaganie lokalnych stra tegii rozwoju. Może to utrudnić efektywną absorpcję regionalnych funduszy struk turalnych, które po wejściu do Unii zostaną Polsce udostępnione. * Jestem winien serdeczne podziękowanie panu Stanisławowi Mazurowi za zebranie i przygotowa nie materiałów analitycznych oraz panu Andrzejowi Sokołowskiemu za przeprowadzenie obliczeń, z których korzystałem opracowując ten rozdział.

The 2024 European Parliament elections in Greece tested both New Democracy’s (ND) trajectory towards predominant party status and the second-order election (SOE) model’s relevance. Drawing on aggregate results and survey data, this article examines the election’s macro-patterns and micro-foundations. The election aligned with SOE expectations – low turnout, underperformance by major parties, and gains for smaller and radical parties – yet diverged from the model’s honeymoon effect, which predicts modest governing party losses early in the electoral cycle. Despite its 2023 legislative victory, ND suffered unprecedented setbacks. Our findings suggest these losses reflected retrospective economic and political evaluations rather than durable partisan realignment, indicating that ND’s support may recover in future first-order contests, though space for emerging challengers remains.

Widely cited but increasingly seldom read, Maurice Duverger (1917-2014) exemplifies the fate of many canonical thinkers not only in political science. This monograph revisits his legacy through an in-depth analysis of three interconnected pillars of his work: the formulation of Duverger's laws concerning the relationship between electoral systems and party systems; his typology of pluralist party systems; and his empirical theories of democracy. Duverger's ideas are examined in close comparison with the later and highly influential contributions of Giovanni Sartori (1924-2017) and Arend Lijphart (*1936). Authored by political scientist Miroslav Novák, recipient of the 2024 Czech Political Science Association Award for his contribution to the development of Czech political science, the book persuasively argues that contemporary scholarship has significantly misunderstood Duverger's work. In doing so, it calls for a reassessment not only of Duverger's theories but also of prevailing narratives about the evolution of political science in the second half of the twentieth century.

Today, the eminent French political scientist Maurice Duverger (1917–2014) has met the fate that has befallen many classics: almost everyone cites him, but almost no one actually reads him anymore. This monograph, on the other hand, offers an in-depth analysis of three key, interconnected areas of Duverger’s political science: the so-called Duverger’s laws on the relationship between electoral systems and party systems; the typology of pluralist party systems; and empirical theories of democracy.
Duverger’s concepts are then compared in detail, particularly with the later and influential contributions of Giovanni Sartori (1924–2017) and Arend Lijphart (*1936).
The author, Professor of Political Science Miroslav Novák, who, among other honors, received the Czech Political Science Association Award in 2024 for his contribution to the development of Czech political science, convincingly demonstrates not only that current scholarly literature has failed to grasp essential aspects of Duverger’s work, but more generally, that it is necessary to revise our views on the development of world political science in the second half of the 20th century.

Fusioni e Unioni, contributi regionali "C ontributi fino al 90% delle spese am- messe, incentivi fino a 150 mila euro per le nuove Unioni di Comuni e una dotazione iniziale di 1,4 milioni di euro per sostenere fusioni, gestioni associate e riordino territoriale nelle aree montane: con questo provvedimento la Regione del Veneto conferma il proprio impegno nel rafforzamento degli Enti locali e dei servizi ai cittadini". Così l'assessore regionale agli Enti locali, Marco Zecchinato, commenta il provvedimento approvato dalla Giunta che definisce criteri e modalità per l'assegnazione dei contributi destinati alle fusioni di Comuni, alle Unioni di Comuni, alle Unioni montane e alle Convenzioni tra enti locali.

This sociological and philosophical book chapter presents an alternative, interdisciplinary analysis of corruption, redefining it beyond traditional economic and legal frameworks into an epistemological and systemic phenomenon – specifically, as a mechanism that introduces noise, decay, and distortions into foundational societal communications. The research explores how the instinctive-grab reflex operates under the conditions of postmodern institutional imbalances between human rights and responsibilities within the commercially driven order. The work critically analyzes the psychological manipulation of mass consciousness through "future shocks," the law of cumulative systemic risks within state bureaucracies, and the socio-structural limitations of Western "cold societies" constructed upon mutual distrust and state-driven atomization. This paper serves as an essential, focused excerpt originally published within the monograph "The Doctrine of a Just Society" (Доктрина справедливого общества, 2017), operating as a core socio-economic and institutional pillar of the author's overarching worldview doctrine, "The Reconceptualization Epoch".

New Political parties from former PM Alexis Tsipras and the leading figure of the movement for justice for the victims of the train collision in Thessaly, Ms Karystianou, have been created.  I argue that, although these parties and their ratings in the polls have formed a new reality in the Greek party system, their agendas do not promise much for the voters who are seeking a new political landscape for Greek society. The reason is that they are made from the fabric of the old party system. (PARON 1/6/2026)

Este artículo analiza el funcionamiento de las primarias abiertas, simultáneas y obligatorias (PASO) en la Argentina desde una perspectiva multinivel, con foco en la selección de candidaturas legislativas nacionales y provinciales entre 2007 y 2023. A partir de un análisis comparado de los agrupamientos que obtuvieron bancas, el estudio distingue entre competencia interna, competitividad efectiva e integración de derrotados, y examina las condiciones bajo las cuales estas dimensiones se traducen en resultados organizativos. Los resultados muestran que la competencia constituye una condición necesaria pero no suficiente y que, aun cuando se verifican competitividad e integración, su impacto depende de niveles mínimos de cohesión partidaria o coalicional. En conjunto, la evidencia sugiere que el rendimiento de las PASO depende de las condiciones institucionales y organizativas en las que operan.

A kibertéri platformok valóban radikálisan lecsökkentették az alkotó és a felhasználó, a politikus és a választó, a tudós és a laikus, az előadó és a közönség, sőt a jogkereső állampolgár és a jogi információ közötti távolságot. A „majdnem 100%” azonban csak bizonyos társadalmakra és korcsoportokra igaz. Globálisan az ITU 2024-ben 5,5 milliárd internethasználót mért, ami a világ népességének 68%-a, miközben 2,6 milliárd ember még offline volt; a magas jövedelmű országokban viszont az internethasználat már 93% körüli. Az EU-ban 2025-ben a fiatalok 98%-a, az össznépesség 90%-a naponta internetezett, és a 16–29 évesek 89%-a használt közösségi hálózatokat. Magyarországon 2025 végén a DataReportal 9,05 millió internethasználót, 94,1%-os penetrációt és 6,84 millió aktív közösségimédia-felhasználói identitást jelzett; ez utóbbi a népesség 71,1%-ának felelt meg, de a forrás maga is figyelmeztet, hogy ezek nem feltétlenül egyedi természetes személyek. A KSH szerint 2025-ben a magyar háztartások 93,9%-ának volt internetkapcsolata.
A fő tétel ezért így fogalmazható meg: a digitális közvetlenség megszüntette sok régi közvetítő belépési monopóliumát, de nem szüntette meg a közvetítést mint társadalmi funkciót. Ami korábban kiadó, szerkesztőség, párt, akadémia, galéria, ügyvéd, iskola, műsorszolgáltató vagy kulturális intézmény volt, azt ma részben platform, kereső, ajánlóalgoritmus, moderációs szabályzat, fizetési rendszer, követőtábor, influencer, adat- és reklámrendszer, illetve egyre inkább mesterségesintelligencia-asszisztens váltja ki vagy egészíti ki.

This article examines the concept of coalition government in Indian Parliamentary Democracy with special reference to Karnataka's political experience. Originally published and awarded the Certificate of Excellence by Legal Service India, this revised 2025 edition incorporates recent and significant political developments-including the landmark 2024 General Elections, which returned India to coalition politics at the Centre after a decade of single-party majority rule, and the 2023 Karnataka Assembly Elections, which resolved the state's long pattern of coalition instability with a decisive single-party mandate. The article argues that while coalitions remain structurally inevitable in India's multi-party democracy, their success depends on the moral binding of partners, ideological compatibility, and institutional safeguards.

I diritti di riproduzione e di adattamento anche parziale della presente opera (compresi i microfilm, i CD e le fotocopie) sono riservati per tutti i Paesi. Le riproduzioni totali, o parziali che superino il 15% del volume, verranno perseguite in sede civile e in sede penale presso i produttori, i rivenditori, i distributori,

The commentary looks at the two landmark judgements delivered by the Supreme Court in recent months on the electoral process in India which is the lifelines of liberal democracy. The judgements deal with the appointment of CEC and other election commissioners along with the funding of elections. In the Anoop Baranwal case, The Supreme Court has tried to insulate the election commission from control of the government of the day in order to make it a neutral institution. In the Electoral Bond case , the court has tried to create a level playing field among political contestants during the election. But the judgements have not been able to plug all holes in the electoral process as many lacunae remains. The judgements of the Supreme Court will go a long way in ensuring free and fair election in India.

La problemática que sugiere este
concepto puede ser acotada en los siguientes
términos: una vez que son
establecidas las nuevas instituciones
democráticas, después de un proceso
de transición ¿cómo se puede mantener
o afirmar el nuevo régimen? Y,
más específicamente, ¿qué factores
son necesarios para alcanzar un régimen
democrático viable y persistente?,
¿es posible crear, al menos parcialmente,
dichos factores?

In recent years, gender equality and LGBTQIA+ issues have gained increasing visibility across Europe, often becoming sources of political tension and conflict across the political spectrum in several countries (Abou-Chadi et al., 2021; Kantola & Lombardo, 2021; Turnbull-Dugarte et al., 2024). In particular, issues relating to education and gender identity regularly generate political debate and contestation between parties. Although left-wing parties have traditionally been the most visible political actors on issues of gender equality (Kittilson, 2006; Keith & Verge, 2018; Weeks et al., 2025), the relationship between political parties and these issues is often more complex than ideology alone would suggest. At the same time, support for gender and LGBTQIA+ issues can no longer be seen as the exclusive domain of the left. Over the past three decades, conservative and Christian-democratic parties’ positions on these matters have also evolved (Abou-Chadi & Finnigan, 2019; Engeli et al., 2012). Yet, despite growing scholarly interest in these developments, we still know relatively little about the extent to which—and the ways in which—different parties communicate on these issues through social media. Hence, this note seeks to determine how prevalent LGBTQIA+ issues are in the social media communication of political parties in Belgium. First, we quantitatively assess the prevalence of LGBTQIA+ issues overtime, and across the political spectrum via a dictionary-based approach. Second, we qualitatively analyse the identified posts using a frame-inspired thematic coding scheme.

This article investigates the discursive construction of populism in the Portuguese digital public sphere, focusing on the communicative strategies of two party media outlets linked to the populist radical right party CHEGA: Folha Nacional and CHEGA TV. Drawing on Entman's model of framing functions and the literature on populist communication and digital propaganda, the study examines how these outlets articulate simplified, moralized and emotionally charged narratives to mobilize public opinion and legitimize the party's political agenda. The empirical corpus consists of 4915 video titles and descriptions published between 2024 and 2025 (CHEGA TV, n = 2476; Folha Nacional, n = 2439). Each unit was coded according to five macro-frames characteristic of populist discourse: (1) appeal to the people and antagonism, (2) messianism, (3) moral restitution, (4) anti-system and anti-elite rhetoric, and (5) exclusion of the other. The research combines qualitative frame analysis with quantitative frequency and co-occurrence analysis, enabling the identification of dominant discursive patterns and their temporal evolution. The study contributes by offering a systematic analysis of populist framing in Chega's party media, an underexplored field, and by proposing a replicable methodological approach to examine the hybridization of propaganda, emotionality and digital political communication in Europe.

A 2010-es évektől kiterjedt internetes világ az okosmobilok elterjedésével és az asztali számítógépekhez kötöttség és korlátozás eltűnésével létrehozta az állandó kibertéri közösségi médiákon kommunikációt, és mára a Nyugat és Kelet-Ázsia fejlett országaiban mindenhol 90-95% körüli az okosmobil-használat, illetve 50-75% a napi többórás közösségi médiában jelenlét. Ez kommunikációs robbanást hozott létre, és az egyes ember számára minden társadalmi szférát könnyebben elérhetővé tette. A politikai demokráciákban ez választásoktól korábban távolmaradó, főként fiatalok passzivitását csökkentette, és többször látható volt a választásokra beözönlésük, és ezen felül általában is megváltoztatta a korábbi pártszerveződési formákat és az új pártok kialakulásának folyamatait.  A régi pártok egy kiterjedt és összeszokott vezérkarokkal a hagyományos tömegmédia napilapjain, hetilapjain és TV-csatornáin keresztül, illetve széles aktivistahálózattal kötődtek a választásokon szavazó tömegekhez, és a közvéleményformálás új közösségi platformjain működő, zömmel fiatal influenszerek hangvételéhez nehezen tudnak illeszkedni. Míg a mindig új társadalmi problémák nyomását középpontba emelő influenszerek a százezres, vagy nagy országokban milliós közösségek elérésük révén pártvezérré válva hetek alatt élre kerülhetnek a pártküzdelmekben. Vagy néhány ilyen influenszer beállva egy új társadalmi problémát hatásosan kiemelő új pártkezdemény mögé hetek alatt a nagy pártok szintjére tud felhozni, miközben ennek semmilyen vezérkara, vagy az összeverődött néhány pártalapító között semmilyen közös politikai értékvilág nem létezik, ahogy  stabil párttagsága sem. Ilyen volt a olaszoknál Beppe Grilló Öt Csillaga, vagy Igor Matkovics a szlovákoknál, vagy újabban a magyaroknál a 2026-os áprilisi választásokat megnyerő Magyar Péter és a Tisza Párt.

Les élections locales au Royaume-Uni du 7 mai dernier ont transformé le paysage politique britannique en général, au Pays de Galles en particulier. On remarque une montée de l'extrême droite, un regain d'indépendantisme au Pays de Galles et une fragmentation de l'offre politique.

Economia e Borsa 25-29 Cultura e Spettacoli 35-38 Sport 39-43 Infonotizie 45 Meteo 24 Necrologie 46 Lettere 47 DOMANI IN EDICOLA Con il giornale OBIETTIVO SALUTE L'obbligo scatta sabato prossimo, ma c'è già un problema: chi ha già presentato la domanda per dotare il proprio monopattino elettrico di targa potrà ricevere il contrassegno ben oltre il 16 maggio, data limite stabilita dal Ministero delle Imprese e del made in Italy dopo la quale scatta l'obbligo. Così però gli utenti privi di targatura rischiano una multa fino a 400 euro. A PAGINA 12 GDB Cibi sani e sicuri Il modello bresciano fa scuola nel mondo Union Brescia, casa cercasi: Buffalora ora supera Torbole Fondi statali, a Brescia soldi soltanto per 1 progetto su 8 La piattaforma ClassyFarm realizzata dall'Istituto Zooprofilattico scelta dalla Fao nel contrasto mondiale all'abuso degli antibiotici INNOVAZIONE MICHELE CHIARUZZI ANALISI Pasini a fine mese deciderà la strada per dare una sede al progetto biancazzurro A PAGINA 40 -Teheran minaccia di porta- re l'arricchimento dell'uranio al 90% in caso di nuovi attacchi, mentre Trump alterna aperture negoziali e provocazioni militari. Gli Usa puntano sul pressing della Cina, ma la tregua resta fragile: Washington prepara un piano B, l'Iran allarga l'area operativa di Hormuz e porta gli Stati Uniti davanti alla Corte dell'Aja. A PAGINA 2 E 3

The social service sector in contemporary China is endowed with more resource opportunities due to massive service contracting while facing intensified infrastructural control from party-building campaigns. However, the prevalence and consequences of party building within service-oriented nonprofit organizations remain unclear. Using data from a representative sample of social work organizations in China, this article examined the associations between party building and organizational performance. The results showed that 48.52% of social work organizations had established a party-building department, with more than half of these functioning actively. Party building was associated with greater government support, more funded projects and beneficiaries, improved board functioning, and higher professional recognition. The benefits, except for service delivery and projects, persisted among organizations with active party-building activities after implementing a quasi-experimental design using matching approaches. Active behavioral commitment to party building, such as collective decision-making and diversified political socialization, was more likely to benefit organizational performance than inactive party building. Overall, the influence of party building on organizational performance appeared to be direct and robust. The findings redirect the attention of nonprofit researchers, practitioners, and policymakers by pinpointing the potential to bolster professionalism in the era of collaborative governance and theorizing professional autonomy from an organizational perspective.

The purpose of the article is to argue that polarization, in polarized pluralist party systems, reflects not simply the number and the depth of political cleavages but also changes in contextual conditions. We test whether the polarization of party systems in the French Fourth Republic, the Italian First Republic, the Spanish Republic and the Weimar Republic was influenced by changes in economic conditions. Specifically, we test whether worsening economic conditions led to higher levels of polarization. The data analysis reveals that, with the exception of the Spanish Republic, the levels of party system polarization increase when economic conditions worsen. In the concluding section we address both the theoretical and the practical implications of our findings.

The subject of this research is the transformation of the modern party system of Germany in the period after the reunification of the country up to the early 2020s. The study focuses on the key structural changes of the party system, the crisis of the so-called “people’s parties” (CDU/CSU and SPD), the strengthening of “new type” parties (the Greens and AfD), as well as the crisis in the left political spectrum that led to the split of Die Linke. Particular attention is paid to the changing electoral base of the parties, the transformation of their ideological positions, and intra-party dynamics, including leadership crises, the rise of factional competition, and the radicalization of certain wings. The research addresses both institutional developments and socio-political cleavages, including migration, European integration, and attitudes towards globalization. The study applies a structural-functional and comparative-historical approach, combined with elements of quantitative electoral analysis. The scientific novelty of this article lies in the comprehensive examination of German party-political dynamics through the prism of both inter-party and intra-party processes. Unlike most existing studies, which are mainly limited to describing electoral shifts or institutional evolution, this article emphasizes the interconnection between the crisis of the “people’s parties,” the rise of new political actors, and the intensifying polarization within parties themselves. For the first time in Russian scholarship, an attempt is made to compare long-term trends in the transformation of the German party system with its current challenges, including fragmentation, the decline of electoral stability, and the radicalization of certain segments. The findings suggest that the German party system is gradually evolving from a model of “balanced bipartisanship” towards a multipolar format of political competition, which requires revisiting the classical theoretical models of West European party system analysis.

In competitive democracies, incumbency fatigue has emerged as an important factor influencing electoral outcomes. This paper examines the role of incumbency fatigue in the dismal performance of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) in the 2024 elections. It analyzes the impact of prolonged party and parliamentary incumbency on electoral results through a review of historical parliamentary seat data and a qualitative desk-based analysis of election reports and media coverage. The results indicate that the NPP's defeat was driven by several factors, including declining public trust and confidence, a strong desire for change and new leadership, protest voting arising from unmet expectations, perceptions of weak accountability, and voter exhaustion with long-serving incumbents. The opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) also used effective mobilization strategies. The paper further develops the Seat-Level Mechanism of Incumbency Fatigue to explain how incumbency fatigue manifests in electoral outcomes.

While several studies on the issue have shown that traditional beliefs affect people's political behavior and preferences, very little attention has been paid to how traditional beliefs influence electoral behavior. The only study that has attempted to link traditional beliefs and electoral behavior has done so by analyzing the case of Togo where the party system has been traditionally fairly stable and unfragmented. The case of Indonesia, on the other hand, has undergone significant changes since the end of the Orde Baru, and what was once a fairly unfragmented party system now displays high levels of fragmentation. Hence, it is particularly interesting to explore how the presence/diffusion of traditional beliefs shapes the voters’ choices in a changing, increasingly fragmented, democratizing political system. Moreover, in reviewing the literature on Indonesian elections, we find that, first, the study of electoral behavior in Indonesia has made little effort to employ existing theoretical frameworks; second, quantitative studies are scarce; and third, there are practically no micro-level quantitative studies on electoral behavior. In this article, we assess whether and to what extent the electoral choice of a voter is affected by whether and to what extent they hold on to traditional beliefs by performing statistical analyses of original survey data. We find that voters with a traditional mindset are more likely to vote for the secular parties in the ruling coalition than voters who do not hold traditional beliefs.

The 2011 elections will be one of the several elections (and the second-ever multiparty election) organized by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) since it captured power in 1986. Despite the regular elections since the 1990s, the quality and outcomes of these elections have remained subjects of debate. Democracy has remained elusive in Uganda despite the re-introduction of multiparty politics. Incumbency advantages, manipulation and unconstitutional use of state resources and apparatuses, and removal of the constitutional term limits on the presidency have combined to hamper effective growth of multiparty politics and democracy in the country. The question is: Does electioneering necessarily produce democratic governance or does it simply create the conditions and norms necessary for institutionalization of democratic rule? In particular, does the existence of multiparty politics necessarily deepen democratic governance? This paper stresses that despite the return of multiparty ...

The 2011 elections will be one of the several elections and the second multiparty election organized by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) since it captured power in 1986. Despite the regular elections since the 1990s, the quality and outcomes of these elections have remained a subject of debate. Democracy has remained elusive in Uganda inspite of elections being conducted at regular intervals. The question is: does electioneering necessarily produce democratic governance ? Or does it create conditions and norms necessary for institutionalization of democratic rule? In particular, does the existence multiparty politics translate into democratic governance?

Öz: Bu makale, Türkiye'de 20. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında din-siyaset ilişkisinin yeniden şekillendiği bir dönemde, bu dönüşümün dikkat çekici aktörlerinden biri olan Lütfi Doğan'ın ilmî ve siyasi faaliyetlerini Millî Görüş hareketi bağlamında incelemektedir. Klasik ilmiye geleneği içerisinde yetişmiş olmakla birlikte Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi'nde modern akademik formasyon da edinen Lütfi Doğan, kadim ile moderni şahsında temerküz ettiren özgün bir ulema tipi olarak öne çıkmıştır. Cumhuriyet dönemi boyunca ulemanın kamusal alandaki konumu tartışmalı bir seyir izlerken, 1970'lerle birlikte ortaya çıkan Millî Görüş hareketi, dinî düşüncenin ahlak merkezli ve toplumsal boyutunu siyasi alana taşıyan katmanlı bir yaklaşım geliştirmiştir. Hem Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı hem de Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi bünyesinde görev yapan Doğan, ilmî otoriteyi ahlaki meşruiyet temelinde modern siyasetin kamusal alanına taşıyabilmiş nadir isimlerden biridir. Çalışma, Doğan'ın telif ve tercüme eserleri, TBMM kürsüsündeki konuşmaları, yasama faaliyetleri ve dönemin basın kaynakları üzerinden, onun toplumsal ahlak, birlik, adalet, eğitim ve kalkınma gibi temel meselelerde geliştirdiği yaklaşımı analiz etmektedir. Lütfi Doğan'ın düşünsel ve siyasi çizgisinin,

Бављење португалском историјом и политиком није распрострањено у Србији, иако су у питању земље приближних величина и, релативно доскоро, упоредивог броја становника. Истраживања португалске стварности била су ограничена на бављење језиком, књижевношћу и културом. Исто тако, ни у Португалији не постоји распрострањено бављење Србијом. Због свега наведеног, важна је појава зборника Португалија данас -погледи из Србије, чији је уредник др Рајко Петровић, научни сарадник Института за европске студије у Београду. Институт је и издавач овог зборника, а у сарадњи са Амбасадом Републике Португалије 27. јуна 2024. године одржана је научна конференција посвећена овој тематици. Садржај чине предговор уредника и четири целине. Прва, са четири рада, насловљена је "Држава, друштво, политика". Друга носи наслов "Спољна политика и економија" и садржи три текста; трећа, "Енергетика", садржи један текст, док последња, са три рада, носи наслов "Религија". У предговору Рајко Петровић износи разлоге за настанак овог научног дела, указујући на релевантност португалског језика и историје за светске и европске политичке и културне токове. Управо та *

El cuarto volumen del Centro de Investigaciones en Política Subnacional (CIPS) de la Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional de Rosario se inscribe en una trayectoria sostenida de estudios sobre la política subnacional en Argentina. Esta nueva obra, titulada La Construcción de la Política Multinivel: instituciones, actores y dinámicas, consolida una agenda de investigación que, a lo largo de sus entregas previas, ha abordado las reformas político-electorales, la gobernanza electoral y los sistemas de partidos desde una perspectiva comparada y multinivel. En continuidad con ese recorrido, el libro reafirma la centralidad de analizar la política como un fenómeno situado en múltiples escalas interdependientes.

Final draft of "Issue Voting and Party Systems in Central and Eastern Europe." in Bürger und Demokratie in Ost und West. Studien zur politischen Kultur und zum politischen Prozess -Citizens and Democracy in East and West. Studies in Political Culture and the Political Process, ed. by Dieter Fuchs, Edeltraud Roller, and Bernhard Wessels. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, pp. 169-85.

The ethnic outbidding thesis predicts centrifugal polarisation in ethnically divided party systems. We argue instead that the incentives of power-sharing institutions can encourage the development of electoral strategies based on ‘ethnic tribune appeals’ in which parties combine robust ethnic identity representation with increased pragmatism over resource allocation. We test these arguments in Northern Ireland and show that though evidence of direct vote switching from moderate parties to ostensibly ‘extreme’ parties is prima facie consistent with the outbidding thesis, attitudinal convergence between the nationalist and unionist communities on the main political issues is not. The recent electoral success of the DUP and Sinn Féin can instead be explained by these parties' ‘ethnic tribune’ appeals. Many voters simultaneously endorse peace, prosperity and (increasingly) power sharing but also want the strongest voice to protect their ethnonational interests. Identity voting for e...

The ethnic outbidding thesis predicts centrifugal polarisation in ethnically divided party systems. We argue instead that the incentives of power-sharing institutions can encourage the development of electoral strategies based on ‘ethnic tribune appeals’ in which parties combine robust ethnic identity representation with increased pragmatism over resource allocation. We test these arguments in Northern Ireland and show that though evidence of direct vote switching from moderate parties to ostensibly ‘extreme’ parties is prima facie consistent with the outbidding thesis, attitudinal convergence between the nationalist and unionist communities on the main political issues is not. The recent electoral success of the DUP and Sinn Féin can instead be explained by these parties' ‘ethnic tribune’ appeals. Many voters simultaneously endorse peace, prosperity and (increasingly) power sharing but also want the strongest voice to protect their ethnonational interests. Identity voting for e...

This paper contributes to the debate about the ideological coherence of the Brazilian party system. Using discriminant function analysis of 20 years of surveys of Brazilian legislators, we find that the party system now exhibits relatively little coherence. Though the Worker's Party (PT) is clearly distinct, no clear ideological differences exist between the placement of the system's three other main parties. Moreover, the spatial distance between the PT and the other parties is diminishing over time. Given the importance of a coherent ideological map to any consolidated party system, we question the notion that the Brazilian party system has gradually consolidated. Indeed, our results suggest the opposite: in recent years the Brazilian party system has become relatively more "inchoate.

The Gibbard-Satterthwaite Theorem is widely understood to establish that strategic voting is an unavoidable feature of any non-dictatorial voting system with three or more candidates. This paper challenges that theorem directly: it has never been applied to a system in which voters can formally say NO, because no such system was seriously contemplated in the social choice literature. This paper does exactly that — and shows that once the NO option exists, the strategic dilemma the theorem describes does not arise. Specifically, the theorem’s sincerity criterion was developed for systems in which sincerity yields only one action per voter. Under Negative Vote, the same definition yields two sincere actions — one positive, one negative — and that is sufficient to dissolve the strategic dilemma. The Negative Vote (also known as the Balanced Ballot) — in which each voter casts either +1 for a preferred candidate or −1 against a most-opposed candidate — reveals what happens when the standard definition of sincerity is applied to a system scholars never previously considered: both a positive vote for one’s most-preferred candidate and a negative vote against one’s most-opposed candidate are equally sincere. Once two sincere options exist, the strategic dilemma that drives lesser-evil voting under plurality, ranked-choice, and approval systems dissolves. Under Negative Vote, every available voting action corresponds to a sincere expression of preference; no voter gains by misrepresenting their views. We develop this argument through conceptual analysis, familiar analogues from legislative and judicial voting practice, and comparative examples across major electoral systems.

Apariţia "partidului-cartel" în România Acest articol doreşte să analizeze în ce măsură concepte care au făcut carieră în ştiinţa politică contemporană şi care sunt utilizate tot mai mult pentru a analiza şi a înţelege realităţile politice prezente în societăţile dezvoltate, pot fi aplicate şi cazului românesc. Considerăm că fenomene observate şi analizate în statele occidentale, precum dispariţia vechiului model al partidului de mase şi înlocuirea sa cu un nou tip de partide, este vorba de partidele-cartel, pot fi identificate şi în cazul românesc. Credem că, deşi în ultima perioadă partidele politice româneşti sunt instituţii hulite şi considerate ca lipsite de importanţă 1 , mulţi cercetători prezicând continuarea şi adâncirea acestui declin, ele rămân în opinia noastră actori importanţi pe scena politică actuală. În această cercetare am avut în vedere aplicarea conceptului de "partid-cartel" la spaţiul politic românesc, luând ca studiu de caz Partidul Democrat (PD). Am încercat aici surprinderea cu mijloace ştiinţifice doar a anumitor aspecte ale acestei realităţi complexe, care este un partid politic, fiind conştienţi că nu am epuizat nici pe departe prezentarea Partidului Democrat şi a evoluţiei sale. Trebuie precizat clar de la început că conceptul de partid-cartel nu poate fi înţeles decât dacă avem în vedere că el nu poate fi aplicat decât într-un "sistem de partide-cartel" în care toate partidele au, într-o măsură mai mare sau mai mică, aceste caracteristici. Un partid nu poate avea caracteristicile unui partid-cartel, aşa cum apar ele în literatura de specialitate, decât dacă sistemul în sine are aceleaşi caracteristici, deoarece modul în care se realizează relaţionarea dintre partide este definitoriu pentru fenomenul de cartelizare al vieţii politice. Rolul partidelor politice în viaţa politică modernă este extrem de important, lucru subliniat de numeroşi cercetători ai domeniului politic. Partidele politice au fost printre primele subiecte de analiză încă din momentul naşterii ştiinţei politice moderne, după cum demonstrează lucrările clasice ale lui Ostrogorski, Michels şi Weber de la începutul secolului trecut.

I analyze a model of electoral competition in which a candidate's reputation and his need of credibility restricts his policy choice to a certain subset of the policy space, its ideology set. Candidates are o¢ ce-motivated. They care about winning and also about the share of votes they get. I consider both two and three party systems. I describe the equilibrium outcomes assuming that plurality rule applies, and obtain for two party competition, in some cases, equilibrium outcomes di¤erent than what the median voter theorem suggests because of the restrictions on the ideology sets implied by the credibility constraints. I show that centrist parties are disadvantaged compared to leftist and rightist ones, since, in equilibrium, leftist and rightist parties choose policy points that are as close as possible to each other and obtain votes from the centrist parties'ideology set. A centrist candidate needs a higher concentration of voters in his credibility set compared to his opponents in order to have a chance to win. I also analyze a run-o¤ system for three parties and show that centrist parties have more opportunities to win under this rule than under plurality rule.

Democracy is not a sure thing. Governments and party systems often strain against changes in societies, and some fall prey to corruption and bad policies. Under the right conditions, people may reassert their rights to govern, and produce remarkable periods of creative reform, realignment, and change. In these times, politics becomes a focus of personal life itself, restoring the sense that participation makes a difference. The challenges of influencing the course of nations and addressing global issues may inspire creative solutions from the generations of young citizens who have access to digital communication tools. The cascading advance of media platforms and social software enables unprecedented levels of production and distribution of ideas, public deliberation, and network organization. It is clear that many young citizens of this digital and global age have demonstrated interests in making contributions to society. Yet the challenge of engaging effectively with politics that are linked to spheres of government remains, for most, a daunting prospect. The reasons are numerous. A casual look at world democracies suggests that many of the most established ones are showing signs of wear. Parties are trying to reinvent themselves while awkwardly staying the course that keeps them in power. In the press, in everyday conversation, and often from the mouths of politicians, politics has become a dirty word rather than a commonly accepted vocabulary for personal expression. 1 Perhaps most notably, younger generations have disconnected from conventional politics and government in alarming numbers. These trends in youth dissatisfaction with conventional political engagement are not just occurring in the United States, but have parallels in other democracies as well, including Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The pathways to disconnection from government are many: adults are frequently negative about politics, the tone of the press is often cynical, candidates seldom appeal directly to young voters on their own terms about their concerns, politicians have poisoned the public well (particularly in the United States) with vitriol and negative campaigning, and young people see the media filled with inauthentic performances from officials who are staged by professional communication managers. Paralleling these developments has been a notable turning away from public life into online friendship networks, gaming and entertainment environments, and consumer The author would like to thank Peter Levine, Alan Schussman, Cathy Davidson, and Chris Wells for their helpful comments on this chapter. In addition, the lively discussions both on-and offline among all the authors in this volume have informed and changed my thinking on many aspects of citizenship and digital learning. The online discussions with an impressive group of participants further added to the intellectual stimulation of this project. Thanks to everyone who so generously shared their time and creative spirits.

LA GAZZETTA DEL PD in un pantano largo Un'opposizione di testa in una Italia di pancia storia di un pantano chiamato CAMPO LARGO Perché da troppi anni "i progressisti" non riescono a muovere l'Italia. Una storia di idee brillanti, ego feroci e cittadini indifferenti.