Environmental Justice

This study aimed to evaluate environmental injustice and analyze flood vulnerability characteristics in consideration of environmental justice and urban flood disaster prevention planning. We investigated various urban disaster prevention factors applied to the urban development process in Seoul from the perspective of environmental justice. Flood risk areas were identified and flood damage data from 2000 to 2018 were collected. Furthermore, a panel analysis was performed and the final model was selected. The flood vulnerability characteristics were found to be detached houses having basements, aged detached houses, land area for detached houses, public assistance recipients, and population aged 65 years or above, which had impact factors of 8.323, 3.781, -2.877, 3.257, and 2.637, respectively. The results indicate that not only the socially vulnerable population lacks the ability to respond to floods, but buildings and areas with poor residential environments also suffer from flood...

Este artículo analiza la intersección entre la crisis ambiental global, los procesos migratorios y las desigualdades de género, situando el debate en las injusticias socioambientales que atraviesan las trayectorias de mujeres migrantes en el Área Reconquista (Gran Buenos Aires). A partir de una investigación-acción participativa (IAP) de corte etnográfico, el estudio explora cómo las mujeres provenientes de contextos rurales de Paraguay, Bolivia y el norte argentino representan y jerarquizan las variables ambientales en sus proyectos de vida.
El análisis sostiene que la degradación ambiental en las zonas de origen —producida por el avance de la frontera agropecuaria, el monocultivo de soja y las fumigaciones— actúa como un motor de expulsión que merta los recursos de subsistencia campesina. Al trasladarse a la cuenca del Río Reconquista, estas poblaciones enfrentan nuevas condiciones de vulnerabilidad derivadas de la contaminación hídrica y la proximidad al relleno sanitario CEAMSE, donde los residuos operan de forma ambivalente como riesgo para la salud y recurso clave para la economía popular. Desde una perspectiva interseccional y de economía feminista, los resultados destacan que las mujeres asumen una carga desproporcionada en la reproducción social y los cuidados, gestionando de manera comunitaria las crisis sanitarias y habitacionales provocadas por el entorno degradado. Finalmente, se concluye que, aunque existe un reconocimiento del deterioro ambiental en la ciudad, las migrantes suelen priorizar el acceso a servicios y oportunidades socioeconómicas frente a la precariedad extrema de sus contextos rurales de origen.

Mientras que el empleo del concepto de justicia ambiental crece en las luchas de movimientos sociales frente a los impactos del cambio climático, este artículo propone una relectura desde la teoría feminista y de las migraciones y a partir de una investigación etnográfica realizada entre los años 2019 y 2022. Allí se exploraron las prácticas de cuidado ambiental —destinadas tanto al ambiente como a las personas afectadas por el mismo— de mujeres migrantes rurales que residen en la contaminada cuenca del río Reconquista (Buenos Aires), cerca del basural a cielo abierto más grande del país. En diálogo con sus experiencias, donde están expuestas a problemáticas ambientales de manera desproporcionada respecto a otros sectores sociales —por los impactos del cambio climático, sus causas y la segregación sociourbana—, se revisita el concepto de justicia ambiental. Por un lado, dado a las especificidades de dicha exposición a lo largo de su trayectoria migratoria: en sus zonas de origen y destino.
Por otro lado, debido a que, en respuesta a estas problemáticas ambientales, despliegan una agentividad política en sus prácticas comunitarias de cuidado ambiental poco reconocidas. En ese sentido, este artículo demuestra que sus experiencias exigen ampliar el concepto de justicia ambiental desde una perspectiva interseccional, donde el género y la migración son claves para entender las desigualdades ambientales y las respuestas colectivas invisibilizadas cuando no se enmarcan en accionares políticos leídos como tales desde las formas hegemónicas de entender la resistencia (Mahmood 2008).

Weinberg and Harding, our use of the term does not reflect any position on the debate; rather, we have used the term "interdisciplinary" in this project because it is the label most commonly used by our university to describe the courses and programs in this milieu, e.g.,

Finał manuscript of the chapter published in Performing Waste To Re-member Pasts and Fabulate Futures, eds. Dorota Sajewska, Małgorzata Sugiera (Routledge 2026). This chapter looks closely at the processes of double capture they mobilized by two experimental documentaries engaging in the Dead Sea landscapes: Sasha Litvintseva’s Salarium (2017) and Polina Teif’s Eulogy for the Dead Sea (2022). They both put forward “spoiling” as a figuration of the political agency of sinkholes and – more broadly speaking – post-extractive waste. The term gathers various inflections of the English words spoil and to spoil to register the ambivalent, both destructive and productive, political effects of sinkholes. On the one hand, spoiling directly refers to the destruction of landscapes and livelihoods by the system of mineral extraction and its tailings, which in the Dead Sea region become spoils of settler colonialism. On the other hand – as the cultural (re)presentations in question clearly evidence – sinkholes may threaten the very existence of the systems of occupation upon which they depend, and thus spoil local oppressed communities with lived experiences of possible futures after occupation. The analysis of the documentaries attunes to differential aspects of spoiling for different human and more-than-human communities inhabiting the Dead Sea landscapes.

Lisa Björkman's book is a valuable addition to the field of urban studies and the disciplines of sociology and anthropology. The book critiques the pretensions of equity sold by globally empowered institutional epistemologies or knowledges backing the community/participation-driven programmes of resettlement of the urban poor in the name of urban renewal and infrastructure upgradation. It questions the stark binary made between the material world and the discursive world (language, representation) in an analysis of social inequality and casts them as being in a recursive relationship, ceaselessly producing each other. The claims made by the urban poor through certain discursive strategies, such as the use of terms like joona (original settler), are seen as materialising the 'reality out there' as much as the material documentary practices of claim-making. The empirical case concentrates on the 700-million-dollar Mumbai urban transport project (MUTP), which began in the year 2000 (for up to a decade) to improve transport infrastructure through road widening and increasing railway line speed by clearing the habitations. The MUTP, unlike the slum rehabilitation policy, had, on paper, at least one of the widest criteria for affectees to be eligible for rehabilitation, including even the tenants and came without any cutoff date of prior residency. Yet, this infrastructure project necessitated the violent relocation of up to three lakh residents from neighbourhoods located mainly on government and railway lands, to the severely infrastructure-deficient suburbs such as Kanjurmarg and Mahul. The book spatialises this process by concentrating on how this sociopolitical dynamic has played out in one such neighbourhood of Pratiksha Nagar, and within it, three spatial zones: the rehabilitated buildings, the Turbhe Mandala Transit Camp and the Patra Chawl, containing 159 huts. After the demolition of the transit camp in 2007, those residents who were deemed ineligible for the rehabilitation due to faulty documents resettled in the same neighbourhood

This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by TU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tulsa Law Review by an authorized editor of TU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Brian W. Jewett, & Heather E. Campbell, Successes and Failures of Federal Environmental Policy: Reviewing Federal Ecosystem Management and Federal Approaches to Environmental Justice, 52 Tulsa L. Rev. 427 (2017).

La suspensión y posterior reversión del proyecto XOCHI revela un problema estructural: una autoridad que invalida decisiones ya autorizadas genera incertidumbre jurídica. Aunque la Municipalidad rectificó, el daño institucional persiste: la señal de discrecionalidad afecta confianza, inversión y la credibilidad del marco administrativo.

California's Central Valley is home to some of the wealthiest agricultural producers in the world and counties with the highest levels of food insecurity in the United States of America. Mississippi, the birthplace of a cotton industry that built unprecedented wealth for white growers on the backs of enslaved and then sharecropping Black peoples, is what has been called 'the hungriest state in the nation'. These contradictory relationships are no accident and are not disconnected. They are together the product of intertwined geographies of capital, labour, ideas and political power. For over 200 years a flexible, distributed bloc of white settlers, farmers, investors, politicians, academics and philanthropists organized life around capital production reliant on low wage or enslaved agricultural labour. This bloc keeps a keen eye focused on disorganizing movements for agricultural labour's freedom and liberation-producing what I call a philanthroagro-state fix. As part of a larger study on agricultural justice movements across both regions, this paper introduces an exploratory analysis of the philanthro-agro-state fix and the freedom farming movements that have resisted, confronted and attempted to transform it towards justice and prosperity for those who work the land.

Le présent article analyse le potentiel et les limites du développement durable à partir d’une approche économique. Du point de vue de cette approche, le problème majeur réside dans l’utilisation et l’exploitation des ressources naturelles. De fait, un changement de comportement des acteurs économiques est nécessaire au niveau des entreprises, des gouvernements et des individus. Et pour atteindre un développement durable, il faut également changer les formes de planification régionale. Ainsi, les changements culturels quant à la forme de la demande, de l’exploitation de l’écosystème et de l’élément central des activités de planification permettront d’indiquer les limites et les potentialités du développement durable. Il s’agit là de la première action à réaliser pour intégrer les aspects environnementaux, économiques et sociaux dans un seul processus.

What happens when the climate itself becomes a theatre of geopolitical competition? As climate instability deepens and rivalry between major powers intensifies, environmental systems are becoming entangled with security, strategy, and geopolitical influence. Food security, water scarcity, migration pressures, and resource competition are no longer simply environmental concerns. They are increasingly shaping the international order. Against this backdrop, the prospect of deliberately intervening in the Earth's climate system is attracting growing political and strategic attention. Geoengineering-the deliberate large-scale manipulation of the Earth's climate and weather systems through technologies such as solar radiation management, carbon dioxide removal, and cloud seeding-is no longer discussed solely as a scientific or environmental tool. It is increasingly viewed as a geopolitical one. These technologies may help slow warming, stabilize food and water systems, and avert catastrophic climate tipping points. But they also carry potential strategic risks. In an international system already shaped by rivalry over energy, trade, cyberspace, and outer space, the atmosphere may become the next domain of strategic contestation.

El presente artículo analiza los orígenes de la protección internacional de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales (DESC) en el marco de la Sociedad de Naciones, con énfasis en la creación y la temprana labor normativa de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT). Desde un enfoque histórico-jurídico, el trabajo cuestiona la narrativa tradicional que presenta a los DESC como derechos de incorporación y protección tardía en el Derecho Internacional. Asimismo, el estudio demuestra que, a diferencia de lo ocurrido en el ámbito constitucional interno, en el plano internacional, se comenzó brindando protección a los DESC a través de la creación de la OIT en 1919. Este organismo contribuyó al establecimiento de estándares mínimos en materia de DESC, así como a la creación de mecanismos permanentes de supervisión, configurando un modelo temprano de protección internacional de derechos humanos. De esta manera, el artículo concluye que la internacionalización de los derechos humanos comenzó antes de 1945, lo que permite revalorar el lugar histórico y jurídico de los DESC en el Derecho Internacional contemporáneo.

This paper deals with the performance of self-help groups (SHGs) with regard to the tribal community. It specifically explores their functioning within the customary political economy of the Misings, one of the largest tribal communities of Assam, Northeast India. Misings have a complex system of customary political economic norms and practices. Women are active agents in the traditional Mising economy. Here the SHGs, even with their widely spread complex structures, have not been able to bring any notable political economic transformation for the Mising women. This paper argues that the centralized structure of the SHG model and its topdown implementation process that assumes a homogenous and uniform economy inhibits its productive functioning within the tribal communities where political economies have traditionally been more autonomous and community-oriented. Therefore, reorientation in the discourses and functioning of the SHG is necessary to make it a more productive instrument of grassroot development in India.

Der Vortrag beleuchtet Chancen und Spannungen kultureller und religi- öser Vielfalt im Arbeitsalltag von Gesundheits- und Sozialeinrichtungen und fragt nach den ethischen Anforderungen an professionelle Zusam- menarbeit in einem katholischen Träger.

How do we bring ecosocial education into schools and their environments?

Ways into Ecosocial Education answers this question with many stories and strategies, in a 75-page handbook for DIY print.

Written on the basis of a multi- year co-research process across different parts of Europe as well as South Africa, this book insists on ecosocial education as a pluriversal and co-creative practice. Not one single answer, but many: all of them pointing at horizons of justice, care and learning. The many practitioners involved in making this book, as part of the ecosocial education strand of Common Ecologies, keep the ecological and the social connected: because we are teachers, teacher trainers, parents, activists, students and institutional actors, we wanted this book to speak to all those complex roles and positions.

The first part of this book talks about the roles we play in education, from the classroom to the neighbourhood and beyond. In a second part, we learn how and why ecosocial education isn’t the same thing everywhere, exploring different geographies of ecological justice and learning across the Eastern Mediterranean, the Spanish state, British and Irish Isles, German-speaking countries and South Africa. In the final section, you can find work- sheets for use in both school and community, accompanied by resources.

We wrote this for all to play with, expand, test and discuss: whoever and wherever you are, make it yours!

Plastic is slowly covering the earth, accumulating in oceans, soil, air, and human and non-human bodies. In the face of this catastrophe, zero waste activists call upon us for action, detailing, how we, too, can change our lifestyle to eliminate plastic waste and save the planet. Yet, who it is that is called upon, who speaks, and whose voices and lived realities might be ignored? In this contribution, we explore the social politics of the zero waste movement. This leads us to ponder: might popular environmental movements that relegate social justice to the back seat ultimately do more harm than good?

novel's climactic vision-in which the Indigenous antagonist Guillermo Longoria disintegrates into corn stalks as part of a deathbed dream sequence-stages a queer rupture and decolonial reckoning in which his body is reintegrated into the ecology of his homeland. This speculative element of the narrative ascribes agency to the land itself, enacting a form of reclamation beyond the limited scope of human morality but in concert with human action. This moment must be read against the historical backdrop of the Guatemalan civil war (1960-1996) and genocide. The US-backed Cold War campaign carried out by the anticommunist regime of the Guatemalan state sought to destroy the lives and knowledge systems of Maya peoples in the western highlands. These efforts included the targeting of maize cultivation as a pillar of their reproductive sovereignty. 4 As a result of this political violence, 200,000 people were killed or disappeared in the name of combating the ideological threat of communism, and over one million were displaced. Indigenous community members experienced wage theft, chemical exposure, sexual slavery, rape, forced impregnation, and massacre at the hands of not only mixed-race Ladinos serving in Guatemalan death squads but also other Indigenous peoples who were forced into military service by the government. 5 The disruptive function of the deathbed maize vision is most acute in the inter-and intraracial violence orchestrated by the state in favor of capital owners. The speculative resurgence of relational lifeways both counters and follows from the revenge plot of the novel's protagonist Antonio Bernal, a Ladino refugee living in Los Angeles who shoots and kills Longoria for murdering his family 4. Such attacks on Indigenous lifeways coincided with the state's neoliberalization efforts aimed at importing crops to destabilize local agrarian economies to the benefit of capitalist firms abroad (Isakson 348). 5. According to Christa Little-Siebold, most people who identify with the term "Ladino" refer to their "mixed ancestry" (181-82). But the logic of mixture does not hold up in empirical terms. Those who adopt Ladino take it up as a marker that privileges "fair skin" among educated managerial professionals in Quezaltepeque (182-83). This identity, when tied to complexion and economic opportunity, becomes a marker of one's civility. Ladino refers to the "formal education, ways of behavior, preferences, and attitudes" one adopts to distance oneself from Indigeneity, Blackness, and poverty (182). At the level of state identification, Ladino promotes the severance of people from their ancestral ties and works toward the erasure of "indígenas" as a whole (184).

One major flashpoint in geopolitical relations in Nigeria is the struggle over the ownership and control of the vast oil resources in the Niger Delta. Given the fact that oil revenues constitute 80 percent of Nigeria's foreign earnings, the Federal Government is determined to maintain its control over the oil in the Delta. The oil producing communities on the other hand, are, through militant activities