European identity

REZUMAT : Prezentul studiu propune o incursiune în profunzimile metafizice ale asocierii umane, oferind o perspectivă ontologic-agonistică asupra fundamentelor socialului. Depășind viziunile clasice ale contractului social raționalist sau mecanicist, lucrarea interpretează comunitatea ca pe o Mega-vietate agonică-un organism emergent a cărui vitalitate nu rezidă în consensul pasiv, ci în tensiunea permanentă dintre forțele magmatice ale Ființei și structurile formale ale civilizației. Pilonul central al analizei este conceptul de balaur social subteran, o metaforă a incontrolabilului pulsionar care pulsează sub pojghița fragilă a ordinii instituționale. Acest balaur reprezintă suma energiilor vitale, a voințelor de putere și a memoriei colective abisale care hrănește socialul, dar care devine devorator în momentele de scleroză a formelor oficiale. Revoluțiile și războaiele sunt analizate nu ca simple accidente istorice, ci ca erupții necesare ale acestui balaur; sunt momente în care viața își revendică primatul asupra normei osificate, devorând structuri sociale, instituții, valori și culturi pentru a forța o nouă etapă de ontificare. Lucrarea explorează procesualitatea ontificării, de la trauma contactului primar până la transcendența istorică, și reclasifică realitățile colective în categorii ontologice distincte: Familia (celula sângelui agonic), Localitatea (spațiul coliziunii proximității), Organizația (instrumentul de eficiență magmatică), Națiunea (chipul simbolic al destinului), Statul (masca suverană a ordinii) și Societatea (orizontul ultim al integrării agonice). Obiectivul demersului este recuperarea demnității ontologice a comunității într-o epocă a deșertificării spirituale și a neutralizării birocratice.

This paper examines the European Union’s (EU) approach to artificial intelligence (AI) governance, focusing on the period from the publication of Ethics Guidelines for Trustworthy AI (2019) onwards. It explores the EU’s strategy to address its “digital gap” in AI development and adoption. The study employs a theoretical framework synthesizing concepts of AI policy as a “horizontal area” [1], “tentative governance” [2], and an “ethics first” approach [3]. The analysis reveals and discusses the EU’s distinctive prioritization of ethical considerations in AI development, manifested through substantial public investments and flexible regulatory interventions.

This dataset is the Multilingual Corpus of the DIALLS (DIalogue and Argumentation for Literacy Learning in Schools) project (dialls2020.eu/) and consists of a set of transcripts of classroom interactions of students from ages 5 to 15 years old. These classroom interactions took place in seven DIALLS participant countries (UK, Portugal, Germany, Lithuania, Spain, Cyprus, and Israel). The corpus is a set of 202 transcripts in the participant countries' native language (English, Portuguese, German, Lithuanian, Catalan, Cypriot Greek, and Hebrew). The transcripts in each native language range from a maximum of 35 for Hebrew (more than 17% of the overall corpus) to a minimum of 19 transcripts for Cypriot Greek (10% of the corpus). More than 50% of the transcripts in a language different from English (90 transcripts) have associated their English translation. The topic of the project is cultural literacy through dialogue and argumentation in school children. The Multilingual Corpus is...

On May 7, 2026 Yanis Varoufakis was interviewed by Glenn Diesen. The theme was Europe Entering a Century of Humiliation? Few contemporary European intellectuals provoke as much controversy as Yanis Varoufakis. To supporters, he is one of the few European politicians willing to confront the structural contradictions of globalization, financial capitalism, and European technocracy. To critics, he is a brilliant but theatrical radical whose diagnoses often exceed his practical solutions. Varoufakis is not merely an academic economist. He became an international political figure during the Greek debt crisis of 2015, when he served briefly as finance minister in the left-wing Syriza government under Alexis Tsipras. During negotiations with the so-called "Troika"the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the European Commission-Varoufakis became the most visible critic of Europe's austerity regime. His experience during those negotiations shaped his worldview profoundly. Varoufakis concluded that the eurozone crisis was not simply an economic crisis, but evidence that democratic sovereignty inside the European Union had become subordinate to financial governance and technocratic management. When Greek voters rejected austerity in a national referendum, the underlying policy direction barely changed. To Varoufakis, this demonstrated that economic power within the EU had migrated away from democratic electorates toward supranational institutions, creditor interests, and unelected financial structures. Whether one agrees with him or not, Varoufakis forced Europe to confront uncomfortable questions: • Who truly governs Europe? • Can democratic sovereignty survive inside highly integrated financial systems? • Is the European Union becoming politically detached from the societies it governs? • And can Europe remain strategically relevant in a world increasingly dominated by continental-scale powers such as United States and China? His recent warning that Europe may face a "century of humiliation" should therefore not be dismissed as rhetorical excess alone. It reflects

Europe is a continent of many nations, cultures and traditions with rich, glorious, and at the same time tragic history. For centuries Europe has been building its autonomy despite being full of diversity. The European Union created on this groundwork is not uniform at all. In 2004, the EU was enlarged by 10 nations, which may loosen its bonds to some extent. However, the fact seems to stimulate to further co-operation, continuous improvement and searching for compromises, as well as to the development of dialogue forms within the Union and with the world. Since the decision to create a multi-cultural organization was taken over 50 years ago, the idea should be supported (not only in the field of economy), confronting the obstacles that may appear at every step. For a long time it has been observed that Europeans are very much alike despite coming from different countries. Although the states from the “Iron Curtain” have to go through a long way of political system transformation, they follow western patterns. The Europeans are guided by similar principles, their model of family and political systems evolve alike, and perhaps they perceive their future in a similar way. Europe is built by people and for people. At first the economic aim was the main impulse to set up the European Union. Due to economic growth, a lot of people could be secured better existence. Today it occurs that material prosperity is not the only important matter in life. The Europeans are becoming more and more alike. The process continues very slowly and takes place mainly on economic ground aiming at creating a common, safe and pluralistic society.

Dołączenie do wspólnoty europejskich wartości, swoboda przemieszczania, wypowiedzi i dostępu do informacji, a także równe szanse i możliwość decydowania o przyszłości Unii Europejskiej to główne korzyści dla obywateli i obywatelek po 1 maja 2004 roku. Dla Polski i Krakowa obecność w UE oznacza wzrost dobrobytu i zrównoważony rozwój, zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Jednocześnie dostęp do środków finansowych pozwolił na realizację spójnej strategii w zakresie ochrony środowiska, transportu, wsparcia regionów i rozwoju społecznego. Finansowe wsparcie realizacji celów stolicy Małopolski w ostatnim 20-leciu wpłynęło na dynamiczny rozwój i dołączenie Krakowa do grona światowych metropolii. Wdrożenie ponad 420 projektów obejmujących szereg dziedzin -w tym kulturę, edukację, rewitalizację, turystykę, zdrowie -z dofinansowaniem wynoszącym ponad 5 mld zł zaowocowało takimi utożsamianymi z Krakowem przedsięwzięciami jak Centrum Kongresowe ICE Kraków czy Ekospalarnia, umożliwiając tym samym organizację koncertów, festiwali, wystaw, a także wdrożenie nowoczesnego systemu gospodarki odpadami. Na rozwój zrównoważonego transportu Kraków pozyskał najwięcej, bo ponad 2,5 mld zł unijnego wsparcia, które ułatwiło budowę 30 km linii tramwajowych i ponad 70 km ścieżek rowerowych, zakup 144 tramwajów oraz 300 ekologicznych i nowoczesnych autobusów umożlwiających komfortowe i ekologiczne podróżowanie. Wsparcie dla środowiska, które wyniosło prawie 1,5 mld zł pozwoliło skutecznie osiągnąć cele związane z gospodarką wodną i odpadami. Kraków przyczynił się również do ograniczenia emisji gazów cieplarnianych dzięki termomodernizacji ponad 100 obiektów użyteczności publicznej.

Legal historian, policy analyst and writer. Founder and editor--in-chief of the weekly 'Kultura Liberalna' (since 2009). Research fellow at the University of Warsaw, chercheur associé at the CNRS (Paris) and Senior Fellow at the Zentrum Liberale Moderne (Berlin). Author of the book 'Propaganda bezprawia', nominated for the Historical Prize of the City of Warsaw. He has published, among others, 'Posttraumatische Souveränität'

RESUMEN: La presente investigación tiene como objetivo reflexionar sobre
los orígenes de la crisis de la civilización occidental en la época moderna, por medio de la considerar a la reforma protestante como una de las principales rupturas en la continuidad histórica de occidente. En base a esto, se considera que las revoluciones liberales decimonónicas y su posterior modelo imperial son una continuación de la ruptura originada en la reforma, y que a su vez las categorías políticas e ideológicas de estos imperios los responsables de la división interna en el occidente contemporáneo.

Scope and working definitions This document lists novels written after 1800 in European languages other than English, French, German, Spanish, Portuguese and Russian, where the author was not a native speaker of the language used for the work, or where the author's native-language status is materially doubtful. "Native speaker" is interpreted as first/home language rather than later literary competence. Authors who migrated very young are marked as "borderline" or as cases with a childhood-acquisition caveat; adult learners and authors who explicitly adopted a new literary language are marked as secure. "Novel" is interpreted pragmatically. A few works in migrant literature occupy the border between autobiographical narrative, memoir and fiction; these are retained only where literary sources regularly discuss them as novels or as novelistic prose, and the caveat is stated. The list is selective rather than exhaustive. It privileges widely discussed, prize-recognised, translated, or fieldforming cases for which the language-background evidence could be verified from accessible public sources.

The Meaning and Importance of European Identity and its Relationship to Regional and National Identities in Spain: Some Contributing Factors to the Development of European Identity. European, Spanish, and regional identities were studied as part of a wider research survey of youth beliefs and experiences regarding the European Union. The research was conducted in the capital city (Madrid) and the Basque Country (Bilbao). At each location, representative and European-oriented youth samples (N=400 and N=100 each) of 18-24 years (50% female) were gathered. The interviewees were asked about their perception of border countries as included in Europe, and to rate different feasible meanings of the EU, its impact (at personal, regional, and country levels), and different cognitive, affective and evaluative aspects of European, Spanish and regional identities. Regarding European borders, Turkey was the only country most interviewees did not perceive as part of or belonging to Europe. Geography, membership in the EU and, above all, the Euro currency emerged as the most salient features of meaning for Europe (beyond shared values and traditions). The European Union was perceived as having a positive, but small impact for the person, moderate for the region, and greater impact for the country of Spain. The identity patterns were similar in most of their aspects: In Madrid, the Spanish identity was the most important, the importance of regional identity was similar to it, and the identification with Europe was moderate, the least important. In Bilbao, the identification with the Basque Country was the strongest, while Spanish and European identities were related and came out of "little" importance. Older interviewees presented stronger European identity in the pro-European but weaker in the general sample. Finally, interviewees considered themselves only "sometimes" as a "European citizen" with no significant difference by Region, Age or Gender group. These relationships seem to reflect the configuration of different levels of social identity. The hegemony of different nationalist orientations led to a distinct meaning of national identity in each region (Spain in Madrid but the Basque Country in Bilbao). Thus, instead of a continuum of social category inclusiveness (as suggested by Brewer 1991), the results show different breaches between levels of social categories and identities -between Basque and higher levels in Bilbao and between Spanish and higher levels in Madrid. Summing up, the identity level reflecting the dominant national identity seems to function as a basic category distinctively organizing the whole identity configuration. The impact of the European Union was perceived as much stronger for the country (Spain) than for the region and the person. Madrid and pro-European samples perceived stronger impact on the less inclusive categories. Beyond the different identity configurations, these patterns suggest a relationship between the weak perceived impact of the European Union on levels closer to the person and the weak identification with Europe. Finally, though interviewees did not recall learning a lot about the European Union at school, this perception, as well as the experience of visiting other European countries and mastering European languages, was enhanced in the younger and the pro-European sample (and among Bilbao respondents). Thus, personal and social experiences would reinforce the perceived impact of the European Union at the personal level and certainly contribute to reinforce a shared European identity beyond national-regional nuances in the Spanish context.

Adjunk egy esélyt a "tanácskozó" demokráciának! In memoriam Jürgen Habermas (1929Habermas ( -2026) ) Vasárnap este átszakadt egy gát. Az ország jelentős része eufórikus állapotba került. A "kollektív pezsgés" kegyelmi állapotában feloldódva, egy nagyobb társadalmi egész organikus részeként tapasztalta meg önmagát. A túláradó érzelmek nem véletlenül törtek felszínre. A közösség elemi élménye iránti vágy univerzális antropológiai sajátosságunk. Még akkor is, ha a modernitás keretei között e vágyat alapvetően megtanuljuk elfojtani. A modern ember individuumként létezik, számára legalább annyira visszatetsző a közösségben való feloldódás, mint amennyire vágyott. E két véglet közötti folyamatos egyensúlyozásra van kárhozatva. Bár ritkán szoktunk ebben a kontextusban gondolni a minket körülvevő politikai rendszerre, mégis fontos észrevenni, hogy kulcsszerepet tölt be ebben az egyensúlyozási folyamatban. Önmagában a privát szféra kapcsolatai ritkán elégségesek a közösség iránti vágy kielégítéséhez. Ahhoz, hogy ne érezzük magunkat elidegenedve, kiágyazódva és egzisztenciális értelemben számkivetve, kulcsfontosságú, hogy a nyilvánosság terében kapcsolódjunk, ha nem is tényleges, de legalább szimbolikus közösségekhez. Ebből a szempontból döntő fontosságú a politikai rendszer, melynek különböző formái eltérő kapcsolódási formákat kínálnak fel.

This study analyses the contribution of Ismail Kadare, a far-famed Albanian author, to the
formation of an Albanian collective political thought and the national identity. Through the
lenses of Public History, New Historicism and the fluctuations in the rise of nationalism in
the Western Balkan region, the author of this study argues that the literary texts of Ismail
Kadare are filled with historical and political narratives, which reflect the oral poetry and the
folklore of the Albanian nation. These narratives serve as non-academic portrayals of
history, thereof shaping the national political thought, institutionalizing the collective
remembrance of the past and strengthening the national identity.