Organized Crime

Corresponde a una columna co-escrita con Mónica Gerber (autora principal de la misma) publicada en El Mostrador el 9 de junio de 2026. En ella  analizamos la evidencia disponible que sugiere que el registro de incivilidades propuesto por el presidente Kast en su cuenta pública 2026 es una mala idea.
Link publicación original: https://www.elmostrador.cl/noticias/opinion/columnas/2026/06/09/un-experimento-social-sin-evidencia-el-registro-de-incivilidades-y-sus-consecuencias/

Las condiciones de inseguridad que enfrentan las y los trabajadores de la educación en México para desarrollar su quehacer en contextos de violencia criminal y alta densidad de actividades delictivas constituyen desafíos contemporáneos que repercuten en las prácticas cotidianas de las escuelas. En la actualidad, ahondar en esta dimensión del trabajo docente desde una perspectiva antropológica y un enfoque etnográfico, muestra qué ocurre con las trayectorias del magisterio y sus subjetividades para lidiar con estas problemáticas cada vez más recurrentes en territorios de expansión del narcotráfico. Al mismo tiempo, nos permite encontrar pistas conceptuales para comprender desde el ámbito de la docencia las violencias originadas por la disputa entre grupos armados que buscan monopolizar las economías ilegales en los márgenes del Estado. El interés del artículo radica en describir el despliegue de un repertorio de violencias en entornos escolares de Michoacán donde ejercen su labor los educadores, así como las limitaciones de la política educativa para atender las problemáticas locales.

This study investigated the relationship between youth vulnerability and participation in organized criminal activities while exploring communication-driven empowerment strategies capable of promoting youth participation in peace building in Northeast Nigeria. The research was anchored on the complementary insights of the Frustration-Aggression Theory and the Relative Deprivation Theory. The study utilized secondary data from Nigeria Watch Programmed, a systematically curated database of violent incidents across Nigeria from 1998 to 2025. Verified incident records relating to insurgency attacks, banditry, armed robbery, communal violence, and kidnappings were extracted for Borno State, Adamawa State, and Yobe State covering the period 2015-2024. Data were coded and analyzed using descriptive statistics, frequency distributions, and trend analysis, while supplementary indicators from the National Bureau of Statistics were used for triangulation. The findings reveal that youths constitute a significant demographic within organized criminal and violent networks in the region, largely driven by unemployment, poverty, peer influence, ethnic tensions, environmental pressures, and manipulative political communication. The study further establishes that strategic communication interventions can significantly redirect youthful energy toward constructive civic participation and sustainable peace building. he studies concludes that if the structural conditions that fuel youth frustration and perceived deprivation are not deliberately addressed, organized criminality may become progressively normalized among younger generations, thereby deepening the cycle of insecurity in the region. The study therefore recommends coordinated youth empowerment programmers, improved socioeconomic opportunities, and deliberate peace-oriented communication strategies as critical measures for transforming youth restiveness into productive social participation in Northeast Nigeria.

Debida diligencia empresarial frente a casos de Violencia Laboral Con el fin de que prevalezca el equilibrio entre los factores de la producción y la justicia social en las empresas en casos de Hostigamiento y Acoso; y que estas puedan garantizar espacios dignos y entornos libres de violencia laboral. Resulta indispensable el cumplimiento de las obligaciones patronales de la NOM 035 a través de dotar a los empleados de acceso a las políticas de prevención de riesgos psicosociales y creación de un entorno organizacional favorable. Con lo anterior, es deber del empleador procurar generar políticas activas en la

Purpose – Expert assessment of organized crime (OC) group capabilities is often the basis for national threat assessments; it is rare, however, for variations in collective expert opinions of OC success factors to be systematically evaluated. The purpose of this paper is to examine the differences in how 150 criminal intelligence experts from a variety of national and organizational backgrounds sort and organize perceived attributes for OC group success. Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) Sleipnir framework as a foundation for a Q-sort survey regarding the characteristics of OC group success. The survey was delivered to over 150 criminal intelligence specialists at a national conference in 2011. Descriptive statistics, seemingly unrelated regression, and biplots reveal different aspects of survey responses. Findings – Results show that perceptions of the ingredients for OC group success both vary by nationality and by analysts’ leve...

Serious acts of violence, such as mass shootings and terrorist attacks, shake societies to their core—and often leave professionals with a crucial question: Could this have been prevented? Early Detection of Serious Targeted Acts of Violence is aimed at professionals in social work, psychiatry, and security services who work daily with people in crisis situations. The book combines current scientific findings from criminology, forensic psychology, and radicalization research with practice-oriented assessment tools—and makes them manageable in everyday work. Based on established methods such as the TRAP-18 assessment and the Staircase Theory to Terrorism, the author develops a nuanced typology system: ranging from the mentally distressed perpetrator to the planning lone actor with group-focused hostility, all the way to the jihadist-motivated lone actor. This is supplemented by chapters on threat analysis, stalking, radicalization processes, violent fantasies, and conspiracy narratives. A special focus is placed on what happens between the lines: on the social dynamics, biographical ruptures, and psychological stressors that precede an act—and on the moments when intervention would still have been possible. This academic work does not provide simple answers, but it does offer reliable guidance: structured risk assessment tables, concrete case studies from German safety practices, and well-founded recommendations for prevention and follow-up care. An indispensable reference work for anyone who bears responsibility in their daily professional life.

Los sistemas políticos occidentales están en una crisis vinculada a la ineficacia de las instituciones públicas para atender las demandas sociales. El resultado es el descrédito de las instituciones democráticas. En este contexto, los militares emergen como alternativas de estabilidad. Su regreso a la política encuentra incentivos en la inestabilidad crónica y en la incompetencia de las élites políticas.

Ecuador vive un punto de inflexión: las masacres carcelarias no se han detenido y la función de inteligencia es decisiva para cortar el ciclo de violencia. El capítulo sostiene que el problema no es solo operativo: el marco legal define
cómo actúa la inteligencia. Cuando la norma crea zonas de discrecionalidad, la
inteligencia se vuelve partidaria; cuando fija trazabilidad y controles, se vuelve
estratégica y salva vidas.
• Desvío de foco: seguimiento político por encima de riesgos penitenciarios y crimen organizado.
• Alertas sin respuesta: señales sobre hacinamiento, armas y gobernanza
criminal no activaron políticas.
• Efecto dominó: ausencia de controles facilitó la captura de cárceles por
economías ilegales.
• Ley que importa: cambios normativos ampliaron operaciones con baja
trazabilidad.
Sin controles, la inteligencia no previene crisis: las fabrica.
Las alertas existían; faltó el circuito de respuesta y rendición de cuentas.
La seguridad integral empieza con reglas claras de inteligencia y termina en
vidas salvadas en las prisiones.

This article explores growing support for mano dura (iron-fist) policies in four historically safe Latin American democracies: Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, and Uruguay. Through 32 focus groups with 259 participants, we find that mano dura narratives are popular, but cross-national variations are sharp. Ecuador shows the strongest support for extreme, often extralegal measures, whereas participants in Uruguay favour an institutional 'law and order' approach. Chile and Costa Rica occupy a middle ground, with contested trust in mano dura. We argue that two factors condition the intensity and form of support: (1) perceptions of institutional fragility and (2) the availability of social scapegoats -dynamics embedded within deeper historical legacies. These comparative findings reveal a reality with implications beyond Latin America: insecurity can fuel mano dura's appeal even in stable democracies, but robust institutions can curb its most extreme manifestations.

resemble battlefields, and their users are treated as moving targetsalmost impossible to secure without their active participation. From this viewpoint, terrorism is combated through fortified urban infrastructure and pervasive surveillance. This intersection is where the 'safe city' concept converges with the 'smart city'. The fight against terrorism increasingly depends on intelligence gathering and advanced technologies for surveillance and intervention, such as drones (Picaud, 2021). Urban security tools are evolving rapidly alongside technological advancements, including facial recognition, interconnected camera systems, next-generation weaponry, and photographic surveillance (Challier et al., 2025). These techno-solutionist approaches must also be examined through the imaginaries of absolute security, power relations, structural dynamics, and the capitalist market forces driving interactions between stakeholders and private companies. Chapter 8 provides valuable insights by focusing on atmospheric and algorithmic violence as potential future schema of governmentality. Given the ongoing nature of this phenomenon, it is clear that further analysis and elaboration will be needed as these developments continue to unfold on the topic of new technologies and urban violence.

This conference paper examines the characteristics of organized crime in Japan and the socio-legal methods used to combat it. The author analyzes the integration of formal legislation with public participation in crime prevention, while also highlighting the challenges of modern criminal syndicates adapting to law enforcement measures.

M SIERRA LEONE, DIAMONDS AND HUMAN SECURITY TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents Acronyms Foreword Preface Executive Summary 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background to the War 8 1.2 Why the Issue is Important: Murder, Terror, Theft 8 1.3 A Crisis of Modernity? 9 ...

A disastrous expression of the human being's hedonistic selfishness - the use of drugs for personal satisfaction combined with the disaster of state public policies aimed at socio-economic development that inhibits social wellbeing, criminal organizations, especially Latin American ones, are the subject of this study that proposed to outline a taxonomy of the same, in light of the Theory of Transaction Costs, the Economics Theory of Crime
Behaviour and the Concept of Criminal Agriculture. More than discussing the bases of drug trafficking in the region and its criminal organizations, owners of business especially based on illegal agricultural activity, Papaver Somniferum (opium and heroin), Erytroxylym coca
(cocaine) and Cannabis Sativa (marijuana), the work highlights the organizational development process of these agricriminal organizations through its taxonomy, a fundamental input for the design of public policies that go beyond the current model, that of wiping ice from ever-larger icebergs.

Las investigaciones especializadas en narcotráfico en Colombia atribuyen la infiltración de traficantes en la política del país a la debilidad estatal. Este artículo cuestiona esta premisa y afirma que la connivencia entre estos actores se manifiesta de manera consciente. La revisión de la inserción y evolución del narcotráfico en el territorio muestra la capacidad del Estado para enfrentar esta problemática y evidencia que la noción de fragilidad se construyó bajo una lógica intervencionista. Se concluye que la participación de narcotraficantes en la toma de decisiones políticas responde a una voluntaria delegación del poder central hacia agentes de las periferias.

The paper is the author's individual scholastic articulation. The author certifies that the article/paper is original in content, unpublished and it has not been submitted for publication/ web upload elsewhere, and that the facts and figures quoted are duly referenced, as needed, and are believed to be correct. Views expressed by the author are personal in nature. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher.

Ι. Σύλληψη και κράτηση
ΙΙ. Το πρόβλημα
ΙΙΙ. Αυτόφωρο έγκλημα, αυτόφωρη διαδικασία και πρόσωπα ειδικής δωσιδικίας: Επισκόπηση
ΙV. Η κρίση του Εισαγγελέα
V. Η συνάντηση της ειδικής δωσιδικίας με την αυτόφωρη διαδικασία
VI. Θεσμική αμηχανία: Αστυνομία, εισαγγελία και νομοθετική πρωτοβουλία
VII. Σύγκρουση ισότητας και αναλογικότητας
VIII. Παρεπόμενα ερωτήματα
ΙΧ. Τελικές παρατηρήσεις

The emergence of information and communication technology, globalization and transboundary criminal syndicates have changed the nomenclature of crimes committed globally. Transboundary crimes have remained one of the menaces that has continued to threatened global peace and security, hence, there is the need for a multilateral and multilevel approach to effectively curtail them. It is against this backdrop that the paper examines the legal framework to combat the crime of modern slavery and human trafficking in Nigeria, tracing the history of these ugly menace. Human trafficking is widely recognized as a form of contemporary slavery with a range of socioeconomic ramifications in Nigeria, Regrettably is a source, transit and destination country for human trafficking, which is a disgusting position to hold. The paper adopted a doctrinal method of data collection by relying on data from primary and secondary sources for analysis. The paper revealed among other things that, poverty, unemployment, weak laws and inadequate enforcement, systemic corruption, stigmatization, sophistication and financial war chest of cartels, influence of the social media, the traditional and cultural practices are the main drivers of human trafficking in Nigeria. The paper concluded by recommending that, there is urgent need by the government to address the social inequality, creation of more employment opportunities, carrying out awareness campaigns at all levels and the use of triangulated nexus of organ trafficking enforcement by countries among others..

The relentless deforestation of the Amazon Basin stands in stark contrast with the region's tough environmental policies. In the world's largest rainforest, more land is being lost to environmental crimes-normally defined as violations of laws on logging, mining, agriculture, contamination and wildlife trafficking-than is being saved by programmes aiming to protect it. What explains this gap between reality and the law? This article asserts that even the strongest enforcement structures are undermined by insufficient capacity to gather and apply the information needed to move along the stages in the chain of enforcement. Through its collection of original data, the article explains why enforcement units are obstructed at each of its three main stages: policing and detection; investigation and prosecution; and adjudication and sanction. As environmental destruction continues to be one of the biggest drivers of global climate change, this analysis is critical to fully explain why laws and government struggle to fight it. The article's empirically grounded structure centres on a cross-cutting inclusion of politics and policy on the central dimensions of law, the environment and crime. Through its in-depth and original analysis of the case of Colombia, one of the nine Amazon nations, the analysis is widely relevant to policymakers, scholars and activists around the world whose work and research would be strengthened by its concrete, updated and directly comparable structure.

This book chapter (published in French) traces the history of Speidel & Company (founded in 1873 in Saigon), a major German trading company in French Indochina. With its main branches in Haiphong, Phnom Penh, and Paris (whose owners came from Württemberg in south-western Germany), it vanished into thin air after the First World War, with all primary documentation being lost. This tragic fate resulted from the severely strained relations between France and Germany following the Franco-German War of 1870-71. The physical disappearance left Speidel & Co. almost completely forgotten, despite its considerable role in trade, shipping, rice production, and mining. The same can be said about its owners, who have almost disappeared from the collective memory. The book chapter employs additional documents that allow for the study of Speidel & Co.’s internal structures, which had remained a “black box” in the earlier consulted materials. This makes it possible to partly retell the story of Indochina’s economy not from the perspective of Paris or Berlin and its politicians and administrators, but rather from the perspective of places like Saigon and Haiphong and of entrepreneurs who made and sometimes lost their fortunes there. Consequently, and with the new documentary findings, the somewhat tragic fate of the Speidels during and after the First World War will be considered when the company’s former main shareholders in Berlin and Bangkok were often but unsuccessfully approached by German officials and Indochinese business circles to return to the French colony.

This entry makes available an excerpt from Countering Adaptive Organized Crime: A Strategic Guide for Public Safety Leaders. Grounded in more than two decades of legislative and institutional experience, the work examines organized crime as an adaptive criminal system that learns from pressure, reorganizes after disruption, exploits institutional fragmentation, and turns predictable state responses into strategic advantage. Promising Conceptual and Practical Innovations 1. Organized crime as an adaptive learning system Criminal organizations are analyzed as systems that learn, adapt, and reorganize after state intervention. 2. The Criminal Organizations Tetrahedron A four dimensional model connects illicit markets, adaptive criminal networks, enabling social and institutional environments, and human motivations and decisions. 3. Operational regimes Instead of static classifications, the analysis focuses on patterns such as local stabilization, continuous adaptation, and episodic disruption. 4. Learning asymmetry The work highlights the gap between slow, fragmented institutional learning and faster, distributed criminal adaptation. 5. Exploitable predictability Repeated state responses may become predictable and therefore strategically useful to criminal organizations. 6. Regime induction Public safety strategies should not only disrupt criminal activity, but also alter the interaction patterns that allow criminal systems to regenerate. 7. Human decisions at the center of analysis Fear, loyalty, coercion, opportunity, reputation, identity, and perceived risk are treated as central components of organized crime dynamics. Together, these innovations support public safety leaders, legislators, analysts, and institutional planners in moving beyond short term disruption toward strategies capable of weakening the conditions that sustain adaptive criminal systems.

### Abstract: The Synthesis of Decentralized Intelligence and Legal Escalation
**Background:** Traditional public protests and performative digital activism frequently fail to hold powerful elites accountable because the state maintains control over classified evidence and redactions. This paradigm traps modern citizens in a state of cognitive dissonance, wherein they consume the image of dissent without enacting material consequences. Concurrently, global criminal syndicates shield their operations using custom anonymization layers, such as bulletproof VPNs, to guarantee untraceable network nodes.
**Objectives:** The primary objective of this framework is to transition societal dissent from emotional outcry (Pathos) to irrefutable, verifiable evidence (Logos). This is achieved by establishing "Mirror Force," an independent, crowdfunded open-source intelligence (OSINT) network designed to unmask corrupt actors and enforce "asymmetric accountability"—a legal doctrine applying strict statutory multipliers for systemic crimes committed by those in power.
**Methods:** The methodology relies on a dual approach integrating crowdsourced technological warfare with structured law enforcement protocols:
* **Cryptographic Bounties:** The public utilizes micro-donations to fund automated, decentralized bounties, offsetting the massive risk required to acquire unredacted state data and financial ledgers from whistleblowers.
* **Investigative Pipeline:** Once criminal infrastructure is identified, law enforcement employs a strict legal escalation to bypass digital aliases. This includes 18 U.S.C. Section 2703(f) preservation requests to freeze account data, subpoenas for exact IP timestamps, and secondary ISP subpoenas to map digital activity to physical cellular SIM cards and billing addresses.
* **The Network Effect:** Investigators map entire syndicates via Meta's internal cross-references, utilizing device fingerprinting to connect hardware identifiers and tracking simultaneous logins across identical cell tower clusters to prove physical proximity.
* **Mechanical Sophists:** To ensure legislative compliance, AI agents are deployed to map the financial dependencies of lawmakers. These agents issue automated ultimatums, threatening to use Mirror Force treasuries to fund primary challengers based on unredacted corporate donor crimes if the lawmakers refuse to pass systemic accountability laws.
**Results:** The application of this structured dragnet resulted in "Operation Saffron," a coordinated international takedown of "First VPN" in May 2026. By quietly cloning the network's core database rather than immediately disabling it, law enforcement harvested the operational ledgers of the service. This yielded unmasked identity data for over 500 high-tier threat actors and instantly advanced 21 active international cybercrime cases. Furthermore, the deployment of automated AI lobbying successfully forced the immediate surrender of the Senate Banking Committee, compelling them to pass asymmetric accountability legislation.
**Conclusions:** The integration of decentralized OSINT funding and rigorous legal infrastructure effectively strips elite actors of their digital anonymity—metaphorically shattering their "Ring of Gyges". However, deploying an unregulated, hyper-transparent intelligence machine introduces a profound moral hazard. The long-term viability of this decentralized justice model requires a strict architecture of restraint, dictating that citizens must remain morally awake to judge the machine, ensuring the tool of accountability does not devolve into an instrument of automated tyranny.

Rad se bavi sudskim službenicima kao posebnom skupinom državnih službenika koji su zaposleni u tijelima sudbene vlasti. Iako sudski službenici ulaze u kategoriju državnih službenika te sa na njih primjenjuje Zakon o državnim službenicima i njegovi podzakonski propisi, ipak kod njih postoje specifičnosti koje ne postoje kod ostalih državnih službenika. U radu se stoga vrši pravna analiza prijma, napredovanja i plaćanja sudskih službenika te se prikazuju specifičnosti u odnosu na druge državne službenike. Daje se uvid u specifičnosti poslova koje obavljaju, kao i u upravljanje ljudskim potencijalima u tijelima sudbene vlasti. Prikazuju se empirijski podaci anketnog istraživanja o faktorima koji utječu na privlačenje i zadržavanje sudskih službenika. Na osnovi studije slučaja provedene na Općinskom kaznenom sudu u Zagrebu daje se analiza postojećeg i stavova prema novom sustavu upravljanja radnim izvršenjem sudskih službenika te se iznose ukupni zaključci o specifičnostima sudskih službenika prema ostalim državnim službenicima.

Resumen: Este capítulo analiza la arquitectura y el funcionamiento del cibercrimen organizado en la red oscura, las redes sociales y los entornos metaversos enmarcando estos dominios como componentes de un ecosistema criminal transnacional que convergen. A partir de la teoría criminológica, la literatura sobre cibercrimen y el modelo de los ecosistemas criminales, el estudio identifica los facilitadores estructurales, tecnológicos y culturales que sustentan las economías digitales ilícitas. Explora, además, cómo los roles especializados, las infraestructuras de anonimato y las plataformas descentralizadas posibilitan formas modulares y resilientes de organización criminal. El capítulo también introduce el concepto de desviación digital, como precursor cultural del comportamiento cibercriminal, y analiza los delitos emergentes en entornos inmersivos (metacrímenes). Finalmente, ofrece recomendaciones estratégicas para la seguridad nacional colombiana, incluyendo reformas institucionales, actualizaciones legales, marcos de ciberinteligencia y rendición de cuentas de las plataformas, para contrarrestar las amenazas en constante evolución dentro del ecosistema criminal digital.valuar de manera efectiva cómo contribuyen al IS a través de sus dimensiones de análisis.

We examine the relationship between prison subcultures and prison radicalization based on semistructured qualitative interviews with 148 incarcerated men and 131 correctional officers from four western Canadian prisons. We outline several imported features of the prison subculture that make incarcerated people resilient to radicalized and extremist messaging.

Análisis de los disturbios de Londres 2011. Uno de los más intensos y violentos ocurridos en los últimos años. Se trataba de protestas sin motivación política, según algunos autores el único motivo era el saqueo y el robo, "shopping riots", destrucción y vandalismo como ocurre en otras latitudes.

La importancia de este estudio−investigación realizada por los antropólogos de estudios coloniales Jean Camaroff y John L. Camaroff− en las ciencias sociales radica en que el texto nos permite identificar las formas de gobierno que están adoptando las comunidades de países poscoloniales ante un Estado capitalista neoliberal cuya confiscación de autoridad por el crimen organizado y por la inversión extranjera han visto en los recursos naturales y humanos de las poscolonias como un botín comercial. Implica también, reconocer las estrategias políticas que han empleado para reivindicar su soberanía, y las condiciones sociales en las que lo realizan.

Resumo: Este artigo tem como propósito discutir as dinâmicas de interação social entre moradores de localidades com altas taxas de criminalidade e exposição à violência com os grupos ligados ao crime que agem de forma organizada por meio da violência, atentando-se para as principais formas por meio das quais esses grupos estabelecem poder e que tipos de controles sociais são exercidos sobre a população. São abordados os sentimentos de medo e insegurança, a relação entre redes sociais e práticas cotidianas de sociabilidade nos espaços público e privado e a convivência com grupos ligados ao crime que exercem poder nessas localidades. O texto é baseado em parte dos resultados de pesquisa realizada entre 2009 e 2010 pelo Fórum Brasileiro de Segurança Pública, o Instituto Latino-Americano das Nações Unidas para a Prevenção do Delito e Tratamento do Delinquente (Ilanud) e o Instituto Sou da Paz, com apoio do Ministério da Justiça-Senasp.

An honorary consul is an officially accredited representative tasked with protecting the interests of a state and assisting its citizens in a specific region, without being part of the career diplomatic service. Their protocol and etiquette are governed by the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations  and local guidelines. During 2003-2005 German Consuls from 11 different states accumulated breaches of guidelines and violations under criminal law in Mexico at a record pace. The German diplomats under criminal investigation are:
Anet Silvia Grace Arens Medina
Maria Cristina Rodriguez de Mehuys
Heike von der Heyde de Villava
Wolfgang Kresse Gonzalez
Federico Matias Eisele
Oliver Joachim Hunkler
Marko Ulrich Foitzik
Thomas Wagner
Carlos Manuel Echeagaray Enkerlin
José Antonio Marquinez Seemann

Mekânın öznel deneyimi belirleyen etkisinin sorunsallaştırıldığı bu
çalışma, Kayseri kentinin mekânsal yapılanmasında belirleyici hâle gelen
pratiklere ilişkin eleştirel bir okumanın devamıdır. Okuma nesneye
ilişkindir, ancak bu kentsel yapılanma deneyimin somut karşılığı olarak ele
alındığında normatif sınırların gücüne işaret ettiği iddia edilebilmektedir.
Böylece çalışma mekânın üretilmesi sorunsalı üzerinden bir çözümleme
sürecine yönelir. Bu çözümleme Michel Foucault’nun özneleş[tir]me ve
iktidar ilişkileri analizi temelinde ele alınmaktadır. Özne ve nesnenin bir
pratiğin içinde aynı anda kurulduğunu ve karşılıklı olarak dönüştüğünü
ileri süren bu ilişkisel bakış, problem alanını koşullar ve pratikleri
kapsayacak şekilde genişletmektedir. Foucault’nun söylem analizinden
hareketle, mekânda iktidar-bilgi etkisini; yani mevcut pratiklerin hangi
bilme etkileri ve normatif sınırların devamı olduğunun ortaya konulması
amaçlanmaktadır. Bu doğrultuda verili deneyimler, söylem oluşumlarının
analizini içeren soybilimsel bir tarih anlayışıyla bugünden geriye giderek
çözümlenmektedir. Kayseri kentinin erken Cumhuriyet döneminden 1989
yılına uzanan tarihsel sürecinde, pratiklerin ve nesne alanlarının analizi
yoluyla, iktidar-bilginin mekân üzerindeki etkisi ortaya konulmaktadır.
Kentte, tarihsel olarak koşullandırılan deneyimin söylemsel, arkitektonik
ve kentsel formlarda somut hâle geldiği bir çözümleme yapılabilmektedir.
Farklı tarihsel dönemlerde mekânın üretilmesi sorunsalı çeşitli
özneleş[tir]me süreçlerini de yapılandırmıştır. Ancak normatif sistemlerin
içerikleri bağlamında farklı motivasyonlarla üretilmiş olsalar da,
mevcut/eski olanın değersizleştirildiği belirli bir söylem biçimi, pratiğin normalleşmiş kalıplarını üretmiştir. Bu nedenle öznenin değerler
sisteminde ve kendilik pratiklerindeki dönüşüme ilişkin bir süreklilik
kurmak mümkündür. Çalışma için hayati olan da bu pratiklerin tarihsel
dönemleri aşarak, kentin mevcut durumunu belirleyen etkisidir. Kentte
insan ve mekân arasındaki ilişkinin stratejik söylem-pratik kalıpları olarak
dispozitiflerle örtülmüş olduğu ve güncel eğilimleri ürettiği sonucuna
varılmaktadır. Ancak bu yaklaşım, tarihsel sınırları tartışmak ve aşmak
üzere; kentsel mekâna müdahaleyi ontolojik bir ilişki bağlamında ele
almak gerekliliğine vurgu yapmaktadır: Mekânın üretilmesi sorunsalının
hangi stratejik-yönlendirici ve özneleştirici etkileri taşıdığını göz önünde
bulundurmak, öznel deneyim ve tasarım pratiklerinin üretim olanağı için
önemlidir.

To speak of border authoritarianism is to take the border seriously as a political laboratory where new forms of concentrated power are tested
and then normalized within legal frameworks that still preserve the appearance of liberal democracy. Authoritarianism does not present
itself as an open rupture with constitutional order. It takes shape
as a selective intensification of control over particular bodies, territories and mobilities. The border appears as a privileged space for this intensification, because there legal, police and administrative strategies are articulated in a way that defines who can move, under which conditions and with what risks. This is why migration governance becomes a laboratory for forms of rule that combine formal legality with practices of exception.

Villarreal Cabello, V. (2026). Border Authoritarianism.  Boletín informativo Newsletter Red de Norteamericanistas (REDAN), 21, abril, 4-5.

La trata de seres humanos es una violación grave de los derechos humanos que afecta a millones de personas en todo el mundo. Organismos internacionales y europeos han elaborado planes y estrategias para abordar este problema. Analizamos los mismos, destacando los logros y las áreas de mejora. Para el desarrollo del trabajo, nos hemos basado en el análisis descriptivo de los principales planos y convenios internacionales, comprometidos en la lucha con la trata de seres humanos, habiendo sido necesario hacer una revisión bibliográfica, y obtener los resultados de investigaciones, análisis y documentos, a fin de determinar los diversos enfoques y propósitos que persiguen cada uno de estos planos y convenios.

Малишев Б.В. Обмеження дії презумпції невинуватості у практиці Європейського суду з прав людини (теоретико-правові аспекти). Презумпція невинуватості є однією з основоположних гарантій прав людини, яка забезпечує справедливість судочинства та захист громадян від необґрунтованих звинувачень. Проте відповідно до наведеної у цій статті практики ЄСПЛ, презумпція невинуватості хоча є і фундаментальним принципом, але не абсолютним. Презумпція невинуватості може бути обмеженою у випадках, коли її застосування чи застосування концепції непрямих доказів у кримінальних провадженнях, пов'язаних із легалізацією злочинних доходів або фінансуванням тероризмом, є виправданим інтересами правосуддя та суспільної безпеки. Це свідчить про чіткий напрям еволюції ідеї презумпції невинуватості-від абсолютного правила до елементу більш комплексної системи справедливого судочинства. З позиції теорії права, відмова обвинуваченого надання показань відображає принцип свободи волі та імунітет від самовикриття. Однак, як зазначає ЄСПЛ, це право перестає бути абсолютним у ситуаціях, де відсутність пояснень з боку обвинуваченого підриває презумпцію законності його дій або активів. Теоретико-правова дилема тут полягає у визначенні меж між правом особи захищати себе відмовою від надання показань і суспільним інтересом в ефективному кримінальному переслідуванні. Практика ЄСПЛ демонструє, що використання непрямих методів доказування у справах про легалізацію (відмивання) злочинних доходів не суперечить статті 6 Конвенції за умови дотримання фундаментальних принципів. Зокрема, такі методи мають базуватися на логічних припущеннях, підкріплених фактичними доказами, і не можуть бути єдиною підставою для обвинувального вироку. Суд підтверджує, що право на мовчання та презумпція невинуватості не є абсолютними, а їхні обмеження допустимі, якщо вони обґрунтовані потребою у забезпеченні ефективного правосуддя. Відмова обвинуваченого надавати пояснення або співпрацювати з правоохоронними органами не може автоматично розглядатися як доказ його вини. Проте, якщо інші докази переконливо вказують на злочинне походження активів, мовчання може посилити обґрунтованість таких висновків під час розслідування злочинів про легалізацію (відмивання) злочинних доходів та фінансування тероризму.

Diferente do primeiro estudo que organizamos buscando apresentar um panorama teórico sobre os crimes contra o estado democrático de direito (Nunes, 2023), o presente trabalho tem por objetivo explicar a partir das lentes do saber jurídico-penal como foi empreendida a persecução penal pelas pessoas acusadas de fazer parte da assim chamada "trama golpista", desde a sua seleção pelas agências penais, passando pelo juízo e mesmo pelas etapas pós-condenação. Nesse sentido, o leque de temas não se restringe mais ao direito penal propriamente dito, mas conjuga necessariamente o processo penal. São poucas as regras processuais sobre "crimes políticos" em nosso ordenamento; todavia, ainda sim, dada as particularidades do caso, pareceu-nos importante entender a especificidade da aplicação de regras gerais a um contexto tão peculiar. Claro que as questões de direito material continuam fundamentais; mas, assim como na questão referente às regras processuais, ganham mais destaque como determinadas normas gerais são enquadradas no contexto de atos antidemocráticos.

Notwithstanding humanitarian crises at the EU external borders,
migrant smuggling also comprises mundane solidarity-based and
autonomous practices within Europe. Based on a socio-legal
analysis of over a hundred court rulings in Finland, migrant
smuggling predominantly covered assistance for asylum seekers
and family members, usually embedded in social relations and
personal networks. Overall, the sentences for the organisation of
illegal entry mainly related to secondary smuggling of thirdcountry
nationals already assisted in reaching Europe, often
involving the delivery of travel documents and joint travel via
commercial routes within the Schengen area. The literalist and
rigid sentencing practices, overlooking realities of migration and
humanitarian considerations, expand punitive migration
governance and reconfirm criminalisation of mobility, even with
paradoxical outcomes. Despite some aggravated offences –
including sentences for intermediaries – most defendants assisted
with travel arrangements without any financial gain. Contrary to
the impunity clause, the courts considered humanitarian motives
mainly when lowering sentences, producing legal absurdities by
treating family members, acquaintances, and fellow migrants as
organised smugglers. The concept of the autonomy of migrant
smuggling foregrounds the productive contradictions of
migration governance in the criminalisation of self-organised and
collective mobility practices that arise precisely from the necessity
to navigate within the repressive border regime.

This report summarizes the results of Operation LAKE, a multi-annual operation aimed at dismantling the organized criminal groups involved in the illegal trade of European eels (Anguilla anguilla). The trade in European eel is strictly regulated by the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), and since 2010 there has been a total ban on trade across the EU’s external borders. Profits associated with the illegal trade of European eels are estimated at 2–3 billion Euro annually (Europol, 2022a), and overall eel trafficking has been identified as the largest wildlife crime in the world (Europol 2021). The original internal analysis report (Europol 2023) is classified and not available to the public due to the risk of compromising the success of future operations. However,  the authors wish to emphasize the importance of sharing condensed results, lessons learned and potential recommendations from operational activities. The aim of this report is to enhance the understanding of a highly profitable form of organized crime and to promote cooperation between law enforcement and civil society. The multidisciplinary team of authors, two from law enforcement and two from academia, share the view that the fight against wildlife crime benefits greatly from the participation of civil society including academia. Accessibility and a degree of transparency are key to making this possible. Environmental crime has been identified as one of the priorities of the EU Policy Cycle 2018–2021 and the EMPACT Cycle 2022–2025. Considering the success and impact of Operation LAKE for the European Multidisciplinary Platform Against Criminal Threats (EMPACT), we feel obliged to make this information available to European policymakers so as to inform them in advance of decisions on the fight against wildlife crime. The information gathered for this report is the result of eight years of law enforcement operational activities discussed in light of academic publications.

The rapid growth of artificial intelligence (AI) shows
undetermined challenges for criminal law, particularly in
determining liability for autonomous or semi-autonomous AI
actions as traditional legal doctrines based on human intent
(Mens Rea) and action (Actus Reus) are not sufficient when
applied to Artificial intelligence which lacks consciousness or
moral agency, this paper conducts analysis of these pre-existing
elements and discusses international and domestic legal
frameworks—focusing on Pakistan, the European Union, the
United States, and others—to explore how AI-related criminal
liability is perceived globally. The study show key gaps in legal
areas, liability and enforcement mechanisms, it demonstrate that
current legal systems must be reformed or expanded to address
the complex legal status of AI for future regulatory development
and legal areas.

Σήμερα, στη διεθνή επιθεώρηση γεωστρατηγικής και ασφάλειας από τη Σερβία “Serbian Strategies International”, στο “Special Edition Nr. 4” με θεματική «Geopolitics, Security, and Energy in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans; Power Shifts and High Stakes», δημοσιεύτηκε το άρθρο της Chryssa Kaltsoni με τίτλο «Between Espionage and Terrorism: State-Sponsored Networks and Power Projection in the Eastern Mediterranean».

El artículo analiza las violencias en Rosario (Argentina) y Tla-jomulco de Zúñiga (México) entre 2017 y 2025 desde una doble mirada: conceptual y social. Se revisan los principales enfoques teóricos sobre la violencia y se presentan dos estudios empíricos que exploran cómo las comunidades perciben y experimentan la  inseguridad.  Los  resultados  evidencian  tensiones  entre  las  violencias estructurales y cotidianas, la desconfi anza institucio-nal y los procesos de naturalización social.

This article examines digital diplomacy as platformed protocol, conceptualising it as a multimodal, affectively charged, and culturally encoded symbolic practice embedded within the infrastructures of digital platforms. While existing research has addressed the migration of diplomatic practices to online spaces, the semiotic dimensions of these practices remain underexplored. Drawing on classical semiotics, social semiotics, multimodal discourse analysis and critical semiotics, the article develops a layered methodological approach to analyse how diplomats and institutions utilise visual, textual, and gestural signs to construct authority, legitimacy, and relational positioning within platform environments. Through case studies including video-mediated diplomacy, affective framing on social media, TikTok diplomacy, iconographic geopolitics, and cultural coding, the article demonstrates how these practices operate as socially situated semiotic resources, negotiating visibility and soft power while navigating the logics of platform capitalism. The findings contribute to scholarship in communication, cultural studies, and international relations by revealing how affect, technology, and symbolic power intersect in contemporary diplomatic practices, offering a scalable framework for analysing digital diplomacy across platforms and geopolitical contexts.