Critical Geopolitics

Lisa Björkman's book is a valuable addition to the field of urban studies and the disciplines of sociology and anthropology. The book critiques the pretensions of equity sold by globally empowered institutional epistemologies or knowledges backing the community/participation-driven programmes of resettlement of the urban poor in the name of urban renewal and infrastructure upgradation. It questions the stark binary made between the material world and the discursive world (language, representation) in an analysis of social inequality and casts them as being in a recursive relationship, ceaselessly producing each other. The claims made by the urban poor through certain discursive strategies, such as the use of terms like joona (original settler), are seen as materialising the 'reality out there' as much as the material documentary practices of claim-making. The empirical case concentrates on the 700-million-dollar Mumbai urban transport project (MUTP), which began in the year 2000 (for up to a decade) to improve transport infrastructure through road widening and increasing railway line speed by clearing the habitations. The MUTP, unlike the slum rehabilitation policy, had, on paper, at least one of the widest criteria for affectees to be eligible for rehabilitation, including even the tenants and came without any cutoff date of prior residency. Yet, this infrastructure project necessitated the violent relocation of up to three lakh residents from neighbourhoods located mainly on government and railway lands, to the severely infrastructure-deficient suburbs such as Kanjurmarg and Mahul. The book spatialises this process by concentrating on how this sociopolitical dynamic has played out in one such neighbourhood of Pratiksha Nagar, and within it, three spatial zones: the rehabilitated buildings, the Turbhe Mandala Transit Camp and the Patra Chawl, containing 159 huts. After the demolition of the transit camp in 2007, those residents who were deemed ineligible for the rehabilitation due to faulty documents resettled in the same neighbourhood

This article analyzes the resurgence of anticolonial rhetoric in Russian foreign policy since 2022 and conceptualizes it as a form of illiberal anticolonialism. It argues that contemporary Russian discourse toward the Global South should not be reduced to tactical propaganda but understood as part of a broader ideological configuration structured around majoritarianism, sovereigntism, civilizationism, and conservatism. Reworking elements of Soviet internationalism through a conservative lens, Russian elites frame de-Westernization as a struggle against Western normative hegemony and promote a vision of multipolarity grounded in state sovereignty, cultural authenticity, and traditional values. The article pays particular attention to Sergey Karaganov's concept of the "World Majority," which seeks to symbolically unite non-Western states against the "collective West" and to legitimize Russia's foreign policy, including the war in Ukraine, as part of a wider anticolonial project. It concludes by assessing the appeal and limits of this illiberal emancipation narrative, emphasizing that de-Westernization does not necessarily imply de-liberalization.

This paper responds to a recurring pro-British interpretation of the 2016 recommendations of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf concerning Argentina's submission on the outer limit of its continental shelf. The argument usually presents the Commission's decision not to examine portions of the submission affected by sovereignty disputes, including areas connected with the Malvinas Islands, as if it were a substantive rejection of Argentina's rights. That reading is legally incorrect. The Commission is a technical body created under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It evaluates scientific and technical data concerning the outer edge of the continental margin; it does not adjudicate territorial sovereignty, maritime delimitation, title to islands, or the legal consequences of colonial occupation. Its refusal to consider disputed portions of a submission is therefore not a ruling against Argentina, but a consequence of its limited mandate and rules of procedure. The correct legal conclusion is narrower and more precise: the Commission adopted recommendations on the parts of the Argentine submission it could examine, while expressly leaving outside its analysis areas affected by dispute or by the Antarctic legal regime. This distinction is essential because political propaganda often converts institutional non-competence into supposed legal defeat. In the case of the Malvinas Question, the relevant legal and diplomatic framework remains the existence of a sovereignty dispute recognized by the United Nations and the obligation of Argentina and the United Kingdom to resume negotiations, taking into account the interests of the inhabitants of the islands.

Ibrahim Traoré frequently invokes Thomas Sankara's memory and, in social media and the press, he has been likened to him. Through an analysis of public speeches and addresses by Traoré, this debate piece considers the influences of Sankara's articulation of anti-imperial sovereignty for Burkina Faso. The two leaders align in their rejection of patronage to la Françafrique, the rejections of debt and international development dependency, and insistence on dignity, self-determination and forms of community-driven autarky. The piece develops the concept of formal positivity (positivité formelle) to understand aspects of Traoré's anticolonial discourse which are normatively legitimate in form, posture and historical alignment, including by explicitly refusing sanctions systems and Western-driven security partnerships, and galvanising and building upon collective Burkinabè anger at historical conditions of dependency, patterns of French-supported political and economic domination, and geopolitical humiliations. Sovereignty is a central component within Traoré's anticolonial discourse, though its actualisation is informed by local capacities to transform the economy, sporadically compromised by the practice of displacing blame for internal frictions onto external actors and limited within a global capitalist economic system that explicitly marginalises and excludes Burkinabè expressions of self-determination.

The research will discuss how artificial intelligence-based analytics will contribute to the development of digital business ecosystems. The study develops a multi-layered empirical construct that combines analytical ability, ecosystem coordination, innovation performance, and governance effectiveness. Data collected via a survey in platform-based organizations, using a quantitative approach, are used to test the relationships among the main constructs. The results indicate that advanced analytics contributes to substantial improvements in decision-making, partner alignment, and innovation within ecosystem networks. The findings indicate that strong governance mechanisms enhance the positive influence of analytics on overall ecosystem performance. The work contributes to the body of knowledge on ecosystems by offering quantifiable constructs and an analytical model for evaluating digital transformation. Managers and policymakers who want to plan sustainable, data-driven ecosystem strategies are provided with practical implications. The model successfully promotes evidence-based strategic planning and collaboration at the global level.

The April 1946 arrival of the USS Missouri in Istanbul is often remembered as a ceremonial mission to return the remains of Turkish Ambassador Mehmet Münir Ertegün. This article argues that the visit was far more consequential: it was an early demonstration of American commitment to Türkiye at the dawn of the Cold War and a symbolic precursor to the alliance architecture that would eventually include NATO. By examining the Missouri as both a warship and a diplomatic instrument, the article highlights how strategic communication, symbolism, and visible demonstrations of commitment shape international order. The analysis also places the 1946 visit in contemporary perspective, linking it to Türkiye's current role as a mediator state and diplomatic convenor amid renewed geopolitical competition. The story of the Missouri illustrates a timeless lesson: alliances are sustained not only by military capabilities, but also by credibility, narrative, trust, and the effective communication of strategic intent.

La problématique de l’abstentionnisme politique des jeunes, relève depuis
l’avènement de la troisième vague de démocratisations, d’une kyrielle d’interprétations
plongées dans un bain analytique. Raison évoquée de ce que les penseurs en donnent du
phénomène, tantôt une explication de facture sociologique ; tantôt une explication psycho-
sociale et encore ; une explication à caractère rationnel. De ce fait, ce travail appréhende ce
comportement politique comme la résultante des stratégies, des conduites et des pratiques
construites dans le cadre d’une interaction inscrite dans une dialectique objective et
subjective par divers acteurs partant des jeunes aux institutions politiques et sociales. Dans
cette mesure, nous analysons les ressorts de l’abstentionnisme politique des jeunes à travers
une microsociologie du sens et de la puissance pour voir les diverses significations,
interprétations et répercussions que cette attitude exerce sur les acteurs politiques dans leur
ensemble et plus encore, sur la construction voire la consolidation de la démocratie au
Cameroun.

La présente réflexion met en lumière l’architecture des défis ayant émaillé la
mobilisation politico-électorale de la jeunesse camerounaise au moment du scrutin présidentiel
de 2025. Elle repose ainsi sur le questionnement suivant : comment convient-il d’étudier la
mobilisation électorale de la jeunesse camerounaise par l’entrée du scrutin
présidentiel d’Octobre 2025 ? De ce questionnement, émerge l’hypothèse qu’il convienne
d’étudier la mobilisation électorale de la jeunesse camerounaise comme une pratique ayant été
émaillée de défis substantiels structurés aux confins des stratégies et du niveau compétence des
acteurs sociopolitiques. Par devers, le soutien à cet argumentaire se traduit par un syncrétisme
théorico-herméneutique équilibré sur les sentiers du constructivisme social, de la compétence
et de la structure des opportunités politiques en conjugaison avec les méthodes de collecte des
données représentées par les techniques documentaires, l’observation non participante,
l’entretien libre et l’enquête de sondage par questionnaires. Dans cette mesure, la présente
contribution qui s’enracine dans le constat de perceptions et de représentations juvéniles
hésitantes et même méfiantes à l’endroit de l’organisation et de la supervision électorales
produit le résultat suivant lequel la construction de la mobilisation électorale pour la
présidentielle camerounaise d’Octobre 2025 a été parée de défis structurés aux confins des
stratégies et du niveau compétence des acteurs sociopolitiques.

No creer a la ligera que la historia depende de individuos excepcionales, al margen de procesos históricos complejos, casi siempre impersonales. Temática Este curso intensivo versa sobre las relaciones últimas entre Estados Unidos de América y la República Popular China. Porque, cuando Donald Trump y Xi Jinping se encuentran, no se enfrentan solamente dos presidentes. Dialogan dos concepciones del tiempo, dos maneras de administrar el poder, dos relatos rivales sobre el futuro del mundo. Trump piensa como negocia Wall Street: presión inmediata, espectáculo, titulares, impacto rápido. Xi razona como actúan las civilizaciones antiguas: paciencia, desgaste y acumulación estratégica. Pero conviene desconfiar de las metáforas fáciles. Desde hace años, académicos y estrategas observan el ascenso del bólido chino y repiten hasta el cansancio que su predominio es tan inevitable como la caída final de Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, la geopolítica comienza precisamente donde terminan las certezas. Se alimenta de la administración del miedo, del tiempo y de las percepciones, no de consignas morales. La historia no recompensa automáticamente a los ricos ni a los pobres; tampoco a quienes parecen ascender ni a quienes aparentan declinar. Conviene rumiarlo hasta el cansancio: cuanta más incertidumbre, más geopolítica. A la luz de lo anterior, este curso introductorio persigue un objetivo sencillo: descifrar el significado de dos célebres afirmaciones, una de Heráclito y otra del expresidente estadounidense Ronald Reagan. Respectivamente, "La guerra (πόλεμος) es el padre y el rey de todas las cosas. A unos ha hecho dioses y a otros hombres; a unos ha hecho esclavos y a otros libres." "Es cierto que el trabajo duro nunca ha matado a nadie. Pero pienso: ¿para qué arriesgarse?" Contenido Lección 1. Los imperios no se derrumban: primero se agotan Este es uno de los fenómenos decisivos de nuestra época: China ya no escucha a Estados Unidos como la superpotencia indiscutible del siglo XX. Lo escucha como el eco fatigado de un imperio cansado. Lo que Pekín cree oír es el tañido de la campana que anuncia el ocaso imperial.

Patrice Cardot Mai 2026 3. Impliquer les acteurs non étatiques (villes, régions, ONG, universités, entreprises) pour dégéopolitiser les dynamiques de coopération. Pour répondre à cette problématique, l'essai adopte une démarche systémique et prospective, articulée en trois parties : Partie I : Diagnostic systémique -Décrypter les failles structurelles Objectif : Comprendre pourquoi les modèles traditionnels ont échoué, en analysant : o Économique : dumping agricole (ex. : effondrement des oliveraies tunisiennes face aux subventions européennes), privatisations opaques (ex. : autoroute Tanger-Méditerranée au Maroc). o Politique : externalisation des coûts migratoires (accords UE-Libye) ou sécuritaires (ventes d'armes à des régimes autoritaires). Rivalités États-Unis vs. Chine vs. Russie (ex. : contrôle des ports, diplomatie de la dette). Tensions régionales (Turquie vs. Grèce/Chypre, Maroc vs. Algérie, Israël vs. Iran/Hezbollah). Impunité institutionnalisée : veto au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, détournement des fonds européens, crimes de guerre non sanctionnés. Normalisation de la violence. Érosion de la confiance dans les institutions (ONU, UE, Ligue arabe). Crises humanitaires et écologiques (pénuries d'eau, désertification, pollution). • Archéologie des échecs : analyse comparative des processus Barcelone, Union Méditerranéenne, UpM, 5+5. • Décryptage des rapports de force : comment les lobbies (énergie, armement) et les puissances extérieures ont capturé les initiatives euroméditerranéennes. • Études de cas : Liban (effondrement systémique), Syrie (guerre par procuration), Méditerranée orientale (enjeux gaziers). → Message clé : Les échecs du passé ne sont pas des accidents, mais le résultat de dynamiques structurelles (asymétrie, impunité, fragmentation) qui appellent une refonte radicale des modèles de coopération. Objectif : Proposer un cadre conceptuel pour une Communauté Politique Méditerranéenne (CPM), fondée sur : • Des principes innovants : 1. Souveraineté partagée : gestion collective des défis transnationaux (migration, climat, sécurité). ▪ Chine : diplomatie de la dette (ex. : ports de Pirée, Tanger), risques de dépendance technologique. ▪ Russie : déstabilisation (cyberattaques, désinformation, soutien aux milices en Libye/Syrie). o Puissances régionales : Turquie (revendications en Méditerranée orientale), Iran (Hezbollah au Liban), Arabie saoudite (rivalité avec Téhéran). o Utiliser les cadres européens : fonds Interreg, Global Gateway, BEI pour financer des projets méditerranéens. o Approche progressive : commencer par des projets sectoriels (énergie, eau) entre États volontaires. o Impliquer les acteurs non étatiques : plateformes citoyennes, réseaux universitaires, partenariats public-privé. o Anticiper les réactions géopolitiques : diplomatie inclusive (donner un rôle à chaque puissance), diversification des partenariats (Japon, Inde), cybersécurité renforcée. Phase Actions Acteurs clés Préparation : études de faisabilité, consultations, accords préliminaires. États volontaires, sociétés civiles. Lancement : projets phares (énergie, eau), élargissement progressif. UE, BEI, ONG, entreprises. Consolidation : renforcement des institutions, pérennisation des mécanismes. Tous les acteurs méditerranéens. → Message clé : La CPM n'est pas une utopie, mais un projet réaliste, à condition de composer avec les contraintes (internes et exogènes) et de tirer parti des opportunités (dynamiques locales, fonds européens, rivalités entre grandes puissances). Cet essai ne se contente pas de dresser un constat désolant de la situation en Méditerranée. Il propose : Un diagnostic sans concession des échecs passés. Une vision alternative : la Communauté Politique Méditerranéenne (CPM) comme réponse aux failles de l'UE et aux blocages géopolitiques. Des mécanismes concrets pour passer de la théorie à l'action (coopération décentralisée, alliances thématiques, fonds régionaux). Une feuille de route réaliste pour 2027-2040. Enjeu final : La Méditerranée est à un carrefour historique. Soit elle accepte de rester un théâtre des rivalités extérieures, soit elle ose écrire un nouveau chapitre de son histoire -celui d'une région où la souveraineté est partagée, la justice transitionnelle une réalité, et la résilience collective une nécessité.

Dieses geopolitische Essay analysiert die strukturellen und zyklischen Gesetzmäßigkeiten der gegenwärtigen globalen Konfrontation durch das Prisma des Ersten Weltkriegs sowie des ersten Kalten Krieges (1949–1991). Der Autor dekonstruiert gängige Mythen über die Natur moderner Sanktionsregime und weist nach, dass die heutige Konfrontation kein historisches Unikat, sondern die Fortsetzung einer deterministischen Dynamik im Kampf um globale Ressourcen und Dominanz darstellt. Im Zentrum der Arbeit steht die Untersuchung des „Eisernen Vorhangs“ als bilaterales Phänomen, bestehend aus einem sowjetischen inneren Vorhang (Bindung des Humankapitals) und einem westlichen äußeren Vorhang (technologisches Containment). Schließlich skizziert das Essay die Anatomie der Profiteure dieser systemischen Eskalation und führt Russland als „Sündenbock per default“ ein, der paradoxerweise seinen eigenen Niedergang finanziert, während Indien als unbeteiligter, aber omnipräsenter Akteur im Inneren westlicher Institutionen zum eigentlichen Erben der multipolaren Weltordnung avanciert.

The implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India in 2017 was one of the key reforms of the system of indirect taxes that was set to simplify the taxation framework and facilitate the creation of a national market. With start-ups, where regulatory and financial limitations tend to prevail in the initial phase of operation, GST could have an implication on business activities, compliance procedures, and market growth. This paper discusses the role of GST in catalyzing the development of start-ups by evaluating the views and performance results of startup ventures in Mumbai.The research is founded on primary data in the form of a structured questionnaire that was administered to the founders, and managers in the start-ups that were selected on the basis of operating in technology-based, service-oriented sectors in Mumbai. The study analyzes the major aspects of the effect of GST such as the efficiency of tax compliance, ease of interstate transactions, input tax credit benefits, and computer-mediated tax administration. In the analysis, Chi-square tests, Logistic Regression, and Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) are used to analyze the relationships between GST-related factors and start-up performance indicators. The chi-square analysis is employed to investigate the relationships among the categorical variables in GST adoption, perception of compliance and business growth indicators. The logistic regression is used to estimate the likelihood of start-ups growing in the GST framework depending on the variables of tax simplification, access to input tax credit and digital compliance checks. Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) is also employed to estimate the relationship of the latent constructs such as GST efficiency, regulatory transparency, and performance in entrepreneurship.The results show that the determinants of GST with respect to the start-up growth and operational efficiency are the variables associated with the GST, especially the presence of input tax credit, and the presence of the digital tax compliance systems. The outcomes also point out that GST is able to help in enhancing transparency and provide access to emerging businesses to market across states. Nevertheless, the complexity of compliance and awareness of regulations is still a challenge to smaller startups.The research presents empirical evidence that GST has helped in enhancing the start-up ecosystem in Mumbai as it has enhanced the transparency of taxes and enhanced the efficiency of operations. The results provide policy implications of streamlining compliance processes and enhancing institutional support to new businesses.

Muhalif yazında Gezi, genellikle farklılıkların bir arada barış içinde var olduğu, özgürlükçü ve karnavalvari bir direniş potansiyeli olarak değerlendirilir; ben de 2014’teki bir yazımda aynı doğrultuda 2011-13 arasında Dünya çapında yaşanan halk isyanlarının kapitalizmin ötesine açılan alt akıntılar taşıdığını savunmuştum. Gezi günlerinden 7 Haziran 2015 seçimlerinin sonrasına kadar ülkede "bütün mümkünlerin kıyısında" olunduğuna dair güçlü bir atmosfer vardı ve iktidarın karşı saldırısı henüz kesin bir zafer kazanmadığı için Gezi’nin eksiklerini tartışmanın sırası gelmemişti.

İsyanın egemen blokta bir altüst oluşa yol açamayışı, sosyalistlerce solun cılızlığı nedeniyle sürecin örgütlü bir güce dönüştürülememesiyle açıklanmış; sosyal bilimsel çalışmalar da bu tespiti veri kabul ederek Gezi'nin daha çok sosyolojik, sınıfsal ve estetik boyutlarına yoğunlaşmıştır. Ancak bugün, dünyada radikal sağın yükselişi ile 2019 sonrasındaki küresel halk isyanları (Sudan, Şili vb.) arasındaki dengeyi gözeterek, Gezi'de eksik kalan "siyasal değişim ve strateji" konularını yeniden masaya yatırmak gerekiyor. Bu yazıda Gezi, Sudan ve Şili deneyimleri ile Henri Lefebvre’in tezleri ışığında, gerçek siyasal değişim yaratacak strateji meselesi üzerinden yeniden değerlendirilecektir.

Análisis sobre la ausencia de doctrina estratégica argentina en materia de minerales críticos y su impacto en la soberanía nacional. El artículo examina el incumplimiento de la Ley 22.259 durante 46 años, la paradoja de haber negociado un acuerdo internacional sobre minerales estratégicos sin haberlos clasificado internamente, y propone medidas concretas de política pública de costo cero para el Estado argentino.

Nelle pagine dedicate agli ultimi anni del franchismo, José Antonio González Alcantud antropologo spagnolo e cattedratico dell'Universidad de Granda ha più volte insistito su un nodo che oltrepassa la sola storia spagnola: il rapporto tra repressione, memoria e costruzione della democrazia. Nei suoi scritti autobiografici, il carcere franchista è luogo di reclusione, dispositivo politico di disciplinamento dei corpi e di controllo delle coscienze. Allo stesso tempo, la sua riflessione mostra come la violenza di Stato non si esaurisca nell'evento repressivo, ma continui a operare anche dopo, attraverso l'oblio pubblico, la marginalizzazione delle testimonianze e la neutralizzazione del significato storico della resistenza. In questo quadro, la vicenda spagnola assume per l'antropologo un valore paradigmatico. La Transición, pur avendo consentito il passaggio formale alla democrazia, si sarebbe fondata anche su una rimozione della memoria conflittuale della guerra civile, del franchismo e dell'antifranquismo degli anni Sessanta e Settanta. Da qui la sua critica alle politiche dell'oblio, alla svalutazione morale delle generazioni che conobbero il carcere e la repressione, e alla mancata elaborazione di un vero momento fondativo capace di riconoscere pubblicamente il ruolo di chi lottò contro la dittatura. L'esperienza personale di González Alcantud, le detenzioni, la prigionia, il confronto diretto con la Brigada Político-Social, i ricordi del cortile del carcere si intrecciano così con una più ampia riflessione antropologica e politica sulla violenza, sulla costruzione selettiva della memoria e sulle nuove vulnerabilità delle società contemporanee di fronte al ritorno di linguaggi autoritari, nazionalismi aggressivi e pratiche di delegittimazione del dissenso. È a partire da questa duplice prospettiva, testimoniale e teorica, che proponiamo questa conversazione con José Antonio González Alcantud, per riflettere sui meccanismi della violenza politica, sui temi della repressione, del fascismo, della dittatura, della guerra e delle loro persistenti eredità nel presente.

India uses semiconductor diplomacy as a strategic tool to decrease its need for foreign technology while developing industrial sectors throughout its various regions. The India Semiconductor Mission designates Assam as an up-and-coming back-end manufacturing centre because state and central government policies work together to back its development. The research explores how Assam has developed into an essential part of India's semiconductor diplomacy through its efforts to improve regional economic development and its alignment with national policies and its role in the global semiconductor supply chain which includes the Tata-led OSAT facility at Jagiroad. The researchers used secondary data to conduct their analysis by applying Global Political Economy, Developmental State, and Regional Development frameworks to assess institutional capacity and ecosystem readiness and sustainability challenges. The results show that Assam's involvement boosts India's supply-chain diversity and demonstrates how federalism works in advanced manufacturing, but ongoing structural issues create obstacles to development. The study finds that semiconductor diplomacy can create inclusive regional development when large-scale investments together with ecosystem building activities and environmental governance and national and sub-national governments execute their policies in a coordinated manner.

La presente rettifica nasce dalla necessità di aggiornare criticamente l’introduzione originaria del documento “Analisi critica sulla storiografia guancia “Il Paradosso di Tenerife”( 10.5281/ZENODO.19206032) )pubblicato precedentemente come prima applicazione introduttiva del Metodo Atlas allo studio dell’isola di Tenerife e Gran Canaria.

The research will discuss how artificial intelligence-based analytics will contribute to the development of digital business ecosystems. The study develops a multi-layered empirical construct that combines analytical ability, ecosystem coordination, innovation performance, and governance effectiveness. Data collected via a survey in platform-based organizations, using a quantitative approach, are used to test the relationships among the main constructs. The results indicate that advanced analytics contributes to substantial improvements in decision-making, partner alignment, and innovation within ecosystem networks. The findings indicate that strong governance mechanisms enhance the positive influence of analytics on overall ecosystem performance. The work contributes to the body of knowledge on ecosystems by offering quantifiable constructs and an analytical model for evaluating digital transformation. Managers and policymakers who want to plan sustainable, data-driven ecosystem strategies are provided with practical implications. The model successfully promotes evidence-based strategic planning and collaboration at the global level.

This essay introduces the concept of the geophysiology of global power as an interpretive framework for understanding the deep transformation of the contemporary international order. Against the declining explanatory power of the pure ideological categories of the twentieth century—capitalism, communism, liberalism, socialism, and nationalism—the essay argues that global power is increasingly organized not around closed doctrines, but around the control of vital flows: energy, money, data, strategic minerals, semiconductors, maritime routes, artificial intelligence, payment systems, and logistical capacity.
Drawing on geopolitics, complex network theory, and field theory, the essay examines how specific spaces and resources acquire disproportionate importance due to their roles in planetary circulation. The Strait of Hormuz is interpreted as an energy artery of the world system; Taiwan as a technological cortex of digital civilization; the dollar, digital currencies, and financial platforms as invisible infrastructures of sovereignty; and Latin America, Africa, the Caribbean, and Oceania as strategic reservoirs of resources, biodiversity, water, demographic vitality, and future legitimacy.
The essay argues that emerging multipolarity does not automatically produce greater stability. On the contrary, by combining strategic rivalry with deep interdependence, it may generate a more fragile order, highly sensitive to disruption and difficult to coordinate. In this context, ideologies continue to mobilize societies, but material, energy, technological, and monetary flows increasingly determine the course of conflicts and the range of possible solutions.

2011 yılında başlayan Arap Baharı, özellikle Suriye iç savaşıyla birlikte yalnızca Orta Doğu'nun siyasal coğrafyasını değil bölgesel göç rejimlerini ve devletlerin yönetim kapasitelerini de derinden etkileyen tarihsel bir kırılma yaratmıştır. Bu sürecin en görünür sonuçlarından biri, milyonlarca insanı yerinden eden kitlesel zorunlu göç hareketleri olmuştur. Türkiye ise coğrafi yakınlığı, açık kapı politikası ve bölgesel siyasal rolü nedeniyle bu hareketlerin merkez ülkelerinden biri haline gelmiştir. Böylece göç, Türkiye açısından salt insani yardım ya da sınır yönetimi meselesi olmaktan çıkmış kamu yönetimi, hukuk, dış politika, iç siyaset ve toplumsal uyum alanlarını aynı anda etkileyen çok katmanlı bir yönetişim sorunu niteliği kazanmıştır.

Por medio de la presente me permito señalar que el Trabajo de Titulación, presentado por la estudiante Sofía Belén Medina Herrera, para optar por el título de internacionalista, cuyo tema es: "Estrategia Política Regional 2010-2015 para reemplazar a la Organización de Estados Latinoamericanos (OEA) como el principal foro multilateral de diálogo político y de acción colectiva en el continente. Unión de Naciones Sudamericanas (UNASUR)", fue guiado y revisado hasta su culminación. En tal virtud, certifico que ha sido el resultado del trabajo del autor y puede ser sometido a evaluación por el comité de investigación de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Comunicación.

Cet article de recherche vise à offrir un point de vue pragmatiste à la réflexion éthique sur les changements climatiques. Après un parcours de quelques difficultés propres aux perspectives prédominantes en éthique du climat, nous présentons notre approche de philosophie pratique d'inspiration pragmatiste. Nous soutenons que les travaux terrain en éthique des changements climatiques nécessitent un ancrage pragmatiste se détachant, au moins en partie, des éthiques climatiques classiques. Selon nous, l'éthique pragmatiste fournit un cadre d'analyse axiologique suffisamment souple pour bien intégrer les conditions réelles du monde, tout en menant la discussion morale sur le terrain de l'argumentation située. Nous précisons ensuite la pertinence de ce point de vue pragmatiste pour le domaine de l'adaptation aux changements climatiques. Nous discutons enfin de certaines spécificités et limites des pragmatismes en éthique environnementale.