Language politics

This article provides a linguistic and historical introduction to Bishnupriya Manipuri, an Indo-Aryan language spoken by a diaspora community in Assam, Tripura, Bangladesh, and parts of Manipur. It argues that the term "Manipuri" has historically been applied to two distinct linguistic communitiesthe Meiteis (Tibeto-Burman) and the Bishnupriyas (Indo-Aryan)and that the 1968 Manipur Language Bill's exclusive equation of Meitei with "Manipuri" has unjustly erased the Bishnupriya community's linguistic identity. Drawing on colonial records, linguistic surveys, census data, and structural linguistic evidence, the article establishes Bishnupriya Manipuri as an independent language with its own morphology, verbal system, case affixes, and two distinct dialects.

When we come to understand the political choices of the Mizrahi public in Israel we have to consider the almost collective hostility of a wide Mizrahi public towards what is conceived in Israel as Left, following long years of established racism (Mehager, 2020).

During the Renaissance, in a wave of interest in antiquity, interest in the
past of states and peoples developed in territories outside the Roman Empire.
The work of Claudius Ptolemy and his division into European and
Asiatic Sarmatia was eagerly used. As late as the 16th century, thanks to the
writings of Polish historians, Sarmatia became synonymous with the
Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. However, the Sarmatian space was used
in foreign policy – mainly for the expansion of lands to the east, also intended
to unify the society of the huge Polish-Lithuanian state. The Lithuanian
or Ruthenian magnates quickly assimilated the Polish language, and
the great ducal Ruthenian families also made numerous conversions to
Catholicism, which could indicate their Polonisation. In reality, these were
political choices – a desire to belong to a political nation, i.e. the nobility.
This one developed its own culture, called Sarmatian, in which Poles had
the greatest influence. This resulted in a kind of Sarmatisation-
Polonisation of the entire nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Storytelling has often been seen as a political act, a vehicle for cultural survival across its ancient, medieval, modern, or postmodern forms. What the chapter intends to do is see how oral traditions and indigenous languages have simultaneously served as cultural memory repositories and tools of resistance against power structures ranging from colonialism to modern state narratives. The research design is comparative historical cases drawn from India such as Santhal Hul songs, Bhakti and Sufi oral traditions, and Karbi ecological folklore, all woven to a larger kinship of evidence that includes Zapatista oral testimonies, and Aboriginal Dreaming stories. By bringing together cultural studies, political theory, and digital humanities in an interdisciplinary fashion, this chapter captures continuities and transformations in oral traditions. It shows that storytelling has provided grounds for the voicing of counter-histories by marginalized peoples, contests against homogenizing forces, and claims to identity. Epic and bhakti songs challenge orthodoxy while carrying with them the moral-ethical codes of ancient and medieval times. Upward in the trajectory of colonial modernity, oral narratives commandeered voices of resistance against dispossession and exploitation. During the postmodern and digital era, oral traditions received a new impetus through online platforms engendering new cultural resurgence opportunities besides the dark implications of commodification and surveillance. This much, the conclusion holds: storytelling continues to remain the live dynamic practice of resistance and survival in varied epochs but continuing to critical live political power and identity sites.

In sub-Saharan Africa, 89% of children cannot read a simple text with comprehension by age 10, and most receive instruction in colonial languages-English, French, or Portuguese-rather than their mother tongues. This paper investigates whether Mother-Tongue Instruction (MTI) measurably improves Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) achievement and reduces school dropout. Using a six-year longitudinal quasi-experimental design across six sub-Saharan African countries-Kenya, Ghana, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Senegal-the study tracks 4,500 primary school students (2,226 in the MTI cohort; 2,274 in the control group) and 330 teachers from 2018 to 2023. Outcomes include oral reading fluency (ORF) measured in correct words per minute (cwpm), science comprehension scores (%), annual school dropout rates (%), and teacher pedagogical confidence assessed on a validated 100-point scale. Data were drawn from Early Grade Reading Assessment (EGRA) protocols, school administrative registers, and the Teacher MTI Pedagogical Confidence Scale (TMPCS). Analysis employed fixedeffects panel regression, with mediation analysis to assess the reading-to-science pathway. By 2023, MTI students reached a mean oral reading fluency of 61.3 cwpm, compared with 29.6 cwpm in control schools (d = 1.64). Science comprehension scores in MTI schools rose from a mean of 37.5% to 64.6% over the study period-a gain of 27.1 percentage points-substantially above the marginal improvement in control schools. Annual dropout rates in MTI schools fell from 30.1% to 13.9%, while in control schools they remained essentially stable, at 29.2% to 26.2%. Teacher confidence improved by a mean of 31.8 points on the TMPCS (82.4% gain), with Senegal and Zambia recording the largest relative increases. Mediation analysis found that 47% of the MTI effect on science comprehension was mediated by gains in reading fluency. These findings are situated within published evidence from the PRIMR Initiative in Kenya (Piper et al., 2016), the Ethiopian mother-tongue reform (Seid, 2016), and the PASEC 2019 assessment (PASEC, 2020), and carry direct implications for language-in-education policy, STEM curriculum design, and teacher education reform across the continent.

This article studies one of the key-metaphors that has dominated British EU-debates for the past 25 years, i.e. the slogan, Britain at the heart of Europe. The discourse career of this metaphor up to the Brexit referendum shows a decline in its affirmative, optimistic use, and a converse increase of deriding uses to the point of declaring the heart of Europe irredeemably diseased, dead, non-existent or rotten. We argue that these changes in the metaphor scenario of the heart of Europe concept helped to entice the British public to integrate the information supplied by pro-Brexit campaigners into a narrative of a dying EU, which motivated their voting preferences. Even statements that were exposed as factually wrong or implausible before the Brexit referendum were still accepted as fitting the narrative and thus considered as more reliable than unframed pieces of counter-information supplied by the Brexit critics.

The metaphorical categorization of social and political adversaries as “parasites” has an infamous history in public discourse: For two centuries it has been routinely used for the purpose of racial and socio-political stigmatization. In cognitive accounts, theparasite-metaphorhas usually been treated as an example of semantic transfer from the biological to the social domain. Historically, however, the scientific uses cannot be deemed original or primary, as their emergence in the 17th and 18th centuries was preceded by a much older tradition of religious and social meanings. The paper charts the main traditions of diachronic variation in the discourse history of the parasite-metaphor anddiscusses the implications of its findings regarding the assumption of “uni-directionality” of metaphorization processes, which has been a central tenet of cognitive analyses. In conclusion, we ask whether metaphors in political discourse might fruitfully be viewed as a “parasitic” form of communic...

Des morts par dizaines de milliers, des massacres, des tortures, des familles sciemment brûlées avec leur maison, des viols systématiques, des camps, des destructions de villes et de villages, un exode de masse, la famine : cette agression se déroule sur tout le territoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine depuis plus d'un an. C'est toute une population civile et son histoire qui est victime d'une politique de purification ethnique. Face à cette agression, nous voulons tout d'abord dénoncer le principal agresseur, à savoir les nationalistes serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine soutenus, moralement, économiquement et militairement, par le régime nationaliste de Serbie et sa politique de purification ethnique. Nous dénonçons aussi, dans une moindre mesure, les nationalistes croates de Bosnie-Herzégovine. Nous voulons ensuite reconnaître l'agressé comme étant le peuple pluriethnique, Croates, Musulmans et Serbes, de Bosnie-Herzégovine et son gouvernement démocratique. Nous affirmons notre solidarité envers ce peuple et son gouvernement. Nous exprimons particulièrement notre compassion envers les Musulmans de Bosnie-Herzégovine qui sont les principales victimes du nationalisme serbe et de sa politique de purification ethnique. Nous voulons rappeler que le vivre ensemble des Croates, des Musulmans et des Serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine (qui sont tous des Slaves de langue Serbo-Croate) est toujours en acte, malgré les atrocités commises, tant dans le gouvernement et l'armée bosniaque que dans les principales villes encore sous contrôle bosniaque. À Sarajevo, assiégé depuis plus d'un an par les milices nationalistes serbes, on compte toujours plus de 70 000 Serbes sur une population d'environ 300 000 habitants qui, dans l'épreuve, continuent d'affirmer leur volonté de vivre ensemble. Contre toute idée de haine ancestrale et raciste, nous soutenons tous ceux qui en Bosnie-Herzégovine défendent le droit au choix du vivre ensemble. C'est pourquoi nous dénonçons les éléments suivants de la diplomatie ONUsienne : L'incohérence de la résolution 713 du conseil de sécurité ; en effet cette résolution, votée le 25 septembre 1991, décida d'appliquer un embargo sur les ventes d'armes à la fédération yougoslave ; or cette résolution fut suivie, dès décembre 1991, de la reconnaissance, par les principales nations qui avaient voté l'embargo, de l'indépendance des républiques de la fédération yougoslave, et donc de la dislocation de celle-ci ; la résolution 713 s'est alors appliquée, automatiquement et sans plus de débat, aux républiques nouvellement reconnues. Cette résolution et les reconnaissances ultérieures ont ainsi livré la Bosnie-Herzégovine, sans moyens pour se défendre, aux appétits barbares des nationalistes serbes ; Le plan de paix Vance-Owen de l'ONU et la CEE : basé sur la négation du peuple bosniaque (Croates, Musulmans et Serbes) et sur la négation d'un vivre ensemble possible et effectif, il propose comme solution de paix un déplacement massif des populations, c'est-à-dire la version diplomatique de la purification ethnique ; Le rôle de la FORPRONU, force de protection de l'ONU, qui s'avère être au mieux une force d'observation de la purification ethnique au pire un soutien à cette purification ; il est moralement inacceptable que le chef de cette FORPRONU participe aux festivités des nationalistes serbes lors de la Pâques orthodoxe ; boire et manger allégrement avec l'agresseur, pendant que l'agressé meurt de faim, ne peut pas être accepté comme un acte de diplomatie, mais bel et bien comme un acte de collaboration de la diplomatie ONUsiene avec l'agresseur. Nous dénonçons aussi la diplomatie française, tant la présidence que les gouvernements successifs de gauche et de droite, pour son rôle de soutien aux éléments dénoncés de la diplomatie ONUsienne, pour son absence d'expression de solidarité envers l'agressé qui va jusqu'à une politique d'accueil des réfugiés cautionnant la politique de purification ethnique, et pour les réticences qu'elle émet face à toutes sanctions contre l'agresseur. Nous déplorons que les médias, dans une très large majorité, n'assument pas leur devoir d'information et de pédagogie et se contentent d'osciller entre un rôle de porte-parole de la communauté internationale (la présentation du gouvernement bosniaque pluriethnique et démocratique comme "les Musulmans" n'est rien d'autre que la propagande médiatique de la purification ethnique) et entre une exploitation émotionnelle de l'horreur à objectif "audimatique". Nous mettons en garde les opinions publiques, européenne principalement, contre l'indifférence dont elles font preuve face au drame qui se déroule en Bosnie-Herzégovine. En effet la question posée par ce drame est d'abord celle de la nation. La réponse qui l'emporte est celle d'une conception ethnique de la nation, fondée sur le droit du sang et des principes racistes. La conception de la nation basée sur le choix des individus à vivre ensemble et le respect de l'identité de l'autre est totalement niée, tant par la pratique de l'agresseur que par les diplomaties ONUsiennes et européennes. La victoire de cette réponse s'avérera très dangereuse partout sur la planète où des sociétés pluriethniques tentent de coexister (en Serbie tout d'abord avec les Musulmans du Sandjak, les Albanais du Kosovo et les Hongrois de Voïvodine, mais aussi en Afrique du sud, en Israël, aux États-Unis, en ex-URSS, en Afrique noire, en France et dans bien d'autres pays). Le 7 mai 1993. Les signataires tiennent à ce que ces prises de position soient exprimées et défendues dans les débats politiques et médiatiques.

Transylvania was one of the most highly militarized regions of the late medieval Kingdom of Hungary. This study examines the military organization of two Transylvanian Saxon towns, Szeben and Brassó, as well as the ethnic and social composition of their urban military forces in the second half of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century. The findings indicate that the two towns employed different mobilization systems. Most soldiers were recruited from the local Saxon population, though Szekler and Wallachian individuals were also present. In both towns, a significant proportion of the soldiers were originally craftsmen.

Resumo: Apresenta-se uma recensão crítica da obra A Planificação Linguística e as Mudanças Sociais de Robert L. Cooper (1997). O texto analisa a tese central do autor, que postula que a planificação linguística é fruto das transformações sociais e não é neutral. A recensão detalha a estrutura da obra, explorando a distinção entre política de língua e planeamento linguístico, bem como o quadro metodológico proposto por Cooper (descrever, predizer, explicar e derivar generalizações). São examinadas as três dimensões da planificação identificadas pelo autor: de corpus (formal), de status (funcional) e de aquisição (educativa). Conclui-se que a obra oferece um quadro sistemático e interdisciplinar essencial para compreender a gestão da inovação linguística em contextos de transformação social e globalização.

This article offers a comparative study of Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal's Musnad and the al-Kutub al-Sittah from two connected perspectives: content and the geography of hadith transmission. Its central concern is a longstanding assumption in hadith literature, especially associated with the statement attributed to ʿAlī b. Muḥammad al-Yūnīnī, that the Musnad contains almost all the hadiths found in the Six Books, with only a small number of exceptions. The article argues that this widespread view should be tested through systematic quantitative analysis rather than repeated as a general impression. By using digital hadith databases and computer-assisted comparison, it seeks to determine how far the two corpora overlap, where they differ, and what these differences reveal about the history of transmission.

Les politiques nationalistes et internationales exercent des influences diverses sur la valeur économique et le capital social rattachés à des variétés de tamoul, enseignées comme deux langues d’origine différentes dans les écoles des communautés sri-lankaise et indienne et les écoles publiques de langue française et de langue anglaise à Montréal (Québec). En réinterprétant la division locale du travail linguistique en milieu scolaire francophone et anglophone à Montréal, les immigrants indiens et les réfugiés sri-lankais poursuivent chacun de leur côté différentes stratégies pour financer deux programmes d’enseignement de langue d’origine distincts et s’associent avec différents partenaires pour les mettre sur pied. Alors que les Sri-Lankais veulent conserver une variété littéraire du tamoul perçue comme dépositaire de leur patrimoine culturel et liée à leur prétention d’authenticité culturelle, les immigrants indiens veulent pour leur part moderniser leur variété plus familière du...

This paper argues that homelessness in post-Fast Track Land Reform Zimbabwe is not a residual housing deficit or an unintended consequence of rapid urbanisation, but a politically produced condition generated through eviction-led urban governance. Focusing on Operation Murambatsvina (Clear the Filth), and its afterlives and contemporary renewal imaginaries, the paper shows how displacement has been normalised as a routine instrument for regulating poverty, disciplining informality, and reordering urban space. Rather than treating homelessness as visible rooflessness alone, the analysis conceptualises it as eviction-induced unhousing that includes peri-urban warehousing, repeated displacement, insecure and overcrowded rental arrangements, and chronic exposure to demolition threats. Drawing on a multi-sited qualitative approach that combines policy and by-law analysis, public reports, media materials, and field-based testimonies from Harare's rough neighbourhoods, the paper demonstrates how law, planning, administration, policing, and infrastructural abandonment converge to produce what we term eviction infrastructures. We further advance documentary dispossession as a key mechanism within this regime, showing how receipts, offer letters, and regularisation promises operate not as stable protections, but as unstable technologies of conditional belonging that keep residents permanently removable. The paper's central contribution is to show that housing in Zimbabwe has been progressively detached from its function as a basic human need and reconstituted as a conditional good dependent on compliance, administrative legibility, and political recognition. The paper offers a sharper framework for understanding how postcolonial states govern marginal populations through displacement while disavowing responsibility through the languages of legality, order, and urban improvement.

O campO das "língua(gens)" na Bncc: uma reflexãO sOBre O ensinO de pOrtuguês e inglês The field of languages in The BnCC: a refleCTion on The TeaChing of PorTuguese and english "-Quanto a mim, tornou o vigário, só se pode explicar pela confusão das línguas na torre de Babel, segundo nos conta a Escritura; provavelmente, confundidas antigamente as línguas, é fácil trocá-las agora, desde que a razão não trabalhe...-Essa pode ser, com efeito, a explicação divina do fenômeno, concordou o alienista, depois de refletir um instante, mas não é impossível que haja também alguma razão humana, e puramente científica, e disso trato...

During the fellowship period, several publications were completed or prepared for publication. These included a book edited during the project period, a translation into Arabic of a major Hungarian literary work, and a number of journal articles and scholarly studies, some published and others accepted or under review. In addition to publications, the project made possible two international academic presentations. One dealt with sources on Egyptian-Bulgarian relations in the twentieth century and prospects for future research cooperation, presented in an online workshop organized by the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and Sofia University. The other addressed the strategic approaches of Italy and Hungary in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian and American-Iranian wars, delivered in an online workshop organized by the Arabic Department of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The fellowship period also included active participation in university academic life, including doctoral supervision-related discussions, examination activities, and serving as opponent at a PhD defense at ELTE. Overall, the project proved highly productive and contributed meaningfully to scholarship in Arab-Hungarian relations, as well as to wider Middle Eastern and North African studies.

POLITICAL LIVES is a series of biographies of remarkable politicians, scholars and activists that helped shape our societies throughout the XX century.

The fourth issue is devoted to Saunders Lewis (1893–1985).

Lewis was a prominent Welsh politician, writer, academic, and activist whose life and work significantly shaped Welsh cultural and political identity. ​

Born in England to Welsh-speaking parents, Lewis grew up immersed in Welsh language and culture despite his surroundings. ​

After serving as a lieutenant in World War I, he pursued higher education, earning degrees in English and French, and later a Master’s focusing on English poetry’s influence on Welsh writers.

His early career as a lecturer at University College Swansea marked a productive period in his literary and political development, during which he wrote plays, essays, and critiques that laid the foundation for his nationalist philosophy. ​

In 1925, he co-founded Plaid Cymru, the Welsh nationalist party, advocating for a Welsh-speaking society and autonomy from British imperialism.

He is considered to this day one of the most important founders of the Welsh movement and a reference who’s ideas and example have shaped Wales to this day.

In the context of the current refugee crisis, the decision of a number of EU countries to not accept Muslim refugees stirs up discussion and debate among both the European political leaders and the general public. Fears of more terrorism associated with Islam and concerns about Muslims failing to integrate into Christian societies could explain a growing xenophobic rhetoric. This article examines how an online community on the "Debating Europe" platform discursively constructs the religious difference of the out-group of refugees leading to their social exclusion. Adopting the discourse historical perspective

Resumo: O artigo apresenta relato de experiência de processo de formação continuada de professores indígenas Hupd'ah e Yuhupdeh, etnias que necessitam de ações educacionais especícas, por serem de recente contato. A vinda de famílias dessas etnias à cidade tem aumentado nos últimos anos, na busca de seus benefícios sociais, permanecendo longos períodos acampados de forma precária. Essa questão, somada às diculdades enfrentadas na consolidação de suas escolas, motivou a construção de um projeto de extensão do Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Amazonas (IFAM) Campus São Gabriel da Cachoeira, com o objetivo de contribuir para o fortalecimento da Educação Escolar Indígena Diferenciada destes povos. A primeira etapa do projeto consistiu em curso intensivo desenvolvido em janeiro de 2016, integrando teoria e prática em uma composição de diferentes áreas do conhecimento, com dinâmicas de construção coletiva de elementos diferenciados para as escolas, incluindo a elaboração de materiais didáticos da área da literatura e da matemática. Possibilitou ainda uma série de informações e esclarecimentos de dúvidas sobre temas relativos a demandas da sua relação com a cidade, como documentação, benefícios sociais, dinheiro, cartões bancários, empréstimos e juros. Além da produção de materiais didáticos especícos para esses grupos, a formação teve como resultado o exercício dessa construção, o qual pode ser replicado nas escolas, proporcionando a conexão de conteúdos curriculares com seus saberes tradicionais. O trabalho destaca a importância do desenvolvimento de ações diferenciadas de formação continuada de professores para etnias de recente contato, de acordo com suas especicidades, através de equipes multidisciplinares.

In a rush to leave their homeland and seek sanctuary, asylum seekers face substantial difficulties in proving or providing documentation for their asylum claim. Usually, the only 'proof' asylum seekers can rely on is their oral testimony, from which decision makers determine the need for asylum protection. With the end of armed conflict in 2009, Sri Lankan Tamil refugees and asylum seekers (especially those living in the West) experienced pressure and anxiety about their legal status in their host countries. This thesis aims to explore the perspectives and experiences of Sri Lankan Tamil asylum seekers under this post-war context. The research aims to explore how a sample of UK-based Sri Lankan Tamil asylum seekers have experienced their asylum journey since the end of the 2009 war in Sri Lanka. The purpose of this thesis is to focus particularly on the asylum process, that is how asylum seekers reaching host countries under post-war contexts interpret the meaning and understanding of the asylum system and their experiences of this process. This thesis does not aim to understand the asylum system, but to highlight how the marginalized groups understand this system from their 'lived' experiences. After gaining ethical approval from the University and consent from participants, in-depth semistructured interviews and diary writing were utilized to carry out research with 14 asylum seekers. Results: The participants of this study narrated their post war experience as 'nothing has changed' denoting they face continued oppression, persecution, violence despite the end of the war. The continued violence forced the participants to seek asylum in UK. This research identifies the difficulties, barriers and challenges experienced by the asylum seekers as they adapt to the asylum process in the host country. The interviews and diaries were analysed thematically, highlighting a range of dominant themes such as mistrust, credibility, social bonds, and language, which are explored further within this thesis. Overall, the participants responded that the UK asylum system (the Home Office, judges and others handling the asylum cases) treated them as less credible, bogus, criminals, unworthy, liars and system abusers. The participants also experienced a lack of knowledge, professionalism and human empathy among the officials who handle the cases. The participants further concluded that the asylum system approaches the applicants with prejudices, limited country profile knowledge and, ironically, with a decision made even before conducting the interview. The research results also indicate that, despite the end of the war, the participants experienced traumatic situations in both their country of origin and their host nation. The research demonstrates that the common understanding of the particular social group does not match with the asylum seekers' experiences, and hence more empirical investigations are needed in this area to remove this (mis)understanding. The findings of the study recommend strong changes in the procedural, attitudinal, professional, and humanitarian approach while handling such vulnerable groups and proposed recommendations for the immigration system dealing with this population, along with recommendations for future research.

O  artigo  apresenta  uma  análise  da  experiência  do estágio  (tirocínio) docente  no componente“Avaliação  de  proficiência  em  português  língua  estrangeira”  na Universidade Federal da Bahia, enfatizando sua relevância para a formação do aluno-docente na pós-graduação. O estudo tem como objetivos contextualizar a realização do  tirocínio  e  discutir  sua relevância  para  o  desenvolvimento  das  habilidades docentes. Metodologicamente, baseia-se em um relato de experiência estruturado em três momentos: fundamentação teórica sobre avaliação (Scaramucci, 2000; Furtoso, 2008;Quevedo,  2014;DiasSobrinho,  2023)  e proficiência (Scaramuci, 1997;  1998; 2000), descrição da prática do tirocínio e reflexão sobre sua contribuição na formação docente.  Os  resultados  indicam  que  a  avaliação  no  ensino  de  línguas  evoluiude práticas somativas e classificatórias para abordagens formativas e diagnósticas, mais alinhadas à  construção  do  conhecimento  dos  aprendizes.  Durante  o  estágio,  a experiência  com  a  avaliação  da  proficiência  no  exame  Celpe-Bras possibilitou  uma visão  mais  ampla  dos  processos  avaliativos  e contribuiu  para  o  aprimoramento  da prática  docente  dos  envolvidos. Conclui-se  que  o  tirocínio  docente  é  uma  etapa fundamental  na formação  de  professores,  pois  permite  a  articulação  entre  teoria  e prática,  promovendo  a  reflexão  crítica  sobre  o  ensino  e  a  avaliação.
Além  disso, destaca-se a necessidade de aprimorar a formação docente para que a avaliação seja utilizada de forma mais eficaz e contextualizada no ensino de português como língua estrangeira.

Des morts par dizaines de milliers, des massacres, des tortures, des familles sciemment brûlées avec leur maison, des viols systématiques, des camps, des destructions de villes et de villages, un exode de masse, la famine : cette agression se déroule sur tout le territoire de la Bosnie-Herzégovine depuis plus d'un an. C'est toute une population civile et son histoire qui est victime d'une politique de purification ethnique. Face à cette agression, nous voulons tout d'abord dénoncer le principal agresseur, à savoir les nationalistes serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine soutenus, moralement, économiquement et militairement, par le régime nationaliste de Serbie et sa politique de purification ethnique. Nous dénonçons aussi, dans une moindre mesure, les nationalistes croates de Bosnie-Herzégovine. Nous voulons ensuite reconnaître l'agressé comme étant le peuple pluriethnique, Croates, Musulmans et Serbes, de Bosnie-Herzégovine et son gouvernement démocratique. Nous affirmons notre solidarité envers ce peuple et son gouvernement. Nous exprimons particulièrement notre compassion envers les Musulmans de Bosnie-Herzégovine qui sont les principales victimes du nationalisme serbe et de sa politique de purification ethnique. Nous voulons rappeler que le vivre ensemble des Croates, des Musulmans et des Serbes de Bosnie-Herzégovine (qui sont tous des Slaves de langue Serbo-Croate) est toujours en acte, malgré les atrocités commises, tant dans le gouvernement et l'armée bosniaque que dans les principales villes encore sous contrôle bosniaque. À Sarajevo, assiégé depuis plus d'un an par les milices nationalistes serbes, on compte toujours plus de 70 000 Serbes sur une population d'environ 300 000 habitants qui, dans l'épreuve, continuent d'affirmer leur volonté de vivre ensemble. Contre toute idée de haine ancestrale et raciste, nous soutenons tous ceux qui en Bosnie-Herzégovine défendent le droit au choix du vivre ensemble. C'est pourquoi nous dénonçons les éléments suivants de la diplomatie ONUsienne : L'incohérence de la résolution 713 du conseil de sécurité ; en effet cette résolution, votée le 25 septembre 1991, décida d'appliquer un embargo sur les ventes d'armes à la fédération yougoslave ; or cette résolution fut suivie, dès décembre 1991, de la reconnaissance, par les principales nations qui avaient voté l'embargo, de l'indépendance des républiques de la fédération yougoslave, et donc de la dislocation de celle-ci ; la résolution 713 s'est alors appliquée, automatiquement et sans plus de débat, aux républiques nouvellement reconnues. Cette résolution et les reconnaissances ultérieures ont ainsi livré la Bosnie-Herzégovine, sans moyens pour se défendre, aux appétits barbares des nationalistes serbes ; Le plan de paix Vance-Owen de l'ONU et la CEE : basé sur la négation du peuple bosniaque (Croates, Musulmans et Serbes) et sur la négation d'un vivre ensemble possible et effectif, il propose comme solution de paix un déplacement massif des populations, c'est-à-dire la version diplomatique de la purification ethnique ; Le rôle de la FORPRONU, force de protection de l'ONU, qui s'avère être au mieux une force d'observation de la purification ethnique au pire un soutien à cette purification ; il est moralement inacceptable que le chef de cette FORPRONU participe aux festivités des nationalistes serbes lors de la Pâques orthodoxe ; boire et manger allégrement avec l'agresseur, pendant que l'agressé meurt de faim, ne peut pas être accepté comme un acte de diplomatie, mais bel et bien comme un acte de collaboration de la diplomatie ONUsiene avec l'agresseur. Nous dénonçons aussi la diplomatie française, tant la présidence que les gouvernements successifs de gauche et de droite, pour son rôle de soutien aux éléments dénoncés de la diplomatie ONUsienne, pour son absence d'expression de solidarité envers l'agressé qui va jusqu'à une politique d'accueil des réfugiés cautionnant la politique de purification ethnique, et pour les réticences qu'elle émet face à toutes sanctions contre l'agresseur. Nous déplorons que les médias, dans une très large majorité, n'assument pas leur devoir d'information et de pédagogie et se contentent d'osciller entre un rôle de porte-parole de la communauté internationale (la présentation du gouvernement bosniaque pluriethnique et démocratique comme "les Musulmans" n'est rien d'autre que la propagande médiatique de la purification ethnique) et entre une exploitation émotionnelle de l'horreur à objectif "audimatique". Nous mettons en garde les opinions publiques, européenne principalement, contre l'indifférence dont elles font preuve face au drame qui se déroule en Bosnie-Herzégovine. En effet la question posée par ce drame est d'abord celle de la nation. La réponse qui l'emporte est celle d'une conception ethnique de la nation, fondée sur le droit du sang et des principes racistes. La conception de la nation basée sur le choix des individus à vivre ensemble et le respect de l'identité de l'autre est totalement niée, tant par la pratique de l'agresseur que par les diplomaties ONUsiennes et européennes. La victoire de cette réponse s'avérera très dangereuse partout sur la planète où des sociétés pluriethniques tentent de coexister (en Serbie tout d'abord avec les Musulmans du Sandjak, les Albanais du Kosovo et les Hongrois de Voïvodine, mais aussi en Afrique du sud, en Israël, aux États-Unis, en ex-URSS, en Afrique noire, en France et dans bien d'autres pays). Le 7 mai 1993. Les signataires tiennent à ce que ces prises de position soient exprimées et défendues dans les débats politiques et médiatiques.

In recent days, the process of federalization within the Indian Union has become more debatable due to the unequal federal development at various levels. In this context, the issues of state formation in India have become very crucial within the domain of the Indian federal structure. In the 1950s, the nature of demands for a new state was based on the ‘identity’ aspect under federal governance; but at present, the focus has shifted to ‘regional development,’ particularly to the aspects of socio-cultural, economic and political opportunities. The main objective of adopting the federal structure in Indian polity was to promote cultural homogeneity and improved federal governance in all the Indian states. However, the unequal development between the states and lack of socio-economic and political opportunities in society has challenged federalism in India. This situation has opened the door for the emergence of many regional parties, volunteer groups and civil society organiza...

This paper explores Wachipa, a traditional dish of the Kirati community, as more than just food-it is a bridge between culture, medicine, and identity. Using a mix of archival research, blog posts and selected oral accounts, the study looks at Wachipa's ingredients, its ritual meaning, and its healing properties. Although Himalayan ethnomedicine has been documented extensively, most studies focus on plant-based remedies, leaving culinary and animal-derived traditions understudied. Wachipa, made from rice, meat, and bitter herbs, carries nutritional and medicinal benefits while also serving as a cultural symbol and a vessel of memory. It represents continuity across generations, where cooking and sharing the dish becomes a way of remembering and belonging. By examining Wachipa in this light, the paper highlights how it functions not only as a healing practice but also as a cultural archive, positioning it within wider discussions of ethnomedicine, food heritage, and identity politics. Ultimately, Wachipa shows how traditional foods can preserve knowledge, strengthen community, and offer insights into the relationship between health and culture.

Dark tourism is prominently significant for every nation. Iraq is late in developing and preserving the dark sites while many sites exist. The government plays a profound role in the planning, policy-making, and engagement for developing dark tourism. Meanwhile, the local communities' commitment is vital for preserving, managing, and developing the dark sites. Existing resources are national heritage and can be a source of living for residents. The primary purpose of this chapter is to study the co-factors that influence dark tourism development in Iraq. It defines the role of government in developing dark tourism and promoting the local community's support in managing and developing dark tourism sites in their living locations. This research study has taken an explorative case study in which two dark sites, the "Red Museum," in Sulaymaniyah, "the Halabja Monument and the Peace Museum," in Halabja City, are studied. Information is collected from the existing literature while the researchers have personally experienced visiting these sites a few times. Studying dark tourism is crucial, as it has many constraints. First, these sites are considered national heritage and significant belonging for affected people. Therefore, studying these sites requires careful presentation and orientation based on facts and the objectivity of the topic. Since residents may think

This Foreword to Modi's India: Hegemonic Narrative and the Reality of an Authoritarian Regime (2014-2025) deconstructs the "quasi-hegemonic" narrative nowadays prevailing about Narendra Modi’s India. While official rhetoric projects an image of Modi as a transformative "demiurge" leading a rising superpower, this Foreword argues that this "looking glass" version masks a stark reality of institutional decay and economic fragility. Drawing on the volume’s five scholarly contributions, the text explores how a pervasive personality cult has facilitated the hollowing out of democratic institutions and the rise of a "Second Indian Republic." The Foreword challenges the myth of inclusive growth, highlighting instead a model of crony capitalism that exacerbates inequality while suppressing vital economic data. Furthermore, it examines how grand architectural projects and the Hindutva ideology serve as performative tools of social control. Ultimately, the essay suggests that the regime’s reliance on centralised power and religious polarisation creates a structural vulnerability that threatens India’s long-term stability.

Attentive to the demands of the present time, this qualitative, interpretative study aims to reflect on the decolonization of the zone of non-being through language, taking as an example the issue of ethnic-racial relations in the case of the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese [BP] at this historical moment in which BRICS and the Global South emerge on the horizon as means of dismantling the colonialities that sustain the old world order with its abyssal line and its zone of non-being. This research is theoretically anchored in Fanonian-inspired Decolonial Linguistics, also taking into account the epistemologies of crossroads transplanted to these other shores of the South Atlantic as a result of the slave trade sponsored by the European colonial-mercantile enterprise, in addition to revisiting the discussion on language, identity, citizenship, and nationality, carried out by Derrida in The Monolingualism of the Other (1996). Thus, this reflective undertaking aims to contribute to this alternative Linguistics that addresses the geopolitical demands of the Global South, especially those related to a new linguistic education capable of dealing with the issue of ethnic-racial relations involving the dimension of language use in our decolonizing societies.

The aim of the article is to start mapping the variety of approaches and instruments which guide the delivery of services to linguistic minorities. The argument suggests that different institutional processes in Ontario and Wales inform the delivery of selected services and calls for more research on how the politics of recognition is implemented in institutions serving official linguistic minorities.

Attentive to the demands of the present time, this qualitative, interpretative study aims to reflect on the decolonization of the zone of non-being through language, taking as an example the issue of ethnic-racial relations in the case of the teaching of Brazilian Portuguese [BP] at this historical moment in which BRICS and the Global South emerge on the horizon as means of dismantling the colonialities that sustain the old world order with its abyssal line and its zone of non-being. This research is theoretically anchored in Fanonian-inspired Decolonial Linguistics, also taking into account the epistemologies of crossroads transplanted to these other shores of the South Atlantic as a result of the slave trade sponsored by the European colonial-mercantile enterprise, in addition to revisiting the discussion on language, identity, citizenship, and nationality, carried out by Derrida in The Monolingualism of the Other (1996). Thus, this reflective undertaking aims to contribute to this alternative Linguistics that addresses the geopolitical demands of the Global South, especially those related to a new linguistic education capable of dealing with the issue of ethnic-racial relations involving the dimension of language use in our decolonizing societies.

Quella che segue h una disamina della teona della localitfi centrale limltata al funzionamento del sistema di produzlone di tipo girovago all'mterno di un'economia di mercato, propria ch societÿ con sistema commerciale in via di svlluppo. La teoria della locahtfi cenrxale di Waiter Ctmstaller ha a lungo rappresentato, m geografia, un popolare strumento conosciuvo negli smdi sull'urbamzzazione e sui mercati ed h stata largamente adoperata negli studi sullo sviluppo del Terzo Mondo (Berry e Pred 1961; Berry 1962a Berry , 1962b;; La teoria della localitÿ centrale pu6 essere adoperata anche come supporto nell'anahsi di quella che Joseph Berland (1984: 2) ha descritto come: la vahchtÿ ecoculmrale da una dislanta nicchaa girovaga una domanda regolare da bern e servxzi speclalizzati che le comunitfi sedentane e queue nomadl pastorali non possono, o non voghono, sostenere m maniera permanente. Intendo iniziare la discusmone defmendo 1 termini che adoperer6. Passer6 qumdi a rileggere la teoria della localitfi centrale, mettendola in discussione attraverso domande che sono state poste, e contanuano ad essere poste, a proposito dell'esistenza, della poslzione e del sigmficato degli scambi economici tra specific1 gxuppi girovaghi e popolazioni sedentane in mtto 11 mondo. Ho condotto ricerche sul

In Myanmar, the 2011-2020 period—before the February 2021 military coup—has witnessed limited but steadily increasing momentum in terms of introducing ethnic minority languages (as subjects and oral media of instruction) in government schools, a shift liable to bring significant educational and political benefits, while contributing to the preservation of cultural and linguistic diversity. Focusing on Kachin State, this article deals with the underlying challenges and inherent tradeoffs of producing a list of languages (as opposed to mere dialects) to be introduced in formal education. We argue that this educational shift, despite its genuine and multiple potential benefits, also contributes to an ethnolinguistic discretization process, reinforcing the conditions for the mobilization of labels within labels, in fractal patterns, through recursive ideological layers of common languages on the one hand, and the affirmation of ethnolinguistic distinctiveness, on the other. While the political and educational landscape described in this paper has been deeply shaken and transformed by the 2021 military coup (with arguably a strengthening sense of belonging to the Kachin ethnic identity, and a greater attractiveness of the Jinghpaw language) these language politics and decentralization challenges should nonetheless be taken into account, when envisioning the future of education in a federal state.

The article provides a comparative characteristic of the nationally motivated ethnocultural concepts of the 19th century, based on the interpretation of Siberian peoples`history. Finnish nationalism was looking for the ancestral home of the Finns in Altai and tried to connect them with the Turkic-Mongol states of antiquity and the Middle Ages. Under the influence of the cultural and historical theories of regional experts, the Siberian national discourse itself began to form, which was especially clearly manifested in the example of the genesis of Altai nationalism. Russian great-power nationalism sought to make Slavic history more ancient and connected it with the prestigious Scythian culture. If we rely on the well-known periodization of the development of the national movement of M. Khrokh, then in the theory of the Finns`Altai origin, we can distinguish features characteristic of phase "B," when the cultural capital of nationalism gradually turns into political. In turn, the historical research of the regional specialists illustrates the earliest stage in the emergence of the national movement, the period of nationalism not only without a nation but also without national intellectuals. The oblasts are forming the very national environment, which does not yet have the means for its own expression, but it obviously contains separatist potential. At the same time, both the Finnish and Siberian patriots, with their scientific research, solved the same ideological task-to include the objects of their research in the world cultural and historical context, to achieve recognition of their right to a place among European nations. However, Florinsky's theory, performing the function of the official propaganda, is an example of the manifestation of state unifying nationalism, with imperial connotations characteristics of Russia.

The practice of male circumcision is widespread among Muslims worldwide, while the tradition of godparenthood (kirvelik) is not as common. Although this tradition can be found in a broad area stretching from Dagestan to Adana and from Tabriz to the east of Sivas, it can be said that it is a tradition widely practiced in the Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia regions of Turkey. This study examines the godparenthood relationship established between Muslims and Armenians living in the Diyarbakır province during the late Ottoman period. Muslims preferred their Christian Armenian neighbors as well as their co-religionists when choosing godparents. For Muslims, it is noteworthy how a person who does not belong to the Islamic faith can be one of the most important actors in a religious ritual such as circumcision. This study attempts to answer this question. In addition, the role of the godparent relationship in the social relations between Muslims and Armenians and how it is reflected in social life are examined. It has been determined that this tradition contributes to strengthening the relations between the two communities, increasing solidarity, and maintaining social order.

«Бракът» е една от най-важните категории за разбирането на културната особеност и социалните структури във всяко общество. Вариативността на тази категория в исторически и етнически измерения позволява да приемем разнообразието от мирогледни идеи за елементарното ниво на социалния живот – семейството. «Ако понятието «брак» е социална институция, то понятието «встъпване в брак» характеризира индивидуално събитие при формирането на съюз между жена и мъж. «Брачност» означава масов процес на формиране на двойки сред определено население като група от поколения или в едно поколение като съвкупност от хора». В широк смисъл «брачността» е множественост от процеси на сключване на брак и прекратяването му поради развод или смърт на един от съпрузите (в такива случаи категорията «брачност» обхваща и процеси като развод и вдовство). Или «процес на формиране на брачни двойки сред населението, което включва встъпване в първи и втори брак».

Este artigo analisa criticamente os exames de proficiência linguística como instrumentos de certificação, controle e mobilidade no contexto global. A pesquisa adota uma abordagem qualitativa, com elementos descritivos quantitativos, baseada em um questionário online respondido por 70 participantes multilíngues, visando explorar as motivações, os usos e as percepções associadas à realização desses exames. Os resultados apontam para a hegemonia do inglês como língua dominante nos processos seletivos internacionais, bem como para o uso estratégico dos testes como meio de acesso a universidades, empregos e migração. Apoiado por uma fundamentação teórica em políticas linguísticas e poder simbólico, o artigo argumenta que tais exames operam como filtros institucionais que legitimam determinados saberes linguísticos e excluem práticas que não se encaixam nos modelos normativos vigentes. Conclui-se problematizando os regimes de certificação vigentes e defendendo modelos mais inclusivos de validação linguística. Palavras-chave: certificação; exames de proficiência; Exclusão simbólica; Mercado linguístico; política linguística.

This article serves as an introduction to Issue 45 of Moussons, which is dedicated to local languages and education in Southeast Asia. Characterized by its diversity—including linguistically—the region tends to face particularly acute questions regarding language-in-education policies. The stakes associated with these choices are diverse and crucial: (1) preserving linguistic and cultural diversity, (2) ensuring access to education for ethnic/linguistic minorities, and (3) including local identities within national construction processes. After a brief review of key terminology and some considerations on linguistic diversity in Southeast Asia, we outline the arguments in favor of introducing local languages into formal education, the various possible modalities for their use, and the multiple challenges that may stand in the way of such policies. We conclude this introduction with a brief presentation of the six contributions—dealing with Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, the Philippines and Singapore—that make up this issue.

Myanmar is a country of complex ethnic and linguistic diversity, whose independence was founded upon federal principles and compromises. Language-in-education policy has remained a contentious issue since, especially under successive military juntas that had systematically restricted the use of ethnic minority languages in formal education. In contrast, the reform period from 2011 to 2021 saw slow but notable progress: by 2020, 64 minority languages had been introduced as subjects in government schools, and collaboration between non-state ‘ethnic education providers’—often affiliated with ‘ethnic armed organisations’—and the Ministry of Education was gradually improving. However, the 2021 military coup disrupted these advancements, upending Myanmar’s political landscape and triggering conflicts across the country. The coup has also intensified calls for a fundamental reconfiguration of Myanmar’s federal system, while leading to considerably increasing enrolments in non-state education programs, including both longstanding and newly established systems linked to specific ethnic identities. Drawing on a literature review, historical analysis, examination of the current situation, and three case-studies, this article critically assesses the changing role of local languages in education in post-coup Myanmar, highlighting both emerging opportunities and persistent challenges.

India's language politics is frequently theorized as a site of identity contestation or federal negotiation. This paper challenges such reductionism and argues that linguistic conflict in postcolonial India is, fundamentally, a problem of structural power and epistemic hierarchy. The central contention is that colonial-era institutionalization of English within the domains of governance, law, and higher education produced a durable linguistic hierarchy that persisted, through administrative routinization and epistemic normalization, into the postcolonial state, despite formal constitutional commitments to multilingualism. Drawing on a qualitative historical-institutional analysis of colonial language policy, constitutional provisions, administrative practice, judicial structure, and education policy, the paper demonstrates that formal multilingual recognition has not dismantled the structural centrality of English, which continues to mediate access to democratic participation, legal redress, and epistemic legitimacy. Existing scholarship has overwhelmingly focused on linguistic identity mobilization or center-state negotiations, leaving the structural and epistemic dimensions of linguistic hierarchy insufficiently theorized. To address this gap, the paper advances civilizational pluralism as a normative framework grounded in India's pre-colonial tradition of dialogical multilingualism. This framework calls not for the exclusion of English, but for a structural institutional rebalancing that enables meaningful multilingual participation across governance, justice, and knowledge systems. The paper concludes that such rebalancing is a prerequisite for deepening democratic inclusion and strengthening the communicative foundations of nation-building in linguistically diverse polities.

O  presente  artigo  parte  do  caráter  ideologicamente  situado  do  processo avaliativo  do  PNLD  (d)entre  cronotopos  distintos  para analisar  refrações  ideológicas relacionadas a princípios éticos e de cidadania enunciadas em critérios avaliativos que compõem editais do PNLD destinados à avaliação de materiais didáticos para os anos finais do ensino fundamental e para o ensino médio em um período de quinze anos, de 2011  a  2024.  Na  rota  epistemológica  que  orienta  nossas  interpretações  dos  editais, colocamos  em diálogo a concepção dialógica da linguagem delineada pelo Círculo de Bakhtin (Bakhtin,  2015  [1930],  2016  [1953];  Medviédev,  2016  [1928]; Volóchinov, 2017  [1929]), perspectivas  queer  (Miskolci,  2012),  a  concepção  de  criticidade  como prática problematizadora  (Tilio, 2019) e indisciplinar (Tilio; Szundy, 2021) e preceitos da  vertente  indisciplinar  de  Linguística  Aplicada  (Moita  Lopes  et  al,  2006;  Szundy; Fabrício, 2019) para criar inteligibilidades sobre questões de raça, gênero, sexualidade, direitos humanos, entre outras, refratadas em princípios éticos e de cidadania elencados em dez editais. A análise problematiza as alterações sofridas pelos critérios avaliativos a  partir  de  inter-relações  com  os  acentos  valorativos  que  marcam  os  cronotopos macropolíticos em que os diferentes editais circularam.

Logics of Critical Explanation proposed a methodological approach that could render the insights of Poststructuralist Discourse Theory (PDT) and post-Marxist political theory more conducive to critical empirical research. It also offered a language with which to counter positivist tendencies to colonize the space of methods and research strategies, showing how PDT could facilitate both explanatory and critical endeavours. Since its publication in 2007, a number of studies have applied the logics framework to empirical cases, while critically engaging with its methodological and theoretical arguments. The main purpose of this article is to evaluate some of these developments, and to set out some future challenges faced by this research programme.

“Pandits are telling you lies upon lies!” An audience of thousands listen raptly as Prahlad Tipanya sings the poetry of 15th-century mystic, Kabir. Most of them, like Tipanya himself, belong to hereditary castes considered “untouchable” by the traditional elite. “The Brahmins say even our shadows are polluting to touch,” Tipanya discourses between verses, “but Kabir tells us the same divinity exists within all.” Only a few decades ago in the Malwa region of central India, Kabir poetry was performed by a few isolated elderly singers without any audience. Now it is an inextricable part of Malwa’s popular and a marker of identity and solidarity for Malwa’s lower castes.

The first part of the chapter analyzes the performative and discursive processes through which a nationally revered poet-saint is being reinterpreted (perhaps more accurately, reclaimed) as a voice of the subaltern. South Asia’s poet-saints have been immortalized through their verses, steeped in a profound spiritual devotion that historically has both camouflaged and legitimized the poetry’s anti-establishment implications. This section discusses the reformist goals of singers who blend centuries-old South Asian socioreligious principles with distinctly modern ideologies of universal human rights and subaltern identity formation. These are analyzed in comparison to other religious reform movements and in consideration of theoretical critiques of the efficacy and scope of such reform movements.

The chapter then explores societal transformations unanticipated by the Kabir singers, as Prahlad Tipanya has risen to the status of a cultural icon, performing on national and international stages and receiving recognition from the Indian government. Technological modernity is changing the nature of cultural dialogue between the village and the metropolis; the established caste-based framework of social capital is intersecting with newer frameworks of mobility and aspiration. Brahmins in Malwa, mostly poor farmers themselves, are now in the peculiar position of articulating their social superiority over singers who are considerably wealthier, who draw visiting artists and scholars from India and abroad, and who are featured on national radio and television. For many urban listeners, Tipanya’s lower caste status even confers a degree of “authenticity” as an oppressed cultural hero. This section explores broader questions of religious protest singing in relation to social capital and the formation of a “national culture.”

This article links linguistic nationalism and print media by inspecting narratives from four newspapers popular in Assam, a northeast Indian state, at the time when spontaneous mobilizations against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) 2019 peaked. Drawing from the vernacular and regional press, the article departs from the extant literature on the CAA, that mostly dwells on its constitutionality and legality. The present argument explores the scant studies on vernacular print media in Assam, the interplay between this media and collective memory, and the history of Assamese linguistic nationalism vis-à-vis Bengali. With the political crisis activating “memory frames” that viewed the CAA as an “event,” these narratives went far beyond just demands for repealing the law. The article argues that it rekindled colonial-era narratives of “linguistic domination” by Bengali in Assam and aroused fears, real or exaggerated, of the Assamese language and identity becoming extinct. The print media also reflected historical grievances according to which Assam is a neglected and oppressed state. The article paints a complex picture of the anti-CAA stir in Assam with language at its center harboring deep historical concerns that go beyond the recent political shifts and Hindu/Muslim or citizen/foreigner binaries.

Este capítulo busca contribuir a una evaluación crítica de la educación intercultural bilingüe (EIB), un modelo educativo con al menos cinco décadas de desarrollo conceptual e implementación en Hispanoamérica. Cuando este término se acuñó en Sudamérica y la EIB comenzó a influir en la toma de decisiones educativas, las poblaciones amerindias eran en su mayoría monolingües y sus asentamientos principalmente rurales y distantes de los lugares de la hegemonía y el poder. La situación ahora es diferente, pues los individuos y las familias indígenas están también en las ciudades, y hoy parecen afirmar su indigeneidad más que antes. A la luz de estos profundos cambios políticos, sociales, culturales y económicos, se examina la evolución de la EIB para determinar si todavía responde a las diferentes necesidades y expectativas de los niños, jóvenes y adultos indígenas, así como a los igualmente diversos contextos sociolingüísticos que se han configurado a lo largo de la historia de minorización de las sociedades indígenas. Los indígenas pueden ser ahora en su mayoría bilingües pasivos o activos o incluso cada vez más monolingües en la lengua del poder. Analizamos la EIB con los lentes de la ideología del lenguaje, la política y la planificación idiomáticas así como desde la pedagogía. Al hacerlo, esbozamos las principales contribuciones de la EIB a las políticas educativas en relación con la diversidad cultural y lingüística. Se sigue una doble perspectiva, una de arriba hacia abajo que caracteriza a una EIB oficial o gubernamental, y otra de abajo hacia arriba, producto de la agencia indígena. Se concluye con un análisis de los desafíos que enfrenta la EIB e identifica posibles nuevos horizontes para estos y otros emprendimientos político-pedagógicos indígenas.

The Kota “tribe” is an indigenous community of approximately 3,000 people (according to the 2011 Indian Census) inhabiting the upper elevations of the Nilgiris Mountains in South India. Traditionally, the Kota have been occupationally specialized as potters, blacksmiths, and musicians. This paper presents a systematic documentation of the secondary funeral rites, locally known as the “dry funeral,” within the social and ritual structure of the Kota community. The dry funeral documented in this study took place on the full moon day in January 2025. Such ceremonies are typically held once every two to three years, or before the annual cycle of festivals associated with the deities can be performed. The ritual constitutes a major collective event through which the community commemorates the deceased, reaffirms social relations, and ritually renews the moral and cosmological order. This paper discusses the detailed sequence of the secondary funeral rites from Day 1 to Day 6. On Day 1, the ritual procession is led by the senior priest and his wife to the sacred clay source.