International Crimes

Corresponde a una columna co-escrita con Mónica Gerber (autora principal de la misma) publicada en El Mostrador el 9 de junio de 2026. En ella  analizamos la evidencia disponible que sugiere que el registro de incivilidades propuesto por el presidente Kast en su cuenta pública 2026 es una mala idea.
Link publicación original: https://www.elmostrador.cl/noticias/opinion/columnas/2026/06/09/un-experimento-social-sin-evidencia-el-registro-de-incivilidades-y-sus-consecuencias/

In recent decades, many post-conflict and post-authoritarian societies have developed various non-judicial and quasi-judicial mechanisms beyond trials to deal with the consequences of mass atrocities. These mechanisms include truth commissions, local and national reconciliation processes, memory initiatives, apologies, conditional amnesties and reparations, among others. They not only represent distinct tools for addressing past injustices but also embody distinct theories of justice, including restorative, reparative, customary and historical justice. The article argues that the proliferation and coexistence of multiple theories of justice have made the field of transitional justice inherently pluralistic, moving it beyond a singular liberal-legalist tradition. The primary challenge is to examine how these theories of justice coexist, intersect and interact. Building on critical transitional justice literature, empirical findings, and informed by legal pluralism, this article does not propose a new overarching theory of justice. Rather, it aims to conceptualise a pluralistic theory of justice rooted in praxis and communities' perceptions of justice. This framework seeks to reorient the field's theoretical foundation and more accurately capture the multifaceted nature of justice after atrocities by incorporating diverse knowledge systems and lived experiences.

Debida diligencia empresarial frente a casos de Violencia Laboral Con el fin de que prevalezca el equilibrio entre los factores de la producción y la justicia social en las empresas en casos de Hostigamiento y Acoso; y que estas puedan garantizar espacios dignos y entornos libres de violencia laboral. Resulta indispensable el cumplimiento de las obligaciones patronales de la NOM 035 a través de dotar a los empleados de acceso a las políticas de prevención de riesgos psicosociales y creación de un entorno organizacional favorable. Con lo anterior, es deber del empleador procurar generar políticas activas en la

This research look into the land struggles and their socio-political undercurrents in Awe Local Government Area between 1996 and 2020, in other to place local skirmishes within wider national patterns of resource struggle, land tenure system. Over the years, the Awe local government area has seen a growing pressure on land due largely to agricultural expansion, population increase, migration, and the increasing profitable value of land as both an economic and political asset. The intersection of traditional land tenure systems, administered by traditional authorities, and modern configurations under local and state governments created intersecting assertions that often snowballed into disagreements, boundary clashes, and fights over possession, access, and control. These strains also advance the worsening status by the participation of politicians, elites, and land overseers whose assessments often echoed patronage interests as supposed impartial governance. The paper has
also shown how socio-political dynamics such as fragile state institutions, dishonesty in land governance, untimely state involvement, and subjective dispute-resolution mechanisms escalated local grievances, which led to
elongated insecurity. The paper adopted a historical method focusing on oral interviews and documentary sources. Conclusively, the study maintained that land struggles in Awe are not out-of-the-way happenings, but are rooted within the complex socio-political developments that characterise resource relations in Nigeria. The study offered a nuanced understanding of how local realities interconnect with the wider administrative challenges, contributing insights for conflict de-escalation and sustainable land governance in conflict prone area, particularly across northcentral Nigeria.

This study examines the pattern of violence, government response, and the collapse of local livelihood systems in Agatu communities in the lower Benue region. While there is an array of studies on the conflict in the lower
Benue region and the Agatu area in particular, studies on violence, the collapse of livelihoods and government response in the Agatu area have been largely overlooked and therefore suffer from a lack of literature. This
study adopts a qualitative historical approach that relies on primary and secondary sources and field observations. The paper investigates and evaluates the type of insecurity, government responses and the extent
of collapse of communities' livelihood systems in Agatu communities in the lower Benue region. The paper found that the rise in violence leads to widespread displacement, damage to fishing set-ups, constrained access
to productive water bodies, and the collapse of regional marketing networks. The study further showed that delayed involvement, near absence of security personnel, and lack of proper post-conflict restoration measures added greatly to the incessant violence and the deepening of hardship. While livelihood became difficult, families experienced diminishing income, food shortage, and increased vulnerability, especially among women and children who were highly involved in fish processing and petty trade. We recommend that improved security, targeted livelihood rebuilding programmes, and effective conflict-management mechanisms capable of fifixing the structural causes of communal conflicts are the workable recovery required in Agatu communities.

International criminal law recognises that speech can constitute criminal conduct when it directly and publicly incites genocide. The jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), together with the conviction of Julius Streicher at Nuremberg, established that information and propaganda can contribute to atrocity in ways that justify criminal accountability. Yet these precedents also reveal the limitations of existing law. Contemporary information systems (especially digital media on the internet) rarely operate through explicit calls for extermination. Instead, they shape public understanding through selective reporting, omission, framing, narrative construction, and the amplification or suppression of particular facts. This article argues that contemporary international criminal law captures only a narrow subset of informational conduct capable of facilitating genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and aggressive war. Through an examination of the ICTR Media Case, the role of information in the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and contemporary controversies concerning the reporting of international legal warnings relating to Palestine, the article identifies a significant accountability gap. The author proposes the concept of informational complicity to describe forms of deliberate or reckless informational conduct that may facilitate, legitimise, conceal, or prolong atrocity while falling outside existing doctrines of direct incitement. It further argues that the primary challenge facing democratic societies is not retrospective punishment but prevention. To address this challenge, the article proposes the creation of an independent international institution tasked with monitoring information environments associated with atrocity risks, issuing public warnings, preserving evidence, and referring the most serious cases for legal review. The objective is not to criminalise opinion, political disagreement, or ordinary journalistic error. Rather, it is to explore whether international law should evolve to recognise forms of informational participation in atrocity that existing legal frameworks fail adequately to address. It furthermore anticipates legal frameworks capable of holding media owners, financiers, editors etc. accountable for complicity in more or less the same manner that we currently treat hate speech.

У дослідженні концептуалізовано догматичну деконструкцію системної колізії між абсолютним характером «сімейного привілею» (ч. 2 ст. 396 КК України) та імперативом подолання безкарності (anti-impunity) у світлі позитивних зобов’язань держави за статтями 2 та 3 ЄКПЛ. Методологічну основу роботи становить компаративний синтез німецької кримінальної догматики (§ 258 StGB), стандартів Римського статуту МКС (ст. 70) та концепції «законного неправа» Г. Радбруха. Обґрунтовано, що матеріалізація пасивного конституційного права на мовчання (ст. 63 Конституції України) у беззастережну індульгенцію на активне приховування злочинів jus cogens генерує нерозв’язну правову деформацію. Доведено: чинна нормативна конструкція, яка санкціонує знищення доказової бази найтяжчих міжнародних посягань на підставі приватної лояльності, функціонує як нелегітимна «де-факто амністія». Встановлено, що норма, яка інституціоналізує лакуни правової відповідальності для пособників воєнних злочинців, деградує до стану «законного неправа» та руйнує власну претензію на правильність.
Виявлено критичні ризики механічної екстраполяції автономного європейського концепту «сім’ї» (справа Maymulakhin and Markiv v. Ukraine) у сферу кримінальних імунітетів. Установлено, що за відсутності доктринальних бар’єрів така практика провокує неконтрольоване розширення кола бенефіціарів абсолютного імунітету. Для нейтралізації цієї загрози обґрунтовано авторську конструкцію «матеріально-правової межі лояльності». Згідно з нею, ієрархічний пріоритет імперативних норм міжнародного права (jus cogens) нівелює дію будь-яких матеріальних привілеїв: приватна лояльність не є абсолютним благом і повинна поступатися «праву на істину» жертв масових звірств.
Констатовано догматичну архаїчність статті 8.2.4 Проєкту нового КК України. Сформульовано висновок про необхідність застосування судами методу телеологічної редукції положень ст. 396 КК України у справах про приховування злочинів jus cogens. Визначено параметри законодавчої трансформації інституту: переходу від обставини, що абсолютно виключає злочинність діяння, до статусу релятивної обставини, яка лише індивідуалізовано пом’якшує вину.

ANTINOMY OF THE “FAMILY PRIVILEGE” AND THE ANTI-IMPUNITY IMPERATIVE: SUBSTANTIVE LEGAL LIMITS OF LOYALTY REGARDING JUS COGENS CRIMES.
The study conceptualizes a dogmatic deconstruction of the systemic conflict between the absolute nature of the “family privilege” (Article 396(2) of the Criminal Code of Ukraine) and the anti-impunity imperative in light of the state’s positive obligations under Articles 2 and 3 of the ECHR. The methodological framework is based on a comparative synthesis of German criminal dogmatics (§ 258 StGB), the standards of the Rome Statute of the ICC (Article 70), and G. Radbruch’s concept of “statutory lawlessness” (Gesetzliches Unrecht). It is argued that the materialization of the passive constitutional right to silence (Article 63 of the Constitution of Ukraine) into an unconditional indulgence for the active concealment of jus cogens crimes generates an intractable legal distortion. The study demonstrates that the current normative framework, which sanctions the destruction of the evidentiary base for the most serious international crimes on the grounds of private loyalty, functions as an illegitimate “de facto amnesty.” It is established that a norm institutionalizing gaps in legal accountability for accomplices to war crimes degrades to a state of “statutory lawlessness” and forfeits its own claim to correctness.
Overchuk, S. V. Antinomy of the “family privilege” and the anti-impunity imperative: substantive legal limits of loyalty regarding jus cogens crimes. The research identifies critical risks associated with the mechanical extrapolation of the autonomous European concept of “family” (following the ECtHR ruling in Maymulakhin and Markiv v. Ukraine) into the sphere of criminal immunities. It is found that, in the absence of dogmatic barriers, such a practice triggers an uncontrolled expansion of the circle of beneficiaries of absolute immunity. To neutralize this threat, the author’s construct of the “substantive legal limit of loyalty” is substantiated. According to this construct, the hierarchical priority of peremptory norms of international law (jus cogens) nullifies any substantive privileges: private loyalty is not an absolute good and must yield to the “right to the truth” of victims of mass atrocities.
The study highlights the dogmatic archaism of Article 8.2.4 of the Draft New Criminal Code of Ukraine. A conclusion is drawn regarding the necessity for courts to apply the method of teleological reduction to the provisions of Article 396 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine in cases involving the concealment of jus cogens crimes. The parameters for the legislative transformation of the institute are defined: transitioning from a circumstance that absolutely excludes the criminality of an act to the status of a relative circumstance that merely mitigates guilt on an individual basis.

This book chapter (published in French) traces the history of Speidel & Company (founded in 1873 in Saigon), a major German trading company in French Indochina. With its main branches in Haiphong, Phnom Penh, and Paris (whose owners came from Württemberg in south-western Germany), it vanished into thin air after the First World War, with all primary documentation being lost. This tragic fate resulted from the severely strained relations between France and Germany following the Franco-German War of 1870-71. The physical disappearance left Speidel & Co. almost completely forgotten, despite its considerable role in trade, shipping, rice production, and mining. The same can be said about its owners, who have almost disappeared from the collective memory. The book chapter employs additional documents that allow for the study of Speidel & Co.’s internal structures, which had remained a “black box” in the earlier consulted materials. This makes it possible to partly retell the story of Indochina’s economy not from the perspective of Paris or Berlin and its politicians and administrators, but rather from the perspective of places like Saigon and Haiphong and of entrepreneurs who made and sometimes lost their fortunes there. Consequently, and with the new documentary findings, the somewhat tragic fate of the Speidels during and after the First World War will be considered when the company’s former main shareholders in Berlin and Bangkok were often but unsuccessfully approached by German officials and Indochinese business circles to return to the French colony.

This article critically evaluates Kenya's implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), focusing on the country's efforts to domesticate its obligations through the International Crimes Act (No. 16 of 2008). The article begins with an overview of the ICC's structure and the complementarity principle, which places primary responsibility for prosecuting international crimes on State parties, with the Court exercising jurisdiction only where states are unwilling or genuinely unable to act. It proceeds to assess Kenya's legal and institutional frameworks for discharging its obligations relating to pre-trial assistance, cooperation in arrests and surrender, and enforcement of penalties. The article identifies two broad categories of implementation challenges: legal and practical. Legal challenges include gaps in the framework, such as the failure of the Cabinet Secretary for Interior to promulgate the requisite regulations under sections 172 and 173 of the International Crimes Act as well as conflicts arising from tensions between Article 27 and Article 98 of the Rome Statute concerning head-of-state immunity. Practical challenges encompass lack of political will, capacity constraints within criminal justice agencies, and inadequate budgetary allocation. The article concludes with recommendations, including the promulgation of evidence and procedure rules modelled on Rwanda's Transfer Law, establishment of a specialised International Crimes Division in the High Court, targeted capacity-building for judicial and prosecutorial actors, and civil society-led sensitisation campaigns to counteract political resistance and foster public support for Kenya's obligations under the Statute.

In August 2014, the Yazidi people of northern Iraq became victims of one of the most methodically organized genocides of the twenty-first century. The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), invoking a perverted religious justification, unleashed a campaign of extermination, enslavement, and cultural annihilation against the Yazidis of Sinjar. Among the most affected were Yazidi girls; children abducted, trafficked, sexually enslaved, and indoctrinated in captivity. This paper explores the systematic mechanisms of gender-based violence as an instrument of genocide, drawing from survivor testimonies, United Nations reports, human rights investigations, and legal analyses. It situates the Yazidi genocide within a broader historical context of persecution and evaluates the international community's delayed recognition of these crimes. The research examines the cultural destruction, the trafficking networks established by ISIS, and the enduring trauma faced by survivors. It further argues that the failure to ensure justice and restitution for Yazidi victims reflects a global moral lapse in enforcing the principles of international humanitarian law. By weaving together history, law, and lived experience, this paper seeks to bear witness to the enduring pain of Yazidi girls and to call for a renewed global commitment to truth, accountability, and the reconstruction of a shattered community.

The International Military Justice Forum (IMJF) is a two-day academic event dedicated to fostering scholarship and teaching in the fields of military justice and military criminal law. It aims at bringing together academics, professionals, military officers, students, and all those who share an interest in these exciting disciplines. Its first objective is to highlight the diversity of military justice systems, to expose their salient features, to explore their history and to underline their actual evolution. In a comparative way, the IMJF also aims to emphasise links and similarities that may have existed-or still exist-between national military laws, which may be consequences of circulations of legal models, codes, doctrines and people or the existence of geopolitical influences. This scientific event must finally allow us to imagine together what the future of military justice could be, as our armed forces are transformed by new technologies and ever-changing threat perceptions.

Análisis de los disturbios de Londres 2011. Uno de los más intensos y violentos ocurridos en los últimos años. Se trataba de protestas sin motivación política, según algunos autores el único motivo era el saqueo y el robo, "shopping riots", destrucción y vandalismo como ocurre en otras latitudes.

Ἡ καταστροφή τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας 1913-1923. Γενοκτονολογική θεώρηση Εἰσαγωγή. Ἡ περίοδος μετάβασης ἀπό τήν κατάρρευση τῆς πολυεθνοθρησκευτικῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας μέχρι τήν ἐγκαθίδρυση τοῦ τουρκικοῦ ἐθνοκράτους, 1908-193, χαρακτηρίζεται ἀπό σειρά γεγονότων καί διαδικασιῶν, τῶν ὁποίων ὁ βασικός καί ἀπώτερος στόχος ὑπῆρξε ἡ δημιουργία ἑνός ἀμιγῶς μουσουλμανικοῦ τουρκικοῦ ἐθνοκράτους, χωρίς τίς ἐθνικές, ἐθνοτικές, φυλετικές καί θρησκευτικές κοινότητες τῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς ἐποχῆς ἀπό πλευρᾶς κοινωνικῆς συγκρότησης. Ἡ σημαντικότερη τῶν «μεταβατικῶν διαδικασιῶν» ὑπῆρξε ἡ προσχεδιασμένη συστηματική μαζική καταστροφή τῶν αὐτοχθόνων Χριστιανικῶν λαῶν τῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας, δηλαδή τῶν Ἀρμενίων, τῶν Ἀσσυρίων/Ἀραμαίων καί τῶν Ἑλλήνων/Ρωμιῶν. Ἡ καταστροφή τῆς καθεμιᾶς ἀπό αὐτές τίς τρεῖς ἐθνοθρησκευτικές ὁμάδες (μιλλέτ) συνιστᾶ ἀναπόσπαστο μέρος μιᾶς εὐρύτερης διαδικασίας ἐκμηδενισμοῦ (annihilation) τῶν αὐτοχθόνων Χριστιανῶν ὡς ἑτερογενοῦς συνόλου ἔναντι τῶν Μουσουλμάνων, ἀλλά καί μετάβασης πρός ἕνα ἀμιγῶς μουσουλμανικό κράτος. Ἱστοριογραφικές προσεγγίσεις καί ἑρμηνεῖες τείνουν νά προσεγγίζουν καί νά ἑρμηνεύουν τή διαδικασία καταστροφῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων τῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας, ἀποσπασματικά, ὡς οἱονεί αὐτοτελές καί ἀπομονωμένο γεγονός, ὡς ἀπόρροια καί σέ ἄμεση συνάρτηση μέ τήν ἑλληνική στρατιωτική ἀπόβαση στή Σμύρνη τόν Μάϊο τοῦ 1919 καί τόν ἐπακολουθή-σαντα ἑλληνοτουρκικό πόλεμο τοῦ 1919-19. 1 Κατ' αὐτόν τόν τρόπο, ἡ διαδικασία Καταστροφῆς, ἀλλά καί οἱ τουρκικές θηριωδίες, πού σημειώθηκαν, θεωροῦνται ὡς ἁπλή, ἔστω ἐπώδυνη, «συνέπεια ἱστορικῶν συνθηκῶν καί ἰδιαιτεροτήτων» (consequences of historical conditions and peculiarities). Τά θύματα τῶν τουρκικῶν θηριωδιῶν -δηλαδή οἱ Ἑλληνορθόδοξοι, ὅπως ἄλλωστε καί οἱ Ἀρμένιοι καί Ἀσσύριοι/Ἀραμαῖοι, πολῖτες τῆς Ὀθωμανικῆς Αὐτοκρατορίας καί θύματα διακρίσεων καί διώξεων γιά αἰῶνες καί ὑπόδουλοι-ἐνοχοποιοῦνται καταχρηστικά καί μέ διαφόρους λόγους καί προσχήματα, π.χ. γιά ἔλλειψη ἀφοσίωσης πρός τόν κρατοῦντα πληθυσμό, συμπάθεια πρός τόν ἑλληνικό, ἀρμενικό, ἀσσυριακό/ἀραμαϊκό ἀλυτρωτισμό καί τήν ἐθνική «Μεγάλη Ἰδέα» («ἔλλειψη ὁλικῆς ἀθωότητας τῶν θυμάτων», lack of total innocence of the victims), οἱ τουρκικές διώξεις θεωροῦνται δικαιολογημένες ἐκδικητικές πράξεις σέ προκλήσεις, ὅπως ἀλυτρωτισμός, διεκδίκηση πολιτικῆς ἑτερότητας καί αὐτονομίας, ἑλληνική ἀπόβαση καί προέλαση (retributive genocide and provocation thesis), θύματα καί θύτες ἐξισώνονται, χάριν μιᾶς ἱστοριογραφικῆς καί πολιτικῆς προσέγγισης τῶν ἴσων ἀποστάσεων (equidistance). Οἱ συνέπειες αὐτῆς τῆς ἱστοριογραφικῆς θέασης εἶναι σοβαρές: Κατ' αὐτόν τόν τρόπο, ἡ διαδικασία Καταστροφῆς οὐσιαστικά περιορίζεται, ἀκρωτηριάζεται, διαστρεβλώνεται, ἐνῶ μία μακρά περίοδος προμελετημένης καί συστηματικῆς καταστροφῆς, ἐξάλειψης καί ἐκμηδένισης τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἀλλά καί τῶν Ἀρμενίων καί Ἀσσυρίων/Ἀραμαίων, πού ξεκίνησε τό 1913 (ἄν ὄχι νωρίτερα, τό 1890 καί ἑξῆς), συνεχίσθηκε ἀδιάκοπα καί ὁλοκληρώθηκε τό 193, ἐπισκιάζεται γεγονοτολογικά καί ἑρμηνευτικά ἀπό τήν Ἑλληνική Ἐκστρατεία 1919-19 καί ἐν τέλει ἐπικαλύπτεται ἀπό περιοριστικούς ἱστοριογραφικούς ὅρους καί ἀπό τόν σχεδόν ἀνώδυνο καί ἐξισωτικό εὐφημισμό «ἀνταλλαγή πληθυσμῶν», ὁ ὁποῖος οὔτε ἀνταποκρίνεται οὔτε ἀντικατοπτρίζει τήν ἱστορική πραγματικότητα στό εὖρος καί βάθος της. Ἐπίσης ἡ δια-56 Βασίλειος Μεϊχανετσίδης 1. Βλ σχετικά Vasileios Th. Meichanetsidis, «Genocide of the Greek of the Ottoman Empire:

Notwithstanding humanitarian crises at the EU external borders,
migrant smuggling also comprises mundane solidarity-based and
autonomous practices within Europe. Based on a socio-legal
analysis of over a hundred court rulings in Finland, migrant
smuggling predominantly covered assistance for asylum seekers
and family members, usually embedded in social relations and
personal networks. Overall, the sentences for the organisation of
illegal entry mainly related to secondary smuggling of thirdcountry
nationals already assisted in reaching Europe, often
involving the delivery of travel documents and joint travel via
commercial routes within the Schengen area. The literalist and
rigid sentencing practices, overlooking realities of migration and
humanitarian considerations, expand punitive migration
governance and reconfirm criminalisation of mobility, even with
paradoxical outcomes. Despite some aggravated offences –
including sentences for intermediaries – most defendants assisted
with travel arrangements without any financial gain. Contrary to
the impunity clause, the courts considered humanitarian motives
mainly when lowering sentences, producing legal absurdities by
treating family members, acquaintances, and fellow migrants as
organised smugglers. The concept of the autonomy of migrant
smuggling foregrounds the productive contradictions of
migration governance in the criminalisation of self-organised and
collective mobility practices that arise precisely from the necessity
to navigate within the repressive border regime.

Acts such as corruption, acquiring illegitimate property, money laundering, and transferring illicit property are not new phenomena. In response, Ethiopia has enacted several domestic laws and ratified international conventions to combat such economic crimes. Notable among these are the Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission Proclamation No. 881/2007, and international instruments such as the UNCAC, which introduces a comprehensive set of standards, measures, and rules that all countries can apply to strengthen their legal and regulatory regimes to fight corruption AUCPCC, which is concerned with the devastating effects of corruption and impunity on the economic, political, social, and cultural life of African states and people.

In 2003, the Republic of Panama a State Party to the Rome Statute since 2002 signed a bilateral memorandum of understanding with the United States of America committing not to surrender U.S. nationals to the International Criminal Court (ICC). This article examines the legal contradiction generated by that agreement: its incompatibility with the principle of pacta sunt servanda, enshrined in Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (1969), and with Article 4 of the Panamanian Constitution. Through doctrinal and jurisprudential analysis, it argues that Panama incurs a direct violation of its international commitments and that the memorandum constitutes, in terms of domestic constitutional law, a legally invalid instrument vis-à-vis the previously ratified treaty. The case is situated within the broader structural tension between great-power hegemony and the formal sovereignty of small states, revealing a central paradox: the states that most depend on international law to protect their autonomy are simultaneously the most vulnerable to the pressures that lead them to undermine that very legal order. The article concludes that resolving this paradox requires both a domestic constitutional challenge to the agreement and a strategic reorientation of Panamanian foreign policy toward a coherent defense of international criminal justice.

This article critically examines the doctrinal resilience of International Criminal Law in the face of rapidly advancing autonomous weapons systems and artificial intelligence-driven modes of warfare. It interrogates whether the established architecture of mens rea, attribution, and command responsibility under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court remains jurisprudentially coherent where lethal decision-making is progressively displaced from human cognition to algorithmic processes devoid of intent, consciousness, and moral agency. Anchored in the jurisprudence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, and the International Criminal Court, the article demonstrates that autonomous warfare disrupts the classical nexus between human volition and criminal culpability ab initio. It contends that algorithmic mediation of targeting decisions fractures traditional causal chains, disperses responsibility across multiple operational actors, and intensifies evidentiary uncertainty in the establishment of individual guilt beyond reasonable doubt. In response, the article advances a doctrinal recalibration of international criminal responsibility grounded in enhanced foreseeability standards, risk-based command responsibility, and heightened due diligence obligations for the deployment of autonomous systems in armed conflict. It concludes that unless international criminal law evolves mutatis mutandis to accommodate algorithmic warfare, the foundational principle of individualized criminal responsibility risks systemic erosion, thereby engendering an accountability deficit incompatible with the ratio legis of modern international criminal justice.

The aim of the this article is to provide a synthetical study on the stability of the Supreme Court's jurisprudence in criminal cases. The discussed concept of stability is a circumstance in which the views of a certain period from the past are related to the contemporary criminal law regulations. Given an intention to sustain the analysis within a capacity appropriate for the standards of a scientific paper, the elaborations were limited to positions relatable to applicable legal order: particularly those existing within the present context of Polish criminal law via the influence of Soviet legislation.

Sexual offending (particularly against children) is a global concern and like much of the western world, the typical response in Australia has become increasingly punitive. Although colonized by the British and retaining many features of the Westminster system, Australian policies have also tended to replicate many North American trends. Our national response to this particular crime features the same widespread moral outrage and condemnation common in other jurisdictions. It has also doubtless been further shaped by the evolution of the internet and comparatively fast adoption of handheld computers and smart phones, as legislators catch up with the many and varied ways that technology has impacted the commission, detection, investigation, and prevention of sexual crime. We provide an overview of the policies and practices in several jurisdictions to illustrate the contemporary Australian criminal justice landscape. We pay particular attention to four states: New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, and Western Australia and compare and contrast their approaches to people convicted of sexual offenses in the areas of sentencing, risk assessment, civil commitment, community supervision, registration, public notification, and passport control.

En el caso Barcelona Traction, se introdujo al derecho internacional el concepto de obligaciones erga omnes. A pesar de las similitudes con la actio popularis, estas figuras procesales difieren fundamentalmente. No obstante, ambas buscan el mismo fin: hacer exigibles los derechos que corresponden a una colectividad. Es a través de la figura de erga omnes partes que emerge la posibilidad de proteger los valores compartidos de la comunidad internacional. En este sentido, no sólo es evidente la necesidad de esta clase de obligaciones, sino que su concepción modifica el paradigma a nivel internacional, respecto a la perspectiva tradicional de responsabilidad bilateral entre los estados. En este artículo, se realiza un análisis sobre las obligaciones erga omnes. Palabras clave: Corte Internacional de Justicia; locus standi; erga omnes.

Bu makale, Gazze başta olmak üzere dünya genelinde süregelen soykırım ve insanlığa karşı suçların kalıcı olarak engellenebilmesi için mevcut uluslararası hukuk sisteminin yetersizliklerini analiz etmekte ve köklü bir çözüm önermektedir. Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi'nin (BMGK) veto yapısı ve Uluslararası Ceza Mahkemesi'nin (UCM) yaptırım gücünün zayıflığı, hegemonik devletlerin (örneğin ABD ve İsrail) hukuku ihlal etmesine zemin hazırlamaktadır. Bu çalışma, siyasi iradeden bağımsız, doğrudan ekonomik ve sivil yaptırımları tetikleyen "Evrensel Yargı ve Ekonomik Simbiyoz Mekanizması"nı (EYESM) özgün bir model olarak sunmaktadır. Model; blokzincir tabanlı değiştirilemez delil ağı, otomatik küresel boykot protokolleri ve veto hakkının "İnsanlığa Karşı Suçlar" söz konusu olduğunda lağvedilmesini öngören yeni bir uluslararası sözleşmeyi içermektedir. Adaletin tesis edilmesi, suçun cezasız kalmamasının matematiksel ve ekonomik bir kesinliğe bağlanmasıyla mümkündür.

У статті здійснено комплексний історико-правовий і порівняльний аналіз передумов створення Спеціального трибуналу щодо злочину агресії проти України у контексті практики Міжнародного військового трибуналу у Нюрнберзі. Досліджено сучасний стан наукових і політико-правових дискусій щодо доцільності та моделей інституціоналізації відповідальності за злочин агресії. Обґрунтовано, що звернення до нюрнберзького процесу як базового об'єкта порівняльного аналізу має концептуальне значення, оскільки саме він залишається єдиним історичним прецедентом ефективної реалізації індивідуальної кримінальної відповідальності за злочин агресії (злочини проти миру). Показано, що сучасна ситуація, пов'язана з агресією російської федерації проти України, відтворює фундаментальну проблему міжнародного кримінального права, яка після Другої світової війни тривалий час залишалася невирішеною. Проаналізовано обмеження юрисдикції Міжнародного кримінального суду щодо злочину агресії, зокрема у випадках, коли державаагресор не є учасницею Римського статуту, що призвело до формування системного юрисдикційного вакууму. Доведено, що створення Спеціального трибуналу є відповіддю на зазначені обмеження та спрямоване на забезпечення ефективного механізму притягнення до відповідальності вищого військово-політичного керівництва держави-агресора. У межах дослідження виявлено ключові спільні риси та відмінності між Нюрнберзьким трибуналом і проєктованим Спеціальним трибуналом щодо України, що дозволило визначити еволюцію міжнародного кримінального правосуддя у сфері переслідування злочину агресії. Обґрунтовано унікальний характер нового Трибуналу, який проявляється у хронологічному, суб'єктному, темпоральному, інституційному та нормативному вимірах. Окрему увагу приділено проблемі імунітетів найвищих посадових осіб держави, а також можливості їх подолання у межах міжнародного кримінального правосуддя. Проаналізовано аргументацію, що ґрунтується на нормах jus cogens, нюрнберзьких принципах та концепції делегованої юрисдикції. Зроблено висновок, що Спеціальний трибунал щодо злочину агресії проти України має потенціал стати важливим етапом розвитку міжнародного кримінального права, сприяти подоланню існуючих юрисдикційних обмежень та формуванню нових підходів до притягнення до відповідальності за найтяжчі міжнародні злочини. Ключові слова: злочин агресії; Спеціальний трибунал; Нюрнберзький трибунал; міжнародне кримінальне право; індивідуальна кримінальна відповідальність; делегована юрисдикція; імунітет державних посадових осіб; міжнародне правосуддя.

a définition de l'esclave dans l'Antiquité classique ne pose pas de problème : c'est un homme sans droit, sans personnalité (juridique). Rien de plus simple. Mais cette définition n'est pas généralisable : pour ne citer que cet exemple, en droit musulman1, l'esclave a certains droits, il ne peut être mis à mort, il est protégé par les pouvoirs publics contre un maître trop inhumain, etc.

This editorial introduces a new research agenda provisionally called 'Second World Approaches to International Law' (SWAIL). Drawing on Borges's parable of an impossible map that coincides with empire, we treat conceptual 'mapping' as a condition of knowledge: to render a complex world communicable, international law compresses diversity into concepts and binaries that stabilise meaning while thinning what they cannot carry. Because such compression is selective, questions of epistemic governance become unavoidable: what is rendered visible, sayable, and researchable shapes what is flattened, occluded, or treated as peripheral. Read in light of the sharpening of geopolitical and disciplinary fault-lines in international law, SWAIL is framed neither as anti-cosmopolitan regionalism nor as a bid for universalism, but rather as an analytical, diagnostic, and dialogical project that unveils and problematizes liminality, dual exclusion, and the conditions of recognition within international legal argument. After identifying East(-Central) Europe as an 'in-between' space in international law, the articles collected in this symposium pursue that reorientation in a wider cross-regional register, with an eye to dialogue, building bridges and, potentially, a fusion of horizons in international law.

This study seeks legal mechanism on how the alleged individual commissioners of the crimes of genocide crimes against humanity and war crimes against the Fur, Zaghawa and Massaliet ethnic groups in Darfur of Sudan can be accountable to the ICC, after the removal of Al Bashir in April 2019, and remaining without international criminal charges except the domestic ones of Money Laundry and Terrorism in Sudan. Since 2009, the African Union has been resisting the arrest and surrender of Al Bashir to the International Criminal Court (ICC). At present, there is no consensual decision among the Sudanese nationals in power on how to address the arrest warrant issued by the ICC against Al Bashir and other Sudanese nationals. Some reject their accountability and other propose adoption of the principle of complementarity in national judiciaries. The latter suggestion generates conflict of laws. Sudan is not a Party State to the ICC and its Criminal Act, 1991 with provisions of its Constitution are derived from the Sharia (Islamic Law). The study suggests that Sudan adopts either dualistic or monistic system in its judiciaries as alternative legal mechanism for the accountability of Al Bashir and other Sudanese fugitives from justice at the ICC, in The Hague.

Moran of the Burning Spear (M.B.S). 22+ years in law, governance and human rights; 35+ academic publications. I. Introduction: Beyond Duterte The legal dispute surrounding the ICC proceedings against Rodrigo Duterte extends well beyond the conduct of a single former head of state. It presents a structural question about the nature of international criminal jurisdiction in a treaty system founded upon sovereign consent. The issue is whether a consentbased international tribunal may continue to exercise adjudicative authority after that consent has been withdrawn where the legal basis for such authority is, at the very least, genuinely contestable. This piece argues that preliminary examinations, as internal prosecutorial processes, cannot by themselves preserve ICC jurisdiction after withdrawal under Article 127(2) of the Rome Statute, and that the Duterte case illustrates the risks of collapsing consent into prosecutorial discretion. This is not a claim that accountability is unimportant, nor a plea for impunity. It is a claim that legality binds the Court as much as it binds the accused. If the ICC is to retain legitimacy, it must show not only moral seriousness but strict discipline about the boundaries of its own jurisdiction.

This paper provides a chronological and structural analysis of the evolution of organized crime in the United States over a sixty-year period. It traces the paradigm shift from the "horizontal" street-monopoly model of La Cosa Nostra (LCN) to the "vertical" systemic-influence models utilized by modern oligarchies. By examining the historical intersections of labor unions, intelligence agencies, ethnic criminal societies, transnational cartels, and executive politics, this study identifies a profound shift in the nature of criminal immunity. What began as the street-level code of *Omertà* evolved into a Cold War-era "Patriotic Shield" and ultimately culminated in the institutionalized executive capture of the modern American political apparatus.

Les disparitions inexpliquées constituent l’un des phénomènes les plus difficiles à analyser. Lorsqu’aucune trace n’est retrouvée, qu’aucun témoin ne peut confirmer les faits, et que les éléments disponibles ne permettent aucune reconstitution, l’enquête atteint rapidement ses limites.

The results show an increasing trend in rainfall for three towns: Ibi, Lafia and Lokoja, stable trend for Makurdi and declining trends for Jos. This variability has also impacted crop yields and livestock productivity, and led to the adoption of diverse coping strategies by farmers and herders. The findings of this study have implications for enhancing agricultural resilience and promoting sustainable livelihoods in the region and recommended the provision of timely and accessible weather forecasts and early warning systems tailored to local farmers and herders, investing in Climate-Smart Agriculture (CSA) techniques such as the development and use of droughtresistant seeds, conservation agriculture, and integrated crop-livestock systems to build resilience against climate shocks, enhance water management infrastructure, support local adaptation initiatives as well as promote farmerherder dialogue and conflict resolution.

Autori u radu pišu o političkoj situaciji u Banja Luci od 1990. do kraja 1992. godine. To je period od održavanja prvih višestranačkih izbora do perioda intenzivne kampanje protjerivanja i masovnih zločina u Banja Luci. Osim osvrta na rezultate izbora 1990., demografska slika opštine prema popisu stanovništva u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991. godine imala je veoma važnu ulogu u odnosu prema brojčano manjinskim narodima. U Banja Luci i cijeloj Bosanskoj krajini već su 1991. godine bile vidljive refleksije agresije Jugoslovenske narodne armije (JNA) na Hrvatsku, što je dovelo do zaoštravanja međunacionalnih odnosa. Izbijanjem agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1992. godine počinjeni su masovni zločini nad banjalučkim civilima bošnjačke i hrvatske nacionalnosti od strane Vojske Srpske Republike BiH (VSrRBiH) / Vojske Republike Srpske (VRS) i pripadnika policijskih struktura pri Ministarstvu unutrašnjih poslova (MUP) SrRBiH/RS. Terorisanje, zločini, prisilno odvođenje u logore i druga mjesta zatočenja te progon nad pripadnicima ova dva naroda nastavljeni su i nakon 1992. godine o čemu govore relevantni dokumenti i svjedočenja očevidaca.

The Statute sets out the Court's jurisdiction over genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and-as of an amendment in 2010-the crime of aggression. In addition to jurisdiction, it also addresses issues such as admissibility and applicable law, the composition and administration of the Court, investigations and prosecution, trials, penalties, appeal and revision, international cooperation and judicial assistance, and enforcement.

Recently, criticism has been directed against a Serbian filmmaker who is being accused of spreading propaganda through the new film "Harvest". The movie "Žetva" portrays Kosovo Albanians as organ traffickers, reviving the "Yellow House" narrative. No evidence was ever found in international investigations. However, interestingly, there are reports of the reversed; Serbian armed criminals and paramilitaries who harvested organs from dead Albanians. The following can be read on a couple of articles.

Abstract: In many cases the firefighters face that the behavior of the people affected by the accident
is different from the usual in everyday life. On the one hand, it is a natural phenomenon, but on
the other hand it can mean obviously both hazards and risks for the affected people. Of course, the
converse can also be right: its changed behavior is not visible externally, although actually this may
mean that he is in trouble. The author wishes to point out these anomalies in this article. In addition
to studying relevant literature, the author built mainly on his own firefighting practice, as well as
teaching experience acquired during his carrier. The author detailed some unusual behavior patterns
of the affected people in case of emergency and gave a systematic summary. Moreover some simple
procedures were described which are usually used during practice.


Резиме: Ватрогасци су у многим ситуацијама суочени са чињеницом да се жртве веома
различито понашају, односно сасвим другачије него у неким нормалним околностима. Ова
чињеница је са једне стране нормална појава, а са друге, може бити веома опасна за све
учеснике. Може бити и сасвим обрнута ситуације, да се на први поглед не види реакција жртве,
али можда то показује да је она у опасности. Аутор се осврнуо баш на овакве аномалије. Осим
коришћења стручне литературе, аутор се ослања и на сопствено искуство и свој просветни
рад у овој струци. Аутор је објединио примере измењеног понашања у опасним ситуацијама
и описао је поступке у оваквим случајевима.

It has been over two decades since the Japanese practice of enforced sexual slavery began to receive widespread attention. Yet despite numerous international efforts to urge Japan to squarely acknowledge its moral and legal responsibility, there has been no meaningful progress to resolve this matter. This work revisits the issue of enforced sexual slavery as it stands today. The Japanese practice of enforced sexual slavery was a clear violation of international law at the time. Therefore, individual victims have valid legal claims for reparation against the Japanese government. The first half of this article reconfirms the illegality of the practice of enforced sexual slavery. The remainder summarizes and vindicates the claims of the victims once again. This research suggests how to remedy the victims' rights and discusses how to implement reparation. It also contends that Japan owes reparations and legitimate remedial measures to the victims that go beyond monetary compensation in line with the rules of contemporary international law.

Los cárteles de drogas en México pasaron de ser simples organizaciones dedicadas al tráfico de estupefacientes a convertirse en estructuras criminales complejas, con la capacidad de desafiar a las autoridades y controlar diversas actividades ilícitas, como la extorsión, el secuestro y el tráfico de armas. Esto les permitió convertirse en actores clave del crimen organizado, representando una amenaza relevante para la seguridad pública y la estabilidad social y política del país.
Este estudio analiza su surgimiento, las estrategias de expansión y el impacto del narcotráfico en la sociedad mexicana. La investigación aborda cómo los cárteles utilizan la violencia y la corrupción para controlar territorios y corromper a funcionarios, debilitando las instituciones estatales. También, se analizan las consecuencias sociales, económicas y políticas de sus actividades, que incluyen el aumento de la inseguridad y la desconfianza social en la sociedad.

EN - This thesis explores the historical and conceptual relationship between imperialism, colonialism, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Within this framework, it analyzes the genocide committed against the Rohingya people in Myanmar through Hannah Arendt's theoretical perspective. The main aim is to show that genocides are not only shaped by local factors but also by the colonial structures and imperial ideologies inherited from the past. During the colonial period, "divide and rule" policies created artificial divisions among ethnic groups. Exclusion from citizenship, denial of political representation, and bureaucratic discrimination turned these groups into systematic targets. This legacy of exclusion laid the institutional groundwork for the Rohingya genocide in Myanmar. Arendt's concepts of statelessness, the loss of the right to have rights, and bureaucratic evil help explain both the structural conditions that preceded the genocide and the role of the state in its execution. In this context, the thesis views the Rohingya genocide not merely as a national security crisis or ethnic conflict but as a continuation of imperial and colonial legacies. The ethnic hierarchy, citizenship system, and regional divisions left by British colonial rule made the Rohingya particularly vulnerable, especially through laws such as the 1982 Citizenship Act. This demonstrates how the historical and social foundations of genocidal intent, as defined in international law, were gradually built. By linking the Rohingya genocide to imperialism, colonialism, and crimes against humanity, the study offers a multidimensional analysis. It argues that genocide cannot be reduced to individual intent but must be understood within broader historical and structural contexts. Through Arendt's framework, the Rohingya case illustrates the continuity between imperialism, colonialism, and modern genocides, contributing a theoretical perspective to human rights scholarship.
TR - Bu çalışma, emperyalizm, sömürgecilik, insanlığa karşı suçlar ve soykırım suçu arasındaki tarihsel ve kavramsal ilişkiyi incelemekte olup; bu çerçevede Myanmar’da Rohingya halkına yönelik işlenen soykırım suçunu Hannah Arendt’in kuramsal çerçevesi üzerinden analiz etmektedir. Çalışmanın temel amacı, soykırımların yalnızca yerel etkenlerle değil, büyük ölçüde sömürgecilik dönemi ve emperyalist ideolojilerle şekillendiğini ortaya koymaktır. Sömürge döneminde uygulanan “böl ve yönet” politikaları, etnik gruplar arasında yapay ayrımlar yaratmış; vatandaşlıktan dışlama, siyasal temsilden mahrum bırakma ve bürokratik ayrımcılık gibi araçlarla bu gruplar sistemli biçimde hedef haline getirilmiştir. Bu dışlayıcı miras, Myanmar’da Rohingya halkına yönelik soykırım sürecinin kurumsal temelini oluşturmuştur. Arendt’in “vatansızlık”, “haklara sahip olma hakkının kaybı” ve “bürokratik kötülük” kavramları, soykırım suçunun hem öncesindeki yapısal süreçleri hem de icrasındaki devlet aygıtının rolünü anlamlandırmak açısından belirleyicidir. Bu bağlamda tez, Rohingya Soykırımı’nı, yalnızca bir ulusal güvenlik krizi veya etnik çatışma değil; emperyalist ve sömürgeci geçmişin süreklilik taşıyan bir uzantısı olarak ele almaktadır. Özellikle Britanya sömürge yönetiminin geride bıraktığı etnik hiyerarşi, vatandaşlık rejimi ve bölgesel ayrışmalar, 1982 tarihli Vatandaşlık Yasası gibi düzenlemeler aracılığıyla Rohingyaların soykırıma açık hale gelmesine neden olmuştur. Bu durum, soykırım suçunun uluslararası hukukta tanımlanan kast unsurunun tarihsel-toplumsal zemininin nasıl oluşturulduğunu göstermektedir. Rohingya soykırımı ile emperyalizm, sömürgecilik, insanlığa karşı suçlar ve soykırım kavramları arasındaki bağ ortaya konarak çok boyutlu biçimde değerlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma, soykırım suçunun yalnızca failin niyetine indirgenemeyeceğini, tarihsel olarak şekillenmiş dışlayıcı yapılarla, sömürgeci ve emperyalist geçmişin mirasıyla birlikte düşünülmesi gerektiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Hannah Arendt’in kavramsal çerçevesinden hareketle Rohingya soykırımı, emperyalizm ve sömürgecilik ile çağdaş soykırımlar arasındaki sürekliliği somutlaştırmakta ve insan hakları literatürüne teorik bir katkı sunmaktadır.

O presente trabalho analisa criticamente a internacionalização do poder punitivo e a forma como tem sido aplicado o princípio da jurisdição universal, relacionando-os com os debates sobre justiça de transição. Para tanto, mobiliza aportes teóricos decoloniais e terceiro-mundistas ao criticar a operação colonial da jurisdição universal na contemporaneidade, a fim de refletir em que medida tais aparatos contribuem para a efetivação de processos de reparação e justiça, ou se reafirmam as desigualdades históricas da relação entre Norte e Sul Global.

The recent Russian-Ukrainian conflict is characterized by hegemonic
issues that are present in International Law. One of these refers to the adoption of autonomous sanctions and collective countermeasures to address violations of erga omnes obligations. This aspect has recently been characterized by the adoption of measures by Russia and China, defined as "countersanctions". These measures prima facie appear to take on the nature of a countermeasure, but a more in-depth analysis, as set out here, highlights that these take on the character of a response to the disproportionate effects of the sanctions to protect their national economy. The following contribution exposes the main issues of similar measures in the light of International Law, highlighting above all the aspects of lawfulness that derive from them.

Chercher à rendre compte de la théorie du droit international de Hans Kelsen implique d’assumer une stratégie d’analyse attentive à son historicisation. Approche toujours d’actualité tant on assiste encore de nos jours à des lectures qui se montrent peu soigneuses de reconstruire les concepts kelséniens dans leurs évolutions et tensions, ne serait-ce qu’internes. En réalité, et comme j’espère l’avoir montré dans des travaux précédents, ce type de démarche anhistorique finit par produire des m..