Political trust

Citizen trust is a prerequisite for the success of service provision. However, working relations are typically shaped by power asymmetries and one-sided dependencies, contributing to cautiousness towards or distrust of caseworkers . This article sheds light on the conditions and mechanisms that lead (some) citizens nevertheless to trust their caseworker. Based on thematic coding of semi-structured interviews with twenty-five German and sixteen Danish welfare users, our findings elucidate how shared problem perceptions and positive experiences in direct working relationships with committed, citizens-oriented caseworkers mitigate structural asymmetries and allow trust-building. In particular, they underscore the importance of personal bonding and positive emotions, including feelings of sympathy, or even friendship, and of being seen, understood and respected. Our article strengthens the interpersonal, micro-level perspective on trust-building in welfare service provision and provides new empirical insights into the role of personal relations in trust-adverse institutionalised contexts.

Коррупция оказывает негативное влияние на все основные институты государ-
ства. Системная коррупция подрывает авторитет, доверие и поддержку демократи-
ческих институтов и законов. Приводятся научные подходы о том, что коррупция
является опасным фактором, оказывающим негативное влияние на развитие любого
государства и общества, сложным социально-политическим, экономическим явле-
нием, угрожающим всем странам, и что любое проявление этой негативной ситуации
ставит общество на грань. разрушения. Проанализировано влияние коррупции на госу-
дарство в экономической, правовой, институциональной и социальной сферах, а также
то, что в результате коррупции серьезно пострадал международный авторитет
и престиж государства, и как следствие, реализация также была затруднена реализа-
ция ряда запланированных инвестиционных проектов.

(In English – bellow) Статья рассматривает государства как ведущие элементы текущего этапа макроэволюции/большой истории Земли, которая к тому же хорошо совмещается с системной теорией Н. Лумана, в которой различённые типы автопоэтических систем фактически представляют этапы развития всего активного на поверхности Земли. Анализ теории Н. Лумана в части стабильности государств показывает ее дефицит для понимания воспроизводства легитимности поддерживаемого государством социального порядка. Статья предлагает расширение теории с различением в государствах подсистемы воспроизводства доверия-когнитивной подсистемы (которая ответственна за воспроизводство культурной гегемонии по Грамши). Функционирование когнитивной подсистемы среди прочего охватывает и многие аспекты гражданской религии государства, того сакрального комплекса, который лежит в основе государственного политического единения. Получает подтверждение часто возникающее положение об аналогичности политических идеологий и путей спасения (здесь спасение понимается как расширение соответствующего понятия христианской теологии на секулярные контексты). Статья приводит к заключению, что механика воспроизводства доверия в государстве, которая во многом основана на его гражданской религии, занимает важное место в государственном автопоэзисе, который влияет на положение государства в соответствующей экосистеме Земли. ***Abstract: The article considers states as leading elements of the current stage of Earth’ Macroevolution / Big History, which also fits well with the system theory of N. Luhmann, in which the different types of autopoietic systems actually represent the stages of development  everything active on the surface of the Earth. The analysis of N. Luhmann's theory for cases of state stability shows its deficiency in terms of understanding the reproduction of the legitimacy of the social order supported by the state. The article proposes the theory development with a distinction in states of the subsystem of trust reproduction (which is associated with Gramsci’s cultural hegemony) – the cognitive subsystem. The functioning of the cognitive subsystem, among other things, covers many aspects of the civil religion of the state, the sacred complex that underlies the state political unity. The article supports a frequently occurring proposition about the analogy of political ideologies and paths to salvation (here salvation is understood as an extension of the corresponding concept of Christian theology to secular contexts). It also concludes that the mechanics of trust reproduction in the state, which largely covered by its civil religion, is important for the state autopoiesis, which affects the position of the state in the corresponding ecosystem of the Earth.

This text argues that the core task of politics is
to foster genuine communal life among strangers: people
who lack significant pre-political ties. In today’s pluralis-
tic society, radical differences make this task increasingly
challenging. The author introduces the concept of “inter-
dependence of the different,” a factual, involuntary net-
work of dependence that transcends citizenship and social
contracts. Unlike cooperation, this interdependence is not
voluntary but necessary. Justice and friendship alone are
insufficient. True fraternity (recognizing others as siblings
through shared dependence) enables support beyond
merit or reciprocity and is fundamental to a decent plu-
ralistic society.

Digital democracy, or e-democracy, and the integration of digital technologies into democratic processes have emerged as a vital area of research within political science in recent years. The Research Committee RC10 of the International Political Science Association (IPSA) has played a pioneering role in this domain. Since its establishment in 2007, the RC10 has been actively monitoring and analysing the evolving trends in e-democracy, political communication, and political participation in the digital environment. E-democracy represents a contemporary effort to strengthen democratic principles through the use of digital technologies and online platforms. New information and communication technologies (ICTs) have fostered democratic innovations that enhance transparency, access to information, and citizen interaction with political decision-makers in the digital sphere (Kersting & Baldersheim, 2004). The roots of RC10 trace back to the early 2000s. In 2002, the University of Marburg hosted a landmark conference on e-voting, bringing together scholarsprimarily from Europe and the United States-to explore the possibilities of Internet-based voting systems. Many of these scholars had previously collaborated in other IPSA Research Committees, such as RC5 (Comparative Study of Local

This study investigated how relocation patterns affect disaster survivors' psychological stress on the diverse durations and spaces of relocation. It analyzed a 10-year data set of 1,236 families affected by 2009's Typhoon Morakot in Taiwan, identifying six relocation patterns through dynamic time warping (DTW). A hierarchical linear model was utilized, revealing the discernible impacts of environmental factors, sociocultural factors, and family-level socioeconomic factors on psychological stress. The study revealed that survivors who quickly found stable residences after the disaster initially experienced lower stress levels, but in the long term, their stress increased. Conversely, those with unstable residences experienced higher initial stress but lower long-term stress. Comparing similar patterns, we found that survivors who had more time for preparation and who sought opportunities, coped, or adapted to secondary stressors before longdistance relocation faced lower stress levels. These findings suggest that relocation patterns have a greater impact on the psychosocial stress of disaster survivors than time or relocation distance.

El presente trabajo apunta a mostrar la tensión existente entre el ejercicio de la ciudadanía y el Estado a partir de la concepción contractualista. Según el momento histórico, existen diferentes resoluciones al conflicto surgido entre los propietarios y los no propietarios. Sabemos que el fundamento del contrato es la propiedad y ello determina quienes son poseedores de derechos civiles y quienes solamente se encuentra sujetos a obedecer las normas garantizadas desde el Estado. Para comenzar identificaremos el advenimiento del pensamiento burgués en un marco general para adentrarnos específicamente en la teoría contractualista a la cual la analizaremos en tres de sus exponentes: Thomas Hobbes, John Locke y Jean Jacques Rousseau. Haremos un recorrido por los tres modelos contractuales, pasando por las diferentes resoluciones para llegar a concluir que todos tienen el mismo objetivo: salvaguardar la propiedad, condicionando esta última el ejercicio de la ciudadanía. 1. El advenimiento de la mentalidad burguesa. El Renacimiento, luz que apareció para romper las tinieblas del medioevo, devela a un hombre que puede pensarse a sí mismo sin quedar relegado al "mandato divino". Podemos decir que con Descartes se hace presente, en el siglo XVII, esta ruptura con la escolástica, a partir de sus ingerencias sobre el ser humano como sujeto que se escinde de la naturaleza. "Mas, ¿qué es entonces lo que soy? Una cosa que piensa. ¿Qué es una cosa que piensa? Una cosa que duda, que entiende, 'que concibe', que afirma, que niega, que desea, que no desea, que imagina y que siente. En verdad no es poco si todas estas cosas pertenecen a mi naturaleza. Pero, ¿por qué no iban a pertenecerle? (...) ¿Hay algo de todo esto que no sea tan verdadero como es seguro que yo soy yo y que existo (...)?" (Descartes, 2001:135/136)

This paper analyzes the insufficiently developed political participation in post-communist Romania, focusing on the pre-requisites of political participation, and on how these are acting as inhibitors for political involvement from the citizens. The prevalence of intolerance, the lack of trust in other people and in the institutions of the state, the absence of points of access to the political system and an insufficiently developed culture of protest are all factors that contribute to determining Romanians to avoid political participation. Data on voting, volunteering, and protesting demonstrate the underdevelopment of political participation in Romania.

La droite américaine était historiquement favorable aux sciences, mais le mouvement MAGA a développé une méfiance croissante envers les institutions scientifiques depuis les années 2000. Cette méfiance résulte de trois courants : un mouvement anti-étatiste hostile à la régulation, une droite évangélique ultraconservatrice, et un électorat populiste voyant dans la science un intellectualisme élitiste. Paradoxalement, le mouvement MAGA n'est pas anti-technologie : il porte un fort « techno-populisme », voyant dans le numérique un outil d'émancipation face aux élites. Pour reconstruire la confiance, trois leviers sont identifiés : renforcer l'éducation aux sciences, impliquer les citoyens dans la recherche, et réguler les plateformes sociales qui fragmentent le débat public

This paper examines social assistance for vulnerable families at the frontline level of service delivery, exploring how citizens' trust and distrust are shaped within this administrative context. It addresses three questions: Do citizens distinguish between trust and distrust in frontline workers and public institutions when reporting on their encounters with welfare services? Which key attributes of trustworthiness emerge from their experiences at each of these levels? And most importantly, to what extent does interpersonal trust-building repair institutional trustworthiness and spill over into institutional trust? The analysis is based on interviews with vulnerable citizens accessing the social assistance system in seven European countries (Czech Republic,

The present paper attempts to answer the question whether the predominance of nonparticipation culture is a characteristic of the present Romanian society. Considering that Romanians praise the democratic political model as valuable, the speculative denial of participation culture in the present Romanian society seems to be ungrounded. In fact, the real issue of Romanian political life is represented by the gap existing between the culture of participation, seen as an ideal, and the culture of participation, seen as a fact. Does this distance tend to be less significant as regards the young people? Is the Romanian young people's involvement in democratic life similar to the European participation trend or it is different from it?

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studiesthe relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

This study explores whether ideological polarization increases political engagement and trust, both of which are central elements of civic culture. Polarization can clarify political positions and thereby simplify the formation of opinions, increase the stakes of elections, and offer more options to citizens. To estimate the impact of polarization from a causal perspective, we exploit variation within individuals over time using individual-level data from the Swiss Household Panel spanning from 1999-2023, amounting to 178,251 observations from 28,187 persons. Ideological polarization at the individual level is measured by a process of increasing extremity of the self-position on the left-right scale. In addition, we test how polarization of cohabiting household members has spillover effects on political engagement and trust. For political engagement, we adopt a comprehensive approach, focusing on interest in politics, participation in popular votes, party identification, and frequency of political discussions as dependent variables. Political trust is measured as confidence in the federal council. To analyze the data, we primarily use fixed effects models, complemented by a pooled Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) model, and cross-lagged models to address reverse causality. Results show that ideological polarization does promote engagement but has a weak negative impact on political trust. This effect remains significant when controlling for affective polarization. Additionally, there is an overall increase in political engagement and a decrease in political trust if partners living in the same household become more extreme in their ideological preferences.

This chapter investigates the complex and dynamic relationship between democratic social movements and institutional trust and distrust. While movements are often grounded in social trust among members, they frequently express critical trust or outright distrust towards institutions. Drawing on qualitative data from 28 focus groups and 14 interviews with 14 grassroots movements across seven European countries, the chapter explores how movements perceive trust and distrust, and whether these attitudes influence their willingness to engage and cooperate with institutional actors. The findings reveal that institutional distrust is widespread but typically framed as a form of critical, democratic vigilance rather than anti-system sentiment. Movements often demand accountability and transparency rather than reject democratic institutions outright. Importantly, institutional cooperation is not solely determined by levels of trust or distrust but also shaped by strategic goals, past experiences, and interpersonal relationships. By situating trust and distrust as practice-oriented phenomena, the chapter contributes to a more nuanced understanding of democratic legitimacy, political engagement, and the strategic orientations of social movements in contemporary Europe.

Han Chang’an City’s 12 gates have many different name, but the Bianmen refers to which gate, the literature records a lot of discrepancies. Scholars mostly use literature examination and reasons testing two methods to discuss this problem, and can’t accurately judge the location of the Bianmen. This paper follows the way of Cheng Dachang（程大昌）, with the help of the Shuijingzhu（水经注） on the record of the Bianmenqiao（便门桥） to achieve the positioning of the Bianmen, think that the gate is the first gate on the west side of Chang’an City from the south. Zhangchengmen（章城门） is called the Bianmen because of its special location, in the hub connecting Weiyang Palace（未央宫） and Shanglin Garden（上林苑） position, convenient for the royal family to and from the emperor’s park to visit and hunting. Although Zhangchengmen is not as prominent as other gates in traffic, but in the military protection of imperial city is of great significance.

El estudio de los valores sociales, la ideología política y la confianza política, como orientaciones que cumplen la función de organizar las mediaciones cognitivas y afectivas de los miembros que componen la elite política, se vuelve relevante a la hora de aproximarnos a la comprensión de los grupos de poder que median entre los intereses y demandas ciudadanas. Por ello, la investigación realizada tuvo como objetivo principal examinar comparativamente las variables confianza política, valores e ideología política en grupos conformados por integrantes de los tres poderes del Estado provincial, sindicatos, univer sidad pública e instituciones religiosas. El estudio se realizó con un muestreo no probabilístico de 75 casos típicos. Para evaluar la confianza política se valoró el nivel de confianza institucional atribuido por los miembros de la elite a distintos actores sociales y políticos. Se administraron la

In rural communities in Romania, other forms of aid have a presence and immemorial tradition alive today. Volunteering (activity defined as helping a contractual relationship between an individual and a nonprofit legal entity, public or private) is present but less local rural areas compared with urban areas. However, the presence of components of voluntary involvement of community members is a necessary component by a series of grant programs (eg, the Romanian Fund for Social Development). Also, active involvement in development projects is desirable (and dotted as it is) in the European funding programs in post-accession period (primarily the National Rural Development Program). From a sociological standpoint, is that true community development involving voluntarily by those interested in developing a specific project, indicating the need for measures to increase the degree of activism in local communities, primarily the rural ones. Current characteristics of voluntary work in Rom...

We examine how the degree of social closure among political elites
shapes mass-level political trust in Latin America, a region marked by
historically closed elites and persistently low trust. Building on contrasting
perspectives, we argue that elite closure undermines citizens’ trust, but
its influence also depends on a country’s long-term patterns of closure. In
contexts where elites have been highly closed over time, further increases are expected to erode trust. In more open systems, by contrast, closure may be positively associated. Our analysis combines LAPOP data (2004–2018) with PELA-USAL elite indicators in a large-N comparative framework. Estimates from hierarchical models indicate that
elite closure—characterized by legislative re-election rates and family ties
in politics—significantly reduces political trust. However, these results are
heterogeneous: rising closure erodes trust only in countries where elites
have historically been highly closed, highlighting the context-dependent
role of elite composition in shaping citizens’ political trust.

Sembra che il pluralismo del nostro tempo non possa che essere governato dalla ragionevolezza. Non si possono, infatti, chiedere sacrifici e rinunce se non sulla base di una giustificazione che faccia ricorso in qualche modo alla ragione. L'alternativa sarebbe quella di far ricorso alla forza o alla decisione autoritaria, ma con ciò stesso il pluralismo non si sentirebbe rispettato. Tuttavia I'individuazione di parametri stabili di ragionevolezza è oggi sempre più problemat ica. Le società politiche hanno perso la compattezza della loro cultura di fondo e, conseguentemente, il consenso sociale intorno a un nucleo di valori condivisi e, soprattutto, intorno al modo d'interpretarli è in decomposizione. In queste condizioni il rischio che i giudizi di ragionevolezza siano arbitrari cresce. Eppure al contempo si rafforza la convinzione che solo con la ragionevolezza si potrà affrontare il pluralismo e che si tratta di una via obbligata. Oggi la problematica della ragionevolezza deve riuscire a far coesistere I'eguaglianza con l'equità. Nel regime del pluralismo il sacrificio delle differenze in nome dell'universalità della regola si considera intollerabile. Per Aristotele la giustizia del caso particolare è l'eccezione. Ma oggi si esige una giustizia secondo equità che non faccia venir meno il valore dell'eguaglianza. A queste richieste il diritto da solo non può più rispondere. Una giustizia secondo il diritto nei senso di regola generale e astratta deve coniugarsi con una giustizia oltre il diritto. Ciò significa anche che le distinzioni tradizionali tra i diversi settori della vita pratica sono diventate sempre più fluide e porose: il problema della giustizia è insieme giuridico, politico, economico, morale e religioso. Non è una questione settoriale. In un regime di pluralismo all'interno del diritto positivo si moltiplicano le interpretazioni possibili, s'indebolisce in modo grave la certezza e diventa drammatica la ricerca dell'interpretazione corretta. La giustizia secondo il diritto si è sempre basata sul presupposto che una disposizione giuridica e la sua 1 L? in C.Vigna (a cura di), Etiche e politiche della post-modernità, Vita e pensiero, Milano, 2003, pp.163-181 ' ((Se il diritto deve privilegiare certi valori soggettivi rispetto ad altri, allora e intrinsecamente ingiusto, e la sua uniforme applicazione non può rimediare al suo impatto arbitrariamente diseguale». M.

This paper offers a comprehensive account of distrust that can accommodate the main variants of distrust in terms of their targets: other individuals and different types of group agents and their members. In doing so, the paper not only carves out the distinct nature of distrust vis-à-vis trust but also addresses the much-neglected issue of the aim of distrust. Against reviewing standard alternatives, I propose a novel definition of interpersonal distrust as a meta-stance on trust: Distrust is a reactive attitude to the attitude of trust, whose aim is to modulate one's prospective reactive attitudes and prepare for the affective harm of betrayal that one would suffer if one would not have so prepared. Regarding variants of distrust, I distinguish (a) ordinary interpersonal distrust, (b) ordinary distrust towards groups and their members, and (c) "deep" distrust towards group agents that engage in dehumanization. Whereas ordinary group-and member-directed distrust can be conceptualized by a suitably specified version of the reactive attitude account, we need an altogether different account for the extreme, but rather common type of corporate distrust that involves potential dehumanization of the distruster. Here, I introduce my concept of "deep distrust" and point to its epistemic and political aims, namely to detect and alert others to looming dehumanization. I close by fathoming institutional reformist strategies to forfeit occasions for deep distrust and raise a puzzle for future research on the link between distrust and dehumanization.

Percorsi di vita buona o ipse capio totum, quod surn>> 65 : la persona umana è l'unico essere in i finito e infinito si toccano. Citando la prefazione alla Genealogia della morale, dove Nietzsche arnette che «per noi vale per l'eternità la frase "ognuno è per se stesso la Sa più lontana"», Waldenfels riconosce che l'estraneità «comincia in sa propria [ ... ] non viene da fuori, ma comincia con noi stessÌ>> 66 • La ione agostiniana invita a tenere insieme il volto cristologico di quedifferenza, in cui grazia e responsabilità s'incontrano, e la sua conione antropologica, che può anche annunciarsi nella forma di una straneità interiore" 67 • Ecco un arduo itinerario di ascesi personale e di dagogia dell'ascolto di cui un autentico accompagnamento educativo vrebbe farsi carico, come contrappeso indispensabile per riportare e sue vere radici ogni legittima domanda di autenticità relazionale. Su esta strada anche Agostino può essere un buon compagno di viaggio, ila misura in cui continua a insegnarci che l'ulteriore dell'interiore è il scendente.

本文旨在通过战国时期的带铭兵器，考察战国时期的“相邦”在各国兵器生产
及管理中的角色。基于“中研院”殷周金文及青铜器资料库，本文追溯了“相邦”监督兵器生
产这一制度在各邦国的起源与传播过程，并分析了该制度在各邦国间传播的可能次序及历史背景。研究表明，自公元前４世纪末起，秦、赵两国的“相邦”开始直接负责兵器的生产。有时由“丞相”负责协助“相邦”，有时“相邦”一职由两人或两人以上同时担任。宋国亦曾在较短时期内将兵器生产的管理权委托给“相邦”，以试图增强军事实力，参与争霸。通过出土文献与传世文献的比勘，可知“相邦”这一头衔在汉代因避讳而被改写为“相国”，两者具有相同含义。此外，本文考察了“属邦”（传世文献中为“属国”）制度，认为秦国在不晚于秦王政第五年时建立了该制度，其他诸侯国则也有可能在它们的边疆地区建立了相似的附属小邦。最后，本文探讨了上述发现对于理解战国相关政治概念的更广泛意义，尤其是使用“邦”来表示国家这一制度和地缘政治实体。本文不仅可为战国时期政治运作的研究提供新视角，亦有助于理解早期中国的治国理政及军事组织方式。

In the digital epoch, the omnipresence of artificial intelligence-by which I mean not all software, but specifically machine learning systems and, most saliently, large language models like OpenAI's GPT series and similar tools-has fundamentally transformed the communicative, epistemic, and ethical infrastructure of contemporary society, particularly for Generation Z. I want to be precise: when I talk about "AI" for the purposes of this essay, I am not including every program that gets labeled as AI in the popular press. The term "artificial intelligence" is a moving target, used for everything from chess engines to spellcheckers, but my focus is on those systems which, using massive datasets and statistical pattern-matching, generate human-like text, images, or even decisions. There is a meaningful distinction between, say, a diagnostic algorithm that labels a tumor as cancerous based on radiological imaging, and a large language model that produces fluent text in response to user prompts. The former is narrowly task-specific, making probabilistic judgments on structured data; the latter is constructed to imitate human discourse itself, effectively simulating the act of meaning-making. In this essay, I am primarily concerned with these generative text models-those that mimic conversation, write essays, answer questions, and so forth-because they are reshaping how information is produced, circulated, and consumed at scales and speeds that defy meaningful human oversight. This dissertation contends that, as articulated by Harry Frankfurt in On Bullshit, artificial intelligence does not simply produce error or deception, but is the paradigmatic generator of bullshit-a category that is ontologically and ethically distinct from lying, and whose proliferation poses a unique threat to the discursive practices, trust, and collective life that underpin human flourishing. The core thesis advanced here is that only by

Does the language or dialect used in political messages affect people's trust? While previous research has consid ered the question, little is known about how different languages and accents shape trust. Using an experimental matched-guise design in Catalonia, we test how standard Catalan, standard Spanish, and accented versions of both affect listeners' trust in the speaker. We find that people generally trust the standard, non-accented version more, especially when it comes from their in-group. This effect is even stronger among individuals with a strong Catalan or Spanish identity-especially the latter-and among those on the far right.

diritti dell'uomo, sulla filosofia ermeneutica del diritto, sui rapporti tra diritto e natura e tra etica e natura. dialoghi 1 -a p r i l e 2001 La nascita di una miriade di "comunità parziali" rende sempre più difficile la ricerca del bene comune. Ma la crisi dello Stato moderno non si risolve trasferendo i suoi compiti dal piano nazionale a quello internazionale, dove ogni cittadino sarebbe senza volto né appartenenze. La vera comunità politica è il luogo della comunicazione delle diversità al fine di raggiungere un'intesa sul giusto e sull'ingiusto. Francesco Viola N el nostro tempo stiamo assistendo ad una profonda trasfor- mazione del ruolo e della funzione della politica. Non a caso dico che si tratta di un sommovimento a cui "assistiamo", perché in un certo senso non è un qualcosa di voluto o prodotto da operazioni umane consapevoli e mirate, ma qualcosa che accade senza che qualcuno (individui o gruppi) lo voglia. Già questo è di per sé indicativo, in quanto la politica è sempre stata considerata il risultato di progetti umani spesso ideologicamente orientati. La storia politica è costellata da disegni volti ad organizzare e gestire il potere oppure dai tentativi di conquistarlo o di abbatterlo. Al contrario i fenomeni che hanno avuto maggiore rilievo politico nel nostro tempo, quali la globalizzazione, il multiculturalismo e la crisi della sovranità statale, si presentano quasi come fatti "naturali" di cui prendere atto e da controllare in qualche modo. Senza dubbio sono stati prodotti dagli uomini e dalle loro scelte libere, ma in effetti sono il risultato non voluto di sciami di micro-azioni libere, nessuna delle quali di per sé sarebbe stata capace di conseguenze a livello mondiale. A questo punto non ci resta che cercare di comprendere questo mondo fatto da noi senza propriamente volerlo. Quest'applicazione del socratico "conosci te stesso" all'uomo

Drawing on Wang Guowei’s On the Institutional System of the Yin and Zhou Dynasties, this paper analyzes the dual-dimensional transformation between the Yin and Zhou dynasties: the superficial shift involved ruling clan change and capital relocation, while the fundamental reform lay in institutional and cultural renewal. The Zhou established the feudal patriarchal system (centered on primogeniture and enfeoffment) and the ritual system, fostering the people-centered thought of “revering heaven and protecting the people.” This cultural and moral transformation driven by the Duke of Zhou is termed the “Duke Zhou Revolution,” which profoundly shaped China’s imperial-era development.
(本文以王国维《殷周制度论》为理论依据，剖析了殷周之际的双重维度变革：表层变革体现为统治宗族的更替与都城的迁移，而根本性变革则在于制度与文化的革新。周王朝确立了以嫡长子继承制和分封制为核心的封建宗法制度，同时建立起典礼制度，并由此孕育出“敬天保民”的民本思想。这场由周公主导的文化与道德变革被称作“周公革命”，其深刻塑造了中国帝制时代的发展轨迹。)

L'insistenza con cui oggi si parla di "democrazia deliberativa" ha le sue ragioni, alcune delle quali sono serie e ben fondate. Il mondo del pluralismo ha bisogno più che mai del dialogo, del dibattito, del discorso e della ragione. Per poterne fare a meno dovremmo permettere che ognuno (individui e gruppi) viva come vuole e persegua indisturbato i propri piani di vita. Ma ciò purtroppo non è possibile: corsi d'azione in linea di principio indipendenti necessariamente s'intrecciano e si condizionano l'un l'altro fino all'ingerenza e al danno reciproco; la formulazione dei propri piani di vita quasi sempre richiede la cooperazione di altri e l'intesa reciproca; il riconoscimento della propria identità personale o di gruppo implica che il giudizio degli altri sia parte integrante della percezione personale della bontà della propria scelta. Insomma, più cresce il pluralismo, più aumenta l'interazione e l'intersoggettività. L'atomismo degli individui e dei gruppi è in linea di principio possibile in società omogenee per la cultura e per i valori. Le monadi leibniziane sono tutte eguali e per questo, pur non avendo porte e finestre, riescono a convivere all'ombra di leggi della ragione in cui s'incontrano. L'io penso cartesiano o kantiano non ha identità che lo distingua e, proprio per questo, parla per tutti. Ma, dove c'è diversità, ognuno parla per se stesso, sa che non può erigere la sua identità a legge universale e, proprio per questo, teme che non sia riconosciuta e ha bisogno della conferma proveniente dagli altri. Questo è il processo attraverso cui si costruisce la socialità nel regime del pluralismo. Il diverso è relazionale per definizione, mentre non lo stesso potrebbe dirsi per l'eguale. Il diverso è in una certa misura dipendente, mentre non necessariamente lo è l'eguale. Questo contesto generale (e ancora generico) è lo sfondo della democrazia deliberativa e non bisogna dimenticarlo. È interessante notare che l'attenzione per l'aspetto deliberativo delle procedure democratiche, sviluppatasi intorno agli anni '80, registra nell'ultimo decennio una svolta di rilievo 1 . Originariamente il modello deliberativo era sostanzialmente motivato dall'esigenza d'isolare alcune questioni pubbliche per la cui soluzione sono necessarie informazioni e competenze adeguate. In 1 Per una rassegna degli studi recenti cfr.

Rad upućuje na plodnost kombiniranja sociologijskog i ekonomijskog pristupa analizi institucionalne dinamike, jednog od središnjih fenomena unutar korpusa obiju disciplina. Razlikovanjem neformalnih i formalnih institucija te naglašavanjem uloge tzv. sociokulturnog kapitala (SKK) kao mosta između njih, autor izvodi makrostrukturu institucionalne dinamike. Razmatranje nekoliko empirijskih primjera čvrsto povezuje institucionalnu dinamiku -i njezino inverzno lice, perzistenciju -s konfiguracijom SKK-a. U završnome dijelu autor izlaže skicu evolucijskog modela institucionalne promjene, koji uključuje ograničenu-i-"ukorijenjenu" racionalnost, mehanizam konformističke imitacije i povijesno konfigurirani SKK. By specifying how historical, cultural, political, social, and psychological forces make some equilibria more viable than others, and by articulating tile sources of resistance to change in social systems, sociologists could help transform the study of path-dependent development from historicism into a field in which prediction and comparative assessments are possible. :1141-2) Norme i institucije središnji su interes sociologije od samih početaka. Opsjednutost njihovim mijenama podjednako ispisuju Comte i Spencer, Durkheim i Weber, Merton i Coleman 1. Zašto je tome tako nije teško prozrijeti. Bez odgovora 1